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1997

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JIMMY ERNST
SHADOW TO LIGHT
PAINTINGS 1942-1982

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©Arnold Newman 1997

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JIMMY ERNST
SHADOW TO LIGHT
PAINTINGS 1942-1982
Exhibition Curated by

Stanley I Grand
Essays by
Donald Kuspit
Stanley I Grand

E.S. FARLEY LIBRARY
WILKES UNIVERSITY
WILKES-BARRE, PA

©Arnold Newman 1997

SORDONI ART GALLERY
Wilkes University

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Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania

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October 5-November 9, 1997

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ARCHIVES

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Jimmy Ernst:
From Surreal!
Donald Kuspit

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The pall of silence had beet
apparent finality that I feai
behind it.

3

TT immy Ernst called himself "a
I ism," and paintings like Surrea,
J (Blue Max), 1942 (Figure 3) mal

A

Copyright © 1997 Sordoni Art Gallery
All rights reserved

1500 copies were printed
by Unigraphic Color Corporation
Catalogue design by John Beck
Photography by Gary Mamay
Set in Palatine

ISBN 0-942945-12-3

center of the latter is a portrait o
painter Max Ernst, Jimmy's fath
much more than a Dadaist and Si
abstract art—a far-from-tranquil t
transcendental experiences of hi
new contemporary purpose, at c
Once Jimmy realized that 1
captive by Surrealist ghosts," he
1. Jimmy Ernst, A Not-So-Still
Marek, 1984), 249. All subsequent quc
otherwise noted. A Not-So-Still Life i
autobiography of our time, both as s
above all as a demonstration of wha
through. I am not exaggerating; I kn
which a modem artist shows such ii
their relationship.

�Jimmy Ernst:
From Surrealist to Abstract Visionary
Donald Kuspit

The pall of silence had been in place with such
apparent finality that I feared what was hidden
behind it.
—Jimmy Ernst1

T immy Ernst called himself "a child of Dada and SurrealI ism," and paintings like Surreal, 1942 (Figure 2) and Untitled
J (Blue Max), 1942 (Figure 3) make this abundantly clear—at the
center of the latter is a portrait of the German Surrealist
painter Max Ernst, Jimmy''s father. But the adult Jimmy was
much more than a Dadaist and Surrealist: in the silence of his
abstract art—a far-from-tranquil silence—he recapitulated the
transcendental experiences of his youth, and used them to
new contemporary' purpose, at once personal and social.
Once Jimmy' realized that his "talent was ... being held
captive by' Surrealist ghosts/' he was able to make the transi-

1. Jimmy Ernst, A Not-So-Still Life (New York: St. Martin's/
Marek, 1984), 249. All subsequent quotations are from this book, unless
otherwise noted. A Not-So-Still Life is perhaps the greatest artist's
autobiography of our time, both as social and artistic history and
above all as a demonstration of what psychoanalysts call workingthrough. I am not exaggerating; I know of no other autobiography in
which a modem artist shows such insight into his life and art and
their relationship.

tion from adolescence to adulthood. This was an artistic
awareness—a search for something fresh and new, recognizing
that Surrealism had become somewhat old and labored—but
even more crucial, a personal one.2 For the chief Surrealist
ghost was Jimmy's famous father, from whom he had been
more or less alienated since the age of two, when Max be­
trayed Jimmy's mother with Gala Eluard, later to become Gala
Dali. How could Jimmy continue to live off the capital of his
father's art and fame when he felt so ambivalent—to say the
least—about Max, who had abandoned his mother? Max was
notoriously cold, and Jimmy needed warmth, empathy,
intimacy, and—above all—an identity of his own. It was the
classic syndrome of the famous father and the son who "suf­
fered ... painful rejections" by him, ostensibly because his
career was more important than any human relationship, but
more deeply because he was emotionally defective—Max was
a seriously "flawed, often hermetically cold human being," as
Jimmy came to understand. The challenge of Jimmy's career—
indeed, of his life—was to get beyond his father's influence,

2. The decisive moment seemed to have been the 1942 Surrealist
exhibition at the Marian Willard gallery in New York. It became clear to
Jimmy—twenty-two at the time and himself showing in the exhibi­
tion—that Surrealism had "the unmistakable aura not of an alive
movement but rather that of a closed circle of licensed practitioners."

J7-&lt;UUU15

�r
fl':

6 • JIMMY ERNST: SHADOW TO LIGHT

-

4i

persona, and reputation. Until he could do this, he would
achieve nothing as either a person or an artist.
The solution to his problem came directly from his mother,
and more broadly from all the women Max had used and
"discarded at the brightest possible moment" of their relation­
ship—ostensibly in fear that "the end result of emotional
involvements was a detestable prison," but in fact out of
narcissistic inability, rationalized as artistic superiority, to see
beyond himself. Jimmy identified with these hurt, victimized
women: "As a son I had experienced some of the terror that
others, most particularly women, must have felt at the unex­
plained appearance of an impenetrable barrier that would freeze
attempts to approach the inner person." He also identified with
his mother's humanism, as he called it, and even more, with
her saintliness—her ability to rise above her suffering and her
unhappy situation to maintain hope and faith in life. (She fled
Nazi Germany for Paris, but she died in Auschwitz.) Jimmy
also found this quality in Marie-Berthe Aurenche (Max's
second wife) and perhaps above all in Maja Aretz, the Catholic
woman who cared for him after Max had left.
This spirituality also became associated with the churches
and synagogues he attended as a child (on the principle that
he would choose between Judaism—his mother's religion—
and Catholicism—his father's—when he grew up). In particu­
lar, "Cologne's beautiful churches" impressed him with the
"wonder of [their] stained glass windows and altarpieces by
the Rhenish masters." These churches—representing security
and community ("the symbolic Gothic spires of my child­
hood") came to Jimmy's rescue and saved him both from his
father and from Surrealism. Suddenly, at the moment of crisis,
"without any deliberate effort I found the content of my
painting shifting toward a more pronounced Abstraction . ..
certain totally nonfigurative passages on a canvas became
strongly reminiscent of the Gothic church-architecture and
stained-glass windows of my youth." In a sense, Jimmy
experienced an emotional and artistic miracle—a regression in
the service of both his ego and his art. With the help of a
symbol and memory of transcendence, he moved beyond the
"personal biomorphy [and] dependence on Freudian interpre-

tation" demanded by Surrealism and left behind its generally
"literary" character.
He did something more: although he achieved a "sense
of 'immediacy' and 'action on the canvas/" (the abstract
expressionistic norms of the day), he did so on his own terms.
His "linear energy-storms" were not simply gratuitous explo­
sions of the unconscious—blind discharges given nominal
"artistic" shape—but conscious expressions of the need and
wish for transcendence and sublimation. He united expres­
sionist rage—a response to danger and isolation—with faith in
spiritual survival, whatever the emotional and social odds
against him. Hope balanced helplessness, as he himself said.
Grunewald's Isenheim Altarpiece was a beloved model—
indeed, the one unequivocally great work of art for Jimmy. It
juxtaposes, on the one hand, the dramatic, hyperexpressive
image of the very physical Christ crucified and abandoned
and, on the other, the equally dramatic, more subtly expressive
image of the spiritually transfigured and resurrected Christ.
Jimmy's problem was to translate Grunewald's vision into
abstract terms—to liberate its basic spiritual meaning from its
old-fashioned iconography. In short, Jimmy struggled to
synthesize physical impulse and spiritual structure—implic­
itly Gothic (that is, aspirational)—in works that were essen­
tially abstract altarpieces. He eventually succeeded, uniting
expression and construction to new transcendental effect.
In terms of art history, he was ahead of his times, for
according to modernist dictates, expression and construction
are opposites that cannot be united. Nor should they be; each
should be pursued to the limits of its own purity'. In showing
that they could and must converge—that they could form a
viable hybrid, more esthetically and emotionally adventurous
and complex than pure expression or pure construction—
Jimmy was, however unwittingly; a postmodernist.
One of the most striking aspects of Jimmy's works is
their increase in size over the years. This gradual change
demonstrates in physical dimensions his development beyond
his father's Surrealism
his ......
own ....
autonomous
abstraction
- ----------- - to .....
&gt;u.j....... ............
——
autonomous even in terms of the prevailing American abstract
expressionism, however abstract and expressionistic it also

expressionism, however abstrac
was. Max's pictures tend to be s
the size of pages in a book. In fa
books of collage images. Jimmy
this model; Surreal (Figure 2) is
Untitled (Blue Max) (Figure 3) is
twenty-four. There are some sta
the 1940s—Dallas Blues, 1947 (Fi
eight inches. But by the sixties,
1960 (Figure 12), which is fifty b
1964 (Figure 14), which is fifty t
making large works, confirmin'
father and confidence in his ow
works also show his assimilatio
open, expansive space—in shar
even claustrophobic, European
The contrast between the enclo:
Surreal and the broad space of i
Katchina White, 1982 (Figure 25)
The change in style broug'
a shift from hand-me-down "si
called, to a uniquely American
Jimmy's transcendental imager
gious" experience. Mahogany H
Dallas Blues (Figure 7) embody
are a kind of embodied jazz (as
Surrealism to abstraction)—am
experience of Native American
the most authentic, "native" as
that, he spontaneous!}' identify
jazz and the Native Americans
in the West, for they were as so
felt himself to be.
Shortly after he arrived in
two experiences that proved p
the streets of New York, the otl
one day, at
Fifty-ninth Stre
Jinimv witnessed the performa
so p&gt; 1 ack youngsters." He becar

�FROM SURREALIST TO ABSTRACT VISIONARY

lism and left behind its generally

?: although he achieved a "sense
n the canvas,"' (the abstract
day), he did so on his own terms,
/ere not simply gratuitous exploind discharges given nominal
us expressions of the need and
ublimation. He united expresanger and isolation—with faith in
he emotional and social odds
helplessness, as he himself said.
ece was a beloved model—
y great work of art for Jimmy. It
he dramatic, hyperexpressive
irist crucified and abandoned
dramatic, more subtly expressive
igured and resurrected Christ,
slate Griinewald's vision into
basic spiritual meaning from its
i short, Jimmy struggled to
nd spiritual structure—implicd)—in works that were esseneventually succeeded, uniting
j new transcendental effect.
; was ahead of his times, for
is, expression and construction
ited. Nor should they be; each
ts of its own purity. In showing
rerge—that they could form a
and emotionally adventurous
sion or pure construction—
igly, a postmodernist.
aspects of Jimmy's works is
,’ears. This gradual change
insions his development beyond
wn autonomous abstraction—
he prevailing American abstract
ict and expressionistic it also

expressionism, however abstract and expressionistic it also
was. Max's pictures tend to be sub-easel in scale—more or less
the size of pages in a book. In fact, his most famous works are
books of collage images. Jimmy began his career following
this model; Surreal (Figure 2) is twelve by sixteen inches, and
Untitled (Blue Max) (Figure 3) is not much larger, twenty by
twenty-four. There are some standard easel-size works from
the 1940s—Dallas Blues, 1947 (Figure 7) is thirty-six by twenty­
eight inches. But by the sixties, with such works as Rimrock,
I960 (Figure 12), which is fifty by sixty inches, and Icarus 64,
1964 (Figure 14), which is fifty by forty, Jimmy had begun
making large works, confirming his independence from his
father and confidence in his own ideas and ability. The large
works also show his assimilation of an American sense of
open, expansive space—in sharp contrast to the cramped,
even claustrophobic, European space in his father's pictures.
The contrast between the enclosed, impoverished space of
Surreal and the broad space of infinitely extending figures in
Katchina White, 1982 (Figure 25) makes the point succinctly.
The change in style brought with it a change in content—
a shift from hand-me-down "sumaturalism," as it might be
called, to a uniquely American content, which came to serve
Jimmy's transcendental imagery as much as his early "reli­
gious" experience. Mahogany Hall Stomp, 1946 (Figure 6) and
Dallas Blues (Figure 7) embody Jimmy's response to jazz—they
are a kind of embodied jazz (as they are also transitional from
Surrealism to abstraction)—and Katchina White reflects his
experience of Native American ritual. For Jimmy, they were
the most authentic, "native" aspects of America. More than
that, he spontaneously identified with the blacks who created
jazz and the Native Americans confined to their reservations
in the West, for they were as socially outcast and rejected as he
felt himself to be.
Shortly after he arrived in the United States, Jimmy had
two experiences that proved particularly formative—one on
the streets of New York, the other in the New Mexican desert.
One day, at the Fifty-ninth Street entrance to Central Park,
Jimmy witnessed the performance of "a spasm band of nine or
so black youngsters." He became so fascinated with their jazz,

7

that he joined the band as "collector of contributions, [which]
seemed to astound the pedestrians." Black boys were sup­
posed to work for white boys, not the other way around. One
night one of the band members took him to Carnegie Hall to
hear a jazz concert devoted to Spirituals to Swing. "I had the
feeling of being an eavesdropper at a private event. More than
a performance, each musician seemed to communicate far
beyond instrument and voice." This became Jimmy's ambi­
tion: to make pictures as full of "subtle tonalities [and] deep
empathy" as jazz and to emulate its method of improvisation
and skat. In other words, to improvise visual skat—which is
one way Jimmy understood abstraction.
The other formative component was also supplied by a
musical event when he witnessed the annual Hopi Snake
Dance. "The ceremony was performed by richly painted
dancers who to the insistent rhythm of drums and an almost
monotone chant moved in a contracting circle toward a pit in
the center of the village's plaza from which each man pulled a
pair of writhing rattlesnakes." It was a "Surrealist spectacle,"
as Jimmy said (that is, archaic in import), but it was also a
fertility ritual—a rain dance intended to make the desert
bloom—with profound social import. What made it especially
moving for Jimmy was that it was "the expression of a people
rather than of isolated artists, and yet each one of them was
highly individual, as if calling out from one soul to another."
This was crucial for Jimmy: William Baziotes—a surrogate
father figure who was as emotionally good to Jimmy as Max
was bad for him—had argued that "'meaningful art' ... could
occur only within groups who shared a totally common
experience. Or in a time ... when the artist's subject matter
ran fairly parallel to a predominant belief." Jimmy was deter­
mined to make art that was meaningful in these terms—"great
art [that] would be based on anonymity rather than personali­
ties"—on shared beliefs and communal concerns, not the self­
expression of isolated individualists (such as Max). Jazz was
one kind of communal, spiritual art; the Snake Dance another.
Jimmy's was to be a third, at once as personal as jazz and as
social as the Snake Dance.
One final experience, even more personal and intimate

�•

1

JIMMY ERNST: SHADOW TO LIGHT

them the way myth predates history—informs the spiritual
vision of his mature works. Ever since childhood, he had been
"intrigued by bodies of water washing against reeds, grasses
and trees."3 More particularly, the sensation of being "in a
lake, in a pond, very still water, with insects skating on the
water," haunted him.4 The patterns these insects made seemed
improvised and abstract—a particularly intense, spontaneous
form of skat. But the awareness of water had a highly personal
meaning. As Jimmy writes in A Not-So-Still-Life, his earliest
memory is of "my mother holding me in her arms, letting the
mysterious water [she was standing in] cover my legs. Sud­
denly the mirrorlike surface ahead of me was broken." It was
Max, rising from the depths. "He raised his arms to me, and
Lou was lifting me toward him. I became aware of innumer­
able long-legged, water-skating insects on the glassy surface
surrounding Max's body and I began to scream and struggled
against being handed over. Max's face went dark and angry;
he turned and swam away."
This emotionally complicated experience has been
interpreted psychoanalytically by Gilbert Rose, a friend of
Jimmy's.5 For me, what is important about the event—in effect
a screen memory—is Jimmy's acute awareness of physical
detail, as well as his association of the water with Iris mother.
His prescient rejection of Max adds a touch of instinctive
aggression: aggressively articulated detail, as endlessly
proliferating and as crystal clear as ripples, is exactly what we
find in Rimrock, 1960 (Figure 12), which hovers on the border
between natural observation and pure abstraction. The experi­
ence of the placid maternal water, shattered by his father's
intrusive body, is transposed to stone, engraved as though for

3. Unpublished statement, dated August 27, 1983.
4. Jimmy Ernst with Francine du Plessix, "The Artist Speaks:
My Father, Max Ernst," Art in America (November/Decemberl968): 54.
5. Gilbert Rose, The Power of Form: A Psychoanalytic Approach to
Aesthetic Form (Madison, Conn.: International Universities Press, 1992,
expanded edition), 102. Jimmy is the character called Bruno.

eternity—materialized in a substance as elemental, enduring,
and basic to life as water. The horror vacui made evident
compensates for his father's empty place—the emptiness he
felt at his father's rejection and abandonment. (Why did Max
swim away? Is it not supremely narcissistic to be offended that
an infant does not want you to hold him?)
This same experience—the sense of a tranquil, fragile
surface broken but not entirely shattered, and thus intact for
all its "suffering," for the swarm of buglike details that disrupt
its clarity and make it dangerous—appears in what is in effect
the broken stained-glass-window look (stained glass being yet
another kind of liquid surface) of such later grand, murallike
works as Oceania, 1963 (Figure 13), which might be seen as
Max's monstrous presence shattering the peace; Homage to
Edgar Varese, 1965 (Figure 15), honoring a visionary of musical
improvisation; and Only Yesterday, 1968 (Figure 17), among
other works. A highly detailed surface is "disturbed" by
enormous fault lines—huge flaws—that nonetheless do not
destroy. The silence of the scene—the intimacy with the
mother—is broken by the noisy father, but it remains intact,
however precariously. Even the row of shamanistic person­
ages in Katchina White—Katchina dolls represent the religious
figures in the sacred performances—seems to disrupt the
surface, but not to undermine it. Perhaps the experience is
embodied most obviously in Sea of Grass (Black on Black), 1982
(Figure 27), one of a series in which Jimmy deals directly with
the fascination water washing against grass held for him. Here
apparently, its depressing aspect—the unhappy effect of Max's
sudden presence in the water—is conveyed.
The idiosyncratic mixture of personal and transcendental
experience that informs Jimmy's art, conceived as a sublima­
tion of rejection and ostracization, is perhaps nowhere more
evident than in Icarus 64, 1964 (Figure 14), one of many works
devoted to the theme. On Winter Nights (With Louis Simpson),
1982 (Figure 26) is another. The ambiguous figure of Icarus—
half-flying, half-falling—is overlaid on what is essentially a
poem about death. Icarus's feathers are as marvelously
detailed as the shards of liquid glass and hold together with
the same uncertainty. Jimmy was as obsessed by the story of

Icarus as he was by water. Indeed, u
Icarus fell from the sky into the sea,
the myth of Icarus is a classic story c
ship between father and son.
Jimmy had an unusual respons
first heard it as a student in the Gyn
"Icarus' destruction was the result c
father's commands to avoid soaring
melt the wax that held his wings tor
moisture from the sea would make"
endear myself to the rigid tutors by
indeed at fault, not for disobedience
first place, unquestionably trusted e
by his father, Daedalus, whose geni
entrap the monster Minotaur on Cn
"only Daedalus would live to tell th
father's view of what happened. In
offers another version of the story. I
it were, his sister's son Perdix, who
charge to be taught the mecha
apt scholar and gave striking t
ity. Walking on the seashore h&lt;
of a fish. Imitating it, he took i
notched it on the edge, and th:
He put two pieces of iron toge
at one end with a rivet, and sh
ends, and made a pair of comp
so envious of his nephew's pe
took an opportunity, when ths
day on a high tower, to push I

in other words, Icarus did not fall t
of his own arrogance but because o
Daedalus "was so proud of his ach
bear the idea of a rival," as Bulfincl

6. Thomas Bulfinch, The Age ofFable

�FROM SURREALIST TO ABSTRACT VISIONARY

^stance as elemental, enduring,
torror vacui made evident
npty place—the emptiness he
1 abandonment. (Why did Max
y narcissistic to be offended that
hold him?)
le sense of a tranquil, fragile
■ shattered, and thus intact for
m of buglike details that disrupt
us—appears in what is in effect
ow look (stained glass being vet
of such later grand, murallike
13), which might be seen as
ttering the peace; Homage to
honoring a visionary' of musical
day, 1968 (Figure 17), among
surface is "disturbed" by
iws—that nonetheless do not
ie—the intimacy' with the
y father, but it remains intact,
e row of shamanistic personna dolls represent the religious
aces—seems to disrupt the
it. Perhaps the experience is
ea of Grass (Black on Black), 1982
,'hich Jimmy deals directly with
against grass held for him. Here
ict—the unhappy' effect of Max's
-is conveyed.
; of personal and transcendental
r's art, conceived as a sublimaion, is perhaps nowhere more
(Figure 14), one of many' works
'er Nights (With Louis Simpson),
e ambiguous figure of Icarus—
irlaid on what is essentially a
ithers are as marvelously
i glass and hold together with
i’as as obsessed by the story of

Icarus as he was by water. Indeed, water is significant here—
Icarus fell from the sky' into the sea, where he drowned. And
the myth of Icarus is a classic story' of the ambiguous relation­
ship between father and son.
Jimmy’ had an unusual response to the story' when he
first heard it as a student in the Gymnasium in Germany.
"Icarus' destruction was the result of not having obeyed his
father's commands to avoid soaring so high the sun would
melt the wax that held his wings together, or so low that
moisture from the sea would make them heavy. I did not
endear myself to the rigid tutors by’ agreeing that Icarus was
indeed at fault, not for disobedience, but for having, in the
first place, unquestionably' trusted artificial wings fashioned
by his father, Daedalus, whose genius had enabled him to
entrap the monster Minotaur on Crete." As Jimmy remarked,
"only’ Daedalus would live to tell the tale." The story is a
father's view of what happened. In fact, Thomas Bulfinch
offers another version of the story'. Daedalus had a stepson, as
it were, his sister's son PerdLx, who was put under his

charge to be taught the mechanical arts. He was an
apt scholar and gave striking evidences of ingenu­
ity. Walking on the seashore he picked up the spine
of a fish. Imitating it, he took a piece of irony and
notched it on the edge, and thus invented the saw.
He put two pieces of iron together, connecting them
at one end with a rivet, and sharpening the other
ends, and made a pair of compasses. Daedalus was
so envious of his nephew's performances that he
took an opportunity, when they were together one
day on a high tower, to push him off.6
In other words, Icarus did not fall to his death solely because
of his own arrogance but because of his father's envy. Just as
Daedalus "was so proud of his achievements that he could not
bear the idea of a rival," as Bulfinch states, so Max was so

6. Thomas Bulfinch, The Age ofFable (New York: Heritage, 1942), 162.

•

proud of his achievements he could not bear the idea of a
rival—even his own son. Where Daedalus literally killed his
stepson—pushing him from the same high tower he and
Icarus flew from—Max in effect "soul murdered" his (to use
the psychoanalyst Leonard Shengold's terminology). But
Jimmy survived by becoming angry: "A strange anger sud­
denly took possession of me. The ancient dilemma: Should a
son make use of wings fashioned by his father? I bolted from
the building and delivered myself of a tirade against all
painting." He also ran to his mother for succor.
The flight of Icarus is as much a parable of ambition that
overreached itself—that understood no limits—as it is of
rebellion against the father. It is an archetype of the wish to
transcend—to fly higher than the world and one's father—and
the failure to do so. Jimmy's mature works combine images of
successful and unsuccessful transcendence in a single abstract
vision. Just as the water was broken and disturbed by the
apparition of Max, so transcendence makes a broken, dis­
turbed appearance in such works as Across a Silent Bridge,
1957, Sentinel, 1967, Another Silence, Twice, both 1972, and Due
North, 1972-73 (Figures 11, 16, 20, 21, and 22), among many
other works. The central, confrontational, emblematic, apparitional, abstract constructions that appear in these works—at
once communal, Katchinalike figures and symbols of radical
autonomy and individuality—are all versions of Icarus, at
least in my opinion. The fate of Icarus haunted Jimmy, how­
ever unconsciously, all his life. Icarus was the obverse of
Daedalus Max, and the question was whether to wear the
Surrealist wings he fashioned or forge one's own.
After attempting to obediently wear his father's wings,
and finding they were a bad fit and that he could no longer fly
far with them in the different artistic atmosphere of America,
Jimmy finally managed to forge his own ingenious artistic
wings—indeed, to soar, truly transcend, with them. He did
ironically: by turning the figure of failure—the Icarus who
wore his father's wings and got nowhere with them—into ;
symbol of successful selfhood. Indeed, there is a certain irony
in Due North, which can be interpreted both as the shrine
Daedalus built for his dead son and as Icarus's transfigured

�10

•

JIMMY ERNST: SHADOW TO LIGHT

and resurrected figure. The same can be said for Sentinel and
the other mysterious abstract figures that haunt Jimmy's
pictures. Griinewald remains the consistent paradigm: the
transformation of the crucified Christ into the resurrected
Christ becomes the transformation of the falling Icarus into
the rising hero. It is now a strong new Jimmy who emerges
out of the silence of the past, as Self-Portrait When Last Seen Out

of the Past, 1961, suggests (Figure 9 is an earlier study for this
.
painting). He has become strong where he was wounded, as
J HllUiy BlElSt
the sturdy, supporting structure of Another Silence and Homage J
i
to Edgar Varese indicates: what were once fault lines—breaks in
tilC Tlddi-tl
the surface—have become flying buttresses. In these and
similar works, Jimmy has ingeniously created an indestruc­
tible cathedral of the self.
Stanley I Grand

We cannot accept the anti-h
culture is a mere servant or
aims. The seeds of aesthetic
any people have always bee
and discovered by philosop

~iT n his remarkable memoir A A
recounts his reaction on first se
JL (c. 1525-1569) Landscape with
Musees Royaux des Beaux-Arts ds
Parisian exhibition. A youngster a
painting and what it represented sc
of the exhibition hall. Yet despite t
later years the Icarus legend becarr
painting [Icarus 64, Figure 14] and
the myth forms the autobiography
question of Jimmy's growing up:"
son make use of wings fashioned
Like Icarus, Jimmy was the
artificer, the painter Max Ernst. I
So-Still-Life contains a flight to fr
however, where the son falls to J

1. Jimmy Ernst, "A Letter to A
Journal 21, 2 (Winter, 1961-62): 68.
2. Jimmy Ernst, A Not-So-Stil
Marek, 1984), 78.

�[Figure 9 is an earlier study for this
strong where he was wounded, as
ructure of Another Silence and Homage
what were once fault lines—breaks in
le flying buttresses. In these and
s ingeniously created an indestruc-

!

Jimmy Ernst
and the Tradition of the Artist-Intellectual

I

Stanley I Grand

We cannot accept the anti-humanist concept that
culture is a mere servant or tool of political or social
aims. The seeds of aesthetic and social aspirations of
any people have always been anticipated, sensed
and discovered by philosophers, poets and artists.
—Jimmy Ernst1
Tro his remarkable memoir A Not-So-Still Life, Jimmy Ernst
j recounts his reaction on first seeing the Elder Pieter Bruegel's
-JL (c. 1525—1569) Landscape with the Fall of Icarus (c. 1558,
Musees Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, Brussels) at a
Parisian exhibition. A youngster at the time, Jimmy found tire
painting and what it represented so upsetting that he stormed out
of the exhibition hall. Yet despite this inauspicious encounter, in
later years the Icarus legend became important in both Jimmy's
painting [Icarus 64, Figure 14] and writing. Indeed, in many ways,
the myth forms the autobiography's subtext since it poses the key
question of Jimmy's growing up:"The ancient dilemma: Should a
son make use of wings fashioned by his father?"2
Like Icarus, Jimmy was the son of a famous artist/
artificer, the painter Max Ernst. Like the Icarus legend, A NotSo-Still-Life contains a flight to freedom. Unlike the myth,
however, where the son falls to his death, here he manages to

1. Jimmy Ernst, "A Letter to Artists of the Soviet Union," Art
Journal 21, 2 (Winter, 1961—62): 68.
2. Jimmy Ernst, A Not-So-Still Life (New York: St. Martin's/
Marek, 1984), 78.

evade the tightening noose of National Socialism, while the
father—whom the Nazis officially labeled a Degenerate Artist
in 1937—barely manages to escape to America. Jimmy's
mother Louise Straus-Ernst, on the other hand, died at Ausch­
witz. A Not-So-Still-Life, then, is a coming-of-age saga that is
simultaneously part biography and part autobiography. It
includes the artist's youth in Weimar, Germany, his flight from
Europe, a new life in America, and the loss of his parents (the
book begins and ends with a parent's death). Complete with
cameo appearances by the leading European Modernists, it
describes a personal odyssey through the labyrinth of twenti­
eth-century art and politics. On another level it is a partial
biography of the father as witnessed, frequently from afar, by
the son. That the tone of the book is often dark is indicated by
tine evocative, poetic chapter titles: "An Echo Etched in Smoke,"
"A Cage of Nightmares," "The Luxury of Sadness," "Darkness
Uber Alles," or "Some Desperate Dances." In sum, the book is a
modern parable, an allegory, a contemporary Pilgrim's
Progress, and an eloquent apologia pro vita sua. As Diane
Waldman observed: "In both his extraordinary autobiography
. .. published shortly before his death, and in his last paint­
ings, he indeed came to terms with both his life and his art."3
Although "extraordinary," the book is part of a long
tradition of artists' writings, a tradition that Jimmy Ernst
knew. While growing up in German)' he had had the benefit of
a Gymnasium education. His mother, an art historian and

3. Diane Waldman, "Introduction" in Jiininy Ernst: A Survey,
1942-19S3 (East Hampton, N.Y.: Guild Hall Museum, 1985), 9.

i

�. JIMMY ERNST: SHADOW TO LIGHT

journalist, reared him in a home where both the written word
and images were valued highly. Later, when Jimmy himse
began to write, he consulted and quoted from Goldwater and
Treves's Artists on Art? In the catalogue that accompanied
Jimmy's Retrospective at the Guild Hall Museum (1985),
Frank Getlein stated that Jimmy was "arguably the most
literate American artist of his generation."5 (High regard
indeed when one considers that this company included Robert
Motherwell, Ad Reinhardt, and Barnett Newman.)
A Not-So-Still-Life adds to an extensive written heritage
that stretches back to the Classical era. Although vast, this
literature is not well known to non-specialists. Consequently,
in order to appreciate fully Jimmy Ernst's contribution, a brief
overview of the landscape would be helpful. (Since compre­
hensiveness cannot be attempted in a short essay, bear in mind
that the following examples represent a personal, even idiosvncratic, selection from the Western tradition.)
This survey begins with the High Classical sculptor
Polvclitus (active between c. 450 and 405 b.c.) who wrote a
famous, but now lost, treatise on human proportion called the
Canon. Somewhat later, during the Late Classical era, the minor
sculptor Xenocrates of Sikyon (active first half of the third century
b.c.) wrote a book that evaluated and criticized artists according to
certain aesthetic criteria. Reflecting the refined taste exemplified
by Lysippus' (active second half of the fourth century b.c.) new
canon of proportion, Xenocrates praised Polyclitus for his employ­
ment of contrapposto but faulted him for the excessively monoto­
nous heaviness of his figures. Although no longer extant, Xeno­
crates' text informed much of Pliny the Elder's Natural History.
Not to be dependent on the astuteness of other critics, Apelles
(active in the fourth century b.c.), the most famous painter of

4. Jimmy Emst, "Freedom of Expression in the Arts II," Art
Journal 25,1 (Fall 1965): 46, n.l. He quotes a letter from Courbet
included in Robert Goldwater and Marco Treves, Artists on Art from the
XIV to the XX Century (New York: Pantheon, 1945).
5. Frank Cetlein, "Jimmy Ernst in Retrospect," Jimmy Ernst: A
Survey, 1942-1983 (East Hampton, N.Y.: Guild Hall Museum, 1985), 12.

his day wrote a treatise on his own art, which boasted that he
knew when to remove his hand from the painting.
Despite the contributions from antiquity, the rich tradition
of writing artists has its roots in the intellectual imperative
forged during the quattrocento (the 1400s) in Italy, namely that
the painter is an intellectual, not a craftsman, that creating art
is a mental endeavor, and that the role of the artist is to ad­
vance the store of human knowledge. Thus, during the Renais­
sance as individuals and society became ever more complex
and self-conscious, as Classical learning was rediscovered and
absorbed, as urban based economies rapidly developed, and
as thought became increasingly secularized; artists were no
longer content to write studio manuals like Cennino Cennini's
(c. 1370 to c. 1440) Il Libro dell'Arte (written c. 1400).
While seeking to differentiate themselves from craftsmen
and become identified as humanists, artists were stigmatized
by what they regarded as an unfortunate oversight: painting
was not included among the Seven Liberal Arts. Typically
divided into the quadrivium (arithmetic, astronomy, geometry,
and music theory) and the trivium (grammar, rhetoric, and
logic), the liberal arts represented activities of the mind in
contrast to those of the "vulgar" or manual arts. Worse,
although poetry could boast of authoritative and ennobling
ancient texts—Aristotle's Poetics and Horace's Ars poetica—no
similar theoretical works existed for the art of painting.
Nonetheless, since both Aristotle and Horace, the latter in a
famous simile Lit pictura poesis ("as is painting so is poetry" or
as it came to be understood "as is poetry so is painting"), had
commented on certain correspondences between painting and
poetry, art theoreticians came to equate the "sister" arts.
Significantly, Cennini, without mentioning Horace, linked
painting and poetry; and somewhat later, Leonardo stated
flatly that painting is the superior art. The full development of
the theoretical implications of Ut pictura poesis, however, was
concurrent with the rise of art academies commencing at the
end of the sixteenth century.
During the Renaissance, on the other hand, artists were
often more concerned with advancing the scientific aspects of
their art. No longer content merely to codify studio practices,

numerous artists engaged in studies that clearly belong w
the quadrivium. Their interest in perspective is a case in°pc
Rediscovered by Filippo Brunelleschi (1377-1446) or at le
first publicly demonstrated by him, the basic laws' of line;
mathematical perspective captured the imagination of me
of the foremost quattrocento artists. Paolo Uccello (1397-h
according to Vasari, was so enamored with perspective, h
"sweet mistress," that he refused his wife's entreaties to c
to bed. Leon Battista Alberti (1404-1472), a close friend of
Brunelleschi s, made a detailed study of tine subject. Pierc
della Francesca (c. 1410/20-1492), also of a theoretical bei
wrote De pi aspect iva pingendi as well as other works on m
ematics and perspective (Del abaco and Libellus de quinque
corporibus regularibus). When his eyesight failed, Piero, on
the greatest of a great generation of painters, gave up his
and devoted himself to writing works that went beyond
solving studio problems and into the realm of mathemati
speculation. Another master of perspective, and one of tJ
foremost painters of Baroque illusionistic ceilings (Sant'
Ignazio, Rome is his masterpiece), Andrea Pozzo (1642-1
published Perspectiva pictorum et architectorum (2 vols., 16
and 1700). This exceedingly influential study—it appears
many editions and translations, including Chinese—diss
nated widely the Roman convention of quadratlira ceiling
decoration in which illusionistically painted architecture
elements appear as extensions of the actual architecture.
Artists during the Renaissance approached proport
well from a humanistic point of view. Although artists li
Lysippus had based their rules on a study of nature—Lysif
used to say that "whereas his predecessors had made mt
they really were, he made them as they appeared to be"
Nat. Hist. XXXIV, 65)—in the centuries following the dec
the Ancient world, art became less concerned with natui
proportions. By the Gothic era, authors such as the archi
Villard d'Honnecourt (active in the thirteenth century) F
reverted to a pre-classical aesthetic wherein proportions
determined schematically and ornamentally, often with;
any interest in the proportional relationships of the varii
parts of the body. Reflecting the Renaissance's new scier

�THE TRADITION OF THE ARTIST-INTELLECTUAL • 13

[rich boasted that he
tainting.
ty, the rich tradition
ctual imperative
n Italy, namely that
an, that creating art
he artist is to ads, during the Renais/er more complex
as rediscovered and
ly developed, and
1; artists were no
? Cennino Cermini's
c. 1400).
Ives from craftsmen
5 were stigmatized
versight: painting
Arts. Typically
ronomy, geometry’,
ar, rhetoric, and
of the mind in
arts. Worse,
'e and ennobling
:e's Ars poetica—no
of painting,
ce, the latter in a
ng so is poetry" or
is painting"), had
ween painting and
"sister" arts.
Horace, linked
eonardo stated
ull development of
•sis, however, was
mmencing at the
land, artists were
□entific aspects of
,’ studio practices,

numerous artists engaged in studies that clearly belong within
the quadriviuni. Their interest in perspective is a case in point.
Rediscovered by Filippo Brunelleschi (1377-1446), or at least
first publicly demonstrated by him, the basic laws of linear or
mathematical perspective captured the imagination of many
of the foremost quattrocento artists. Paolo Uccello (1397-1475),
according to \ asan, was so enamored with perspective, his
"sweet mistress,' that he refused his wife's entreaties to come
to bed. Leon Battista Alberti (1404-1472), a close friend of
Brunelleschi's, made a detailed study of the subject. Piero
della Francesca (c. 1410/20-1492), also of a theoretical bent,
tvrote De prospectiva pingendi as well as other works on math­
ematics and perspective (Del abaco and Libellus de quinque
corporibus regularibus). When his eyesight failed, Piero, one of
the greatest of a great generation of painters, gave up his art
and devoted himself to writing works that went beyond
solving studio problems and into the realm of mathematical
speculation. Another master of perspective, and one of the
foremost painters of Baroque illusionistic ceilings (Sant'
Ignazio, Rome is his masterpiece), Andrea Pozzo (1642-1709)
published Perspectwa pictontm et architectorum (2 vols., 1693
and 1700). This exceedingly influential study—it appeared in
many' editions and translations, including Chinese—dissemi­
nated widely the Roman convention of quadratura ceiling
decoration in which illusionistically painted architectural
elements appear as extensions of the actual architecture.
Artists during the Renaissance approached proportion as
well from a humanistic point of view. Although artists like
Lvsippus had based their rules on a study of nature—Lysippus
used to say’ that "whereas his predecessors had made men as
they really’ were, he made them as they appeared to be" (Pliny,
Plat. Hist. XXXIV, 65)—in the centuries following the demise of
the Ancient world, art became less concerned with naturalistic
proportions. By' the Gothic era, authors such as the architect
Villard d'Honnecourt (active in the thirteenth century) had
reverted to a pre-classical aesthetic wherein proportions were
determined schematically and ornamentally, often without
any interest in the proportional relationships of the various
parts of the body. Reflecting the Renaissance's new scientific

approach, however, Albrecht Diirer (1471-1528) made a
careful study of proportion that culminated in his Underweyssung derMessung (Treatise on Measurement, 1525) and the
posthumous Vier Bucher von menschlicher Proportion (Four
Books on Human Proportion, 1528).
By the end of tire quattrocento, the position of the artist in
society had changed dramatically, and Leonardo da Vinci (14521519)—engineer, inventor, painter, musician, anatomist, writer,
fortifications expert, botanist, art theoretician, and hydrologist
(this is the short list)—embodied the new ideal. No longer was
a work of art valued primarily for its rich materials (Alberti
urged artists to avoid using gold and precious stones on their
paintings) or painstaking technique, but instead for its intellec­
tual conception and learning. Thus when accused of wasting
time by painting too slowly, Leonardo responded by saying that
the time spent thinking is the most valuable. At the beginning
of the sixteenth century, the new status of the artist in Italy
was epitomized in painter and courtier Raphael (1483-1520).
That Jimmy Ernst believed firmly in this conception of
the artist as thinker is clear from his contribution to a sympo­
sium on "The Artist—Technician or Humanist?":
The artist is not a mechanic of methods or of theo­
ries. In the physical construction of his work the
tools of technique are subservient to the excitement
of the inner eye. Inspiration must precede technical
means. Without it the artist[']s activity consists of
mere means only.6

After gaining acceptance in Italy, the new view of the artist
as humanist gradually spread throughout the rest of Europe. In
Spain, Francisco Pacheco (1564-1654), painter, writer, poet, and
scholar, who was the dominant artistic personality in Seville,
helped propagate the new conception of the artist. A great
teacher whose best-known pupil, and subsequent son-in-law,

6. Jimmy Ernst, "The Artist—Technician or Humanist? One
Artist's Answer,"Art Journal 15, 1 (Fall 1955): 52.

:i

i
i&lt;

�was Velazquez, Pacheco wrote El Arte ae in rnnuiu
-■
addition to biographical information about Velazquez, El
Greco and others, Pacheco made exceedingly detailed pro­
nouncements on iconography: for example he insisted that
artists depict four rather than three nails in Crucifixion scenes.
Since he was an official censor for the Inquisition, his recom­
mendations carried considerable weight. In England, despite
the success of portrait painters Hans Holbein (1497-1543) and
Anthony' van Dyck (1599-1641), whom Charles I knighted, a
concerted effort to elevate the status of the artist was not made
until the founding of the Royal Academy of Arts in 1768.'
Between 1768 and 1790, until blindness forced his retirement,
the Academy's first president, Sir Joshua Reynolds (1723-1792)
delivered fifteen lectures that define and codify' the classic
academic attitude. Published as the Discourses, Reynolds's
lectures elucidate the principles of eighteenth-century' aesthet­
ics—the cult of the antique, the rational tradition, the pan­
theon of artists headed by Raphael—which sought to form a
bulwark against the expansion of inchoate Romanticism. That
James Boswell dedicated his famous Life of Johnson to Reynolds
is indicative of the respect the painter inspired among the
leading thinkers of his time. Nonetheless, considering the
Academy's preference for History Painting, it is ironic that
Reynolds's greatest success, both financially' and aesthetically,
came from his portraits.
The theoretical issues discussed in the Discourses are repre­
sentative of artists' continuing and extensive interest in theory, a
cursory study of which would require several volumes. The
following examples illustrate only one theoretical stream, the
Classic. In a famous letter to Baldassare Castiglione (1516),
Raphael, echoing Zeuxis, described the creation of an ideal figure
by employing the best attributes of several models. When the
Milanese painter and writer Giovanni Paolo Lomazzo (1538-

7. As a young man, Reynolds had read and been influenced by
the portrait painter Jonathan Richardson's (1665-1745) An Essay on the
Theory of Painting (1715), which asserted the intellectual nature of
painting.

subsequently published two enormously umuaiuai ueauseson
art: Trattato dell'Arte de la Pittura, Scoltura, et Architettura (1584,
an English translation appeared in 1598) and Idea del Tempio
della Pittura (1590). Further advancing the theoretical base of
the Classical ideal, Nicolas Poussin (c. 1593-1665) developed a
complex doctrine of Doric and Ionic modes based on an under­
standing of antique musical theory. Although Poussin's planned
treatise on art never progressed beyond the research stage, his
notes were published by Bellori in 1672 and, along with his
letters, contributed to his immense influence. Poussin's greatest
advocate was Charles Lebrun (1619-1690), who worked for Louis
XIV. In 1662, the Sun King named him Premier Peintre du roi. The
following year Lebrun became Director of the Academie and
subsequently institutionalized Poussin's Classicism as the official
French style. Indebted as well to Poussin, Lebrun's famous Methode
pour apprendre a dessiner les passions... (1698) systematized the
rendering of emotional states. Long a standard reference work,
Lebrun's opus codified, organized, and classified the rules of art
reflecting the underlying belief that laws do indeed exist, can
be discovered, and when properly' applied will produce high
quality art. Other important advocates of the Classic ideal include
Anton Raffael Mengs (1728-1779), the leader of the Neoclassical
school, who was once considered to be the finest living painter.
His Gedanken uber die Schbnheit hand den Geschmack hi derMalerei
(Considerations on Beauty' and Taste in Painting, 1762), winch he
dedicated to his friend Johann Joachim Winckelmann, was of
great importance and widely' disseminated. Finally, in response
to the naturalistic surfaces employed by' artists such as Rodin,
Adolf von Hildebrand (1847-1921), an exponent of classicism
both in his own sculpture and as the author of the widely read,
and translated, Das Problem der Form in der bildenden Kunst (1893;
English edition, The Problem of Form in Painting and Sculpture,
1907) advocated the concept of "pure form."
Closely' related to the view of the artist as a practitioner
of the liberal rather than the vulgar arts—theory clearly’ falls
within the realm of philosophy and rhetoric—was the Renais­
sance concept of fame. The radical nature of this concept
becomes apparent when we consider the art created between

330, when Constantine moved
empire to Byzantium, and the first
eight hundred years later. We are st
absence of artists' names. For the rr
who painted the illuminated manu
mosaics, or built the churches soari
creators are cloaked in an opaque r
sionally, of course, a name pops up
In the twelfth century, howevi
Not only' did the sculptor Wiligelm
a new, more naturalistic figure stvle,
edge of Classical art, but his achieve)
an inscription carved into one of the
Cathedral in the Northern Italian t&lt;
quently Giovanni Pisano (d. after 1
inscription into the pulpit of the Di
boasts of surpassing his father, wh&lt;
Sienese inscription, claimed to be f
beginning of the 1300s, the trecento,
creasing importance, and transitor
Iii painting Cimabue thou&lt;
To hold the field: now Giot
So that thefame of the othe
(Purgatory XI, 94-96

Not unexpectedly, and confer
developing cult of fame is the rise of
well-known examples include Ghil
Baptistery' Doors and Alberti's, done
medal, which well reflects the era's
tion with the antique. (Both Albert
Ghiberti wrote important treatises.)
classic humanist texts such as Pliny

8. A translation of the inscriptio
your work shines forth. Wiligelmus. H&lt;
honors."

�e 33. he devoted himself to writing and
two enormously influential treatises on
e la Pittura, Scoltura. et Architettura (1584,
appeared in 159S) and Idea del Tempio
rther advancing the theoretical base of
:olas Poussin (c. 1593-16651 developed a
&gt;ric and Ionic modes based on an underisical theorv. Although Poussin’s planned
regressed beyond the research stage, has
by Bellori in 1672 and, along with his
is immense influence. Poussin's greatest
ebrun (1619-lec-2 i. who worked for Louis
ng named him Premier Peinrre d:: roi. The
i became Director of the Academic and
nalized Poussin's Classicism as the official
:s well to Poussin, Lebrun's famous Vrc.'.L
les passions... (1698) systematized the
states. Long a standard reference work,
, organized, and classified the rules of art
ing belief that laws do indeed exist, can
en properlv applied will produce high
iant advocates of the Classic ideal include
728-1779), tire leader of the Neoclassical
considered to be the finest living painter.
thbnheit hand den Geschmackin derAlalerei
uty and Taste in Painting, 1762}, which he
Johann Joachim Winckelmann, was of
ridely disseminated. Finally, in response
aces employed by artists such as Rodin,
I (1847-1921), an exponent of classicism
ure and as the author of the widely read,
blent der Form in derbildenden Kunst (1893:
roblem of Form in Painting and Sculpture,
mcept of "pure form."
&gt; the view of the artist as a practitioner
an the vulgar arts—theory clearly falls
lilosophy and rhetoric—was the Renais. The radical nature of this concept
len we consider the art created between

---------- o

mguci. uieir

creators are cloaked in an opaque robe of anonymity. Occa­
sionally. of course, a name pops up, but rarely more titan that.
In the twelfth century, however, things began to change.
Not only did the sculptor Wiligelmus (active c. 1100) introduce
a new, more naturalistic figure style, which reflects some knowl­ :
edge of Classical art, but his achievement was commemorated by
an inscription carved into one of the reliefs on the facade of the
Cathedral in the Northern Italian town of Modena.8 Subse­
quently Giovanni Pisano (d. after 1314) carved a self-laudatory
inscription into the pulpit of the Duomo at Siena wherein he
boasts of surpassing his father, who had himself, in an earlier
Sienese inscription, claimed to be the greatest sculptor. At the
beginning of the 1300s, the trecento, Dante captured the in­
creasing importance, and transitory nature, of fame:

bi painting Cintabue thought indeed
To hold the field; now Giotto has the cry,
So that the fame of the other few now heed.
(Purgatory XI, 94-96, Binyon translation)
Not unexpectedly, and contemporaneous with the
developing cult of fame is tire rise of interest in self-portraiture:
well-known examples include Ghiberti's on the Florentine
Baptistery' Doors and Alberti's, done in tire manner of a Roman
medal, which well reflects the era's lionization of and competi­
tion with the antique. (Both Alberti, as has been noted, and
Ghiberti wrote important treatises.) Moreover, as artists turned to
classic humanist texts such as Pliny's Natural History, they read

8. A translation of the inscription reads "Among sculptors,
your work shines forth, Wiligelmus. How greatly you are worthy of
honors."

&gt;

Vasari, that is a shift from Lives of the Saints to Lives of the artists.
One of the most famous artist-writers, Luke the Evangelist was a
painter celebrated for his portrait(s) of the Blessed Virgin Mary,
one of which, according to the faithful, is still visible in SS
Annunciata, Florence. Patron saint of painters and protector of
academies such as the Accademia di S. Luca, Rome (founded
1593), Luke appears as the subject of many paintings including
Guercino's Saint Luke Displaying a Painting of the Virgin (1652,
Nelson-Atkins Museum). The shift from hagiography to history
is evident in the career of the miniaturist Matthew Paris (d. 1259):
not only did he write and illustrate a Life of Saint Alban (Trinity
College, Dublin, owns an autograph manuscript), but he also
composed the Historia Anglorum (or Historia Minor), which
chronicles events of the first half of the thirteenth century.
Interestingly enough, the work contains a self-portrait.
The most influential chronicler, of course, is the impor­
tant Mannerist painter Giorgio Vasari (1511-1574). Long befo)ire
the era of professional biographers, artists themselves as­
sumed the task of retelling the lives of predecessors and
contemporaries. The classic example is Vasari's Lives of the
Artists (Le Vite de'piii eccellenti architetti, pittori, et scultori italiani,
1550; 2nd. ed. enlarged 1568). More than a series of biographical
entries, the Lives argues that the great painters of Tuscany,
commencing with Cimabue and Giotto, rescued art from the
debased conventions of the post-Classical world by establish­
ing their art on a close study of nature. He traces the progres­
sion from the pioneering artists of the trecento, through the
achievements of Donatello, Masaccio, and other quattrocento
artists, until his own day when Michelangelo, Leonardo, and
Raphael elevated art to perfection. The importance of Vasari's
Lives cannot be overemphasized; not unexpectedly it spawned
numerous imitators.
Now largely' forgotten as a painter, and justifiably so,
Carlo Ridolfi (1594-1658) wrote Le Miraviglie deWarte (Marvels

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of the Painter's Art, 2 vols., 1648), which provides an alternative, Venetian perspective to Vasari's emphasis on the Central
Italian and Roman Schools. Ridolfi also wrote a full biography
of Tintoretto (1042). In Le vite de'pittori, scultori, ed architetti
(1642), Giovanni Baglione (1573-1644), another mediocre
painter but important writer, described the lives of artists then
active in Rome. Notable is his unequivocally expressed enmity
for and detestation of Caravaggio, which represented (as will
become clear) justice from poetry if not poetic justice. Other
important biographers included Filippo Baldinucci (16241696) an artist from Florence, whose Notizie de' professori del
disegno (1681-1728) covers artists from Cimabue to his contem­
poraries. He also wrote a biography (1682) of the sculptor
Gianlorenzo Bernini (1598-1680), which has long been the
primary source for understanding the artist's life. Baldinucci's
contemporary, tire painter and antiquarian Carlo Malvasia
(1616-1693), concentrated on the lives of the Carracci and their
Bolognese followers in Iris Felsina pittrice: vite dei pittori bolognesi
(Felsina [Bologna in Etruscan] Painters: Lives of the Bolognese
Painters, 1678). Malvasia's pioneering handbook of Bolognese
paintings (Le Pitture di Bologna ..., 1686) was among the first
such studies; he also wrote a full biography of Guido Reni.
The example of Vasari was not confined to Italy. Karel
van Mander (1548-1606), the "Dutch Vasari" and erstwhile
teacher of Frans Hals, included biographies of Netherlandish
and German artists commencing with Jan van Eyck (d. 1441)
in his Het schilderboeck (The Book of Painters, 1604) which also
contains information on the Italians, mostly derived from
Vasari, although Mander does add some original material,
especially about artists working after Vasari's second edition
appeared. The book also contains a long poem dealing with
techniques, materials, and critical theoretical matters. Another
forgotten painter, the "Spanish Vasari" Antonio Palomino y
Velasco (1655-1726) chronicled the lives of his countrymen in
his Museo Pictbrico y Escala Optica (3 vols., 1715 and 1724). On
this side of the Atlantic, the "American Vasari," William
Dunlap (1766-1839) continued the tradition with A History of
the Rise and Progress of the Arts of Design in the United States (2
vols., 1834).

Other important "lives" by artists include Joachim von
Sandrart's (1606-1688) Teutsche Academic der Edlen Ban-, Bildund Mahlerey-Kilnste (German Academy of the Noble Arts of
Architecture, Sculpture, and Painting, 1675), Arnold Houbraken's
(1660-1719) De Groote Schouburgh der Nederlantsche Konstschilders en Schilderessen (The Great Theater of Netherlandish
Painters, 3 vols., 1718-1721), and John Ruskin's (1819-1900)
Modern Painters (5 vols., 1843-1860). Although von Sandrart
was once highly regarded as a painter, he is now remembered
primarily as the author of a treatise that combines a strong
debt to Vasari with original material concerning the lives of
German artists, information on art collections and iconogra­
phy, as well as a most unusual feature, a chapter on Oriental
Art. Arnold Houbraken remains an invaluable source of
information on Netherlandish artists of the seventeenth
century. Finally, John Ruskin, the premiere English art critic of
his era and a prolific writer whose collected works total 39
volumes, was also a talented amateur watercolorist.
In addition to "lives" a number of artists, such as Ridolfi
and Malvasia, have written more extensive biographies on a
single subject, whom they frequently knew personally. For
example, Ascanio Condivi (d. 1574) wrote a biography of his
friend Michelangelo (1553) in rebuttal to certain claims made
by Vasari in the first edition of tire Lives. The Memoirs of Sir
Joshua Reynolds (1813-1815) by the uninspired academic
history painter and portraitist James Northcote (1746-1831)
remains the premiere contemporary source on Sir Joshua.
Charles Robert Leslie (1794—1859), now forgotten as a painter,
is remembered for his Memoirs of the Life of John Constable
(1843), a biography of his close friend that remains a classic of
the genre. Not all biographies are flattering however. Like
Northcote, J. T. Smith (1766—1833) had served as an assistant to
his subject, but unlike Northcote, Smith described his master
as a tightwad, cheapskate, and miser in his harsh, brutal and
unflattering [Joseph] Nollekens and His Times (1828).
Our own century provides numerous examples of artist­
biographers. A painter who never emerged from the shadow
of his more famous father, George Inness, Jr. (1854-1926) wrote
(Text continues on p. 4V

1 The Elements, 1942
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che Academic der Edlcn Ban-, Bildm Academy of the Noble Arts of
Painting. 1675), Arnold Houbraken's
burgh der Nederlantsclte Konst&gt; Great Theater of Netherlandish
, and John Ruskin's (1819-1900)
3-1860). Although von Sandrart
; a painter, he is now remembered
treatise that combines a strong
material concerning the lives of
on art collections and iconogralal feature, a chapter on Oriental
ains an invaluable source of
sh artists of the seventeenth
i, the premiere English art critic of
whose collected works total 39
1 amateur watercolorist.
number of artists, such as Ridolfi
more extensive biographies on a
equentlv knew personally. For
1.1574) wrote a biography of his
n rebuttal to certain claims made
of the Lives. The Memoirs of Sir
by the uninspired academic
st James Northcote (1746—1831)
nporary source on Sir Joshua.
■1859), now forgotten as a painter,
irs of the Life ofJohn Constable
)se friend that remains a classic of
;s are flattering however. Like
-1833) had served as an assistant to
cote, Smith described his master
nd miser in his harsh, brutal and
is and His Times (1828).
ides numerous examples of artistnever emerged from the shadow
ieorge Inness, Jr. (1854-1926) wrote
(Text continues on p. 41)

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(1932)amdE^H^ ^931), that Zb^
knowledge of the subject with a critical •.
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have the example of Roland Penrose (1900-1984) a painter - - ■
knownfor Pic
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veritable flood of ink on the artist, remains ai n
like Jimmy Ernst, arfeteha
nfe the need to tell their
own stones. Alth
fy fest published in 1728, Ben Cellini's (1500-1571) autobiography is a notable e^pfeU
autoapotheosis.AfterCellini,whatwasatri&lt; . jbecan
torrent, especially in our own century. A partial sam
titles includes Marc Chagall’s (1887-19851;Sah *.
dor Dali s (1904-1989) colorful, vibrant, self-promoting, and
hyperbolic autobiography Comment on dement Dali: les exax
inmoudblesd Sa . .
... .
Unspeakable Confessions of Salvador Dali as told t ■ Andre
Parinaud, 1973); the American sculptor Jo David., ?n' - 18831952) Be. J
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(1951); the v.
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source on the movement, William Holman Htmfs(1827-191
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and Finishing Touches (1964); Guy Pene du Bess's(1884-1958
Artists Say the Sa.ast 7
;s r34, .: and Lcrr; Rivers - t. 1-23
fun and somewhat ri-cue memoir "A.;: D :C. ‘ ~ . I.' :.::..- .■
1992 withAmoldl einstein).
Less formal than a m.? graphiesare
- diaries

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Jacopo Ponto-me
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■which he records the progress of his great fresco pre
rc~
Lozrenzo. Florence. What emerges is a portraita - da rr .
self-absorbed hypochondriac, dEugene Delacroix 179S-lSb3 which he kept ire. cert 1 '22 and
1824 and from 1S47 to 1863. reveals the great Romantic pemrer
to be an equally perceptive observer and commentator er. art
his own life, loves, and cm. Jusfl famous s#e Cami .. issatio s

�THE TRADITION OF THE ARTIST-INTELLECTUAL

•

41

(Continued from p. 16)

(1932) and Edward Hopper (1931), fa, eornbLd . personal
knowledge of die subjects with a critical appraisal. Finally, we
have the example of Roland Penrose (1900-1984), a painter best
known for Picasso: His Life and Work (1958), which despite a
veritable flood of ink on the artist, remains an important work
Like Jimmy Ernst, artists have often felt the need to tell their
own stories. Aldiougli only first published in 1728, Benvenuto
Cellini's (1500-1571) autobiography is a notable example of
autoapotheosis. After Cellini, what was a trickle became a
torrent, especially in our own century. A partial sampling of
titles includes Marc Chagall's (1887-1985) Ma vie (1931); Salva­
dor Dali's (1904-1989) colorful, vibrant, self-promoting, and
hyperbolic autobiography Comment on devient Dali; les aveux
inavouables de Salvador Dali. Recit presente par Andre Parinaud (Th&lt;ie
Unspeakable Confessions of Salvador Dali as told to Andre
Parinaud, 1973); the American sculptor Jo Davidson's (18831952) Between Sittings: An Informal Autobiography of Jo Davidson
(1951); the wonderfully titled Leda and the Goose (1954) by Tristram
Hillier (1905-1983); the unsurpassed, if not altogether objective,
source on the movement, William Holman Hunt's (1827-1910)
Pre-Raphaelitism and the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood (1905); Augustus
Jofm's (1878-1961) Chiaroscuro, Fragments of Autobiography (1952)
and Finishing Touches (1964); Guy Pene du Bois's (1884-1958)
Artists Say the Silliest Things (1940); and Larry Rivers's (b. 1923)
fun and somewhat risque memoir What Did I Do?: The Unautho­
rized Autobiography (1992, with Arnold Weinstein).
Less formal than autobiographies are journals, diaries,
notebooks, and letters. A fascinating example is the diary that
Jacopo Pontormo (1494—1557) kept between 1554 and 1556, in
which he records the progress of his great fresco project for San
Lozrenzo, Florence. What emerges is a portrait of a melancholic,
self-absorbed hypochondriac. On the other hand, the Journal of
Eugene Delacroix (1798-1863), which he kept between 1822 and
1824 and from 1847 to 1863, reveals the great Romantic painter
to be an equally perceptive observer and commentator on art, ,
his own life, loves, and era. Justly famous are Camille Pissarro's

(1830 1903) letters to his son Lucien (published in 1943, edited
by John Rewald) and Vincent van Gogh's (1853-1890) to his
brother Theo (first published by the painter Emile Bernard
[1868-1941]).
The Renaissance conception of the artist-intellectual has
frequently encouraged artists to write on subjects seemingly
outside their main areas of interest. In this category' one thinks
of the English painter Paul Nash (1889-1946) who wrote a Shell
Guide to Dorset (1936) or the vanguard experimental artist and
personality Yves Klein (1928-1962) who composed a Judo text
(1954), or the Swiss born Surrealist Kurt Seligmann (1900-1962)
who, after immigrating to the United States, penned a thought­
ful study entitled The Mirror of Magic (1948). An outstanding
example is the great seventeenth-century painter of Amsterdam
cityscapes, Jan van der Heyden (1637-1712), whose expertise in
the area of firefighting was demonstrated in his Brandspuitcnboek (Fire Engine Book, 1690).
Still others have created works of literature. Among the
best-known are the sculptor-painter-architect Michelangelo
Buonarroti (1475-1564) who also wrote beautiful and sensitive
poems; the visionary, Romantic poet, and mystic William Blake
(1757-1827) who combined illustrations and text in his Songs of
Innocence (1789) and The Marriage of Heaven and Hell (1793); and
Dante Gabriel Rossetti (1828-1882), the founder of the PreRaphaelite Brotherhood. When his beloved wife died of a drug
overdose, the bereaved Rossetti, a gifted poet, painter, and
translator, placed the only complete manuscript of his poems in
her coffin. (Subsequently, the poems were unearthed and
published.) Adored in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
as tlie proto-Romantic artist (legend had it that he was a bandit),
Salvator Rosa (1615-1673), when not painting wild, picturesque,
and sublime landscapes, wrote poems. Other poets included
Edgar Degas, whose Huit Sonnets (1946) appeared posthumously;
Kahlil Gibran (1883-1931), whose verses from The Prophet (1923)
have helped launch countless marriages; David Jones (18951974), author of the prizewinning In Parenthesis (1937), a massive
experimental work that combines poetry and prose, which T. S.
Eliot praised highly; and the minor Umbrian painter Giovanni
Santi (d. 1494), father of Raphael, who wrote a verse history' of

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JIMMY ERNST: SHADOW TO LIGHT

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the Dukes of Urbino. Less decorous are the poems of II Sodoma
(1477-1549), which, according to Vasari, unabashedly glorified
the pleasures that earned him his nickname. Art historians are
uncertain if Caravaggio (1571-1610) actually wrote the insulting
and satirical poems that led to his imprisonment after Giovanni
Baglione, the target of the poems, filed a lawsuit for libel (1603).
The Expressionist painter Oskar Kokoschka (1886-1980),
who began his career as a Jugendstil follower of Gustav Klimt,
wrote several plays, including the satirical Sphinx und Strohntann
(Sphinx and Strawman, 1909) and Mbrder Hoffnung der Frauen
(Murderer Hope of Women, 1909), a savage, misogynist, and
brutal drama of lust and blood. More gentle are the plays of
Everett Shinn (1876-1953), one of The Eight. Fiction writers
include Aubrey Beardsley (1872-1898), the illustrator in the dark
fin-de-siecle manner, who wrote the Story of Venus and Tannhauser
(1907), for which he also provided erotic, if not downright
pornographic, illustrations. Other novels include the caricaturist
Max Beerbohm's (1872-1956) Zideika Dobson (1911); and Salva­
dor Dali's (1904-1989) Hidden Faces (1944). Among the more
bizarre novels is Die andere Seite (The Other Side, 1909) by Alfred
Kubin (1877-1959), a member of Der Blaue Reiter group, who
had dramatically, but unsuccessfully, tried to kill himself on his
mother's grave.
The list of writing artists goes on and on. How can we
overlook Jonathan Richardson (1665-1745), who with his painter
son Jonathan the Younger (1694-1771), wrote An Account of Some of
the Statues, Bas-Reliejs, Drawings, and Pictures in Italy (1722), which
was carried and consulted by countless dilettanti and young
noblemen as they made the Grand Tour of the continent? Or the
acerbic bon vivant, James Abbott McNeill Whistler (1834-1903),
who sued Ruskin for libel and wrote the witty and mordant The
Gentle Art of Making Enemies (1890)? Or Paul Gauguin's (18481903) Noa Noa (1897) about his life in Tahiti? And the literature
of artists' art criticism has not even been scratched!
In sum, the tradition of writing artists is a vast landscape
over which we have flown. From this vantage point, details are
lost; but the broad panorama unfolds. Visible below are numer­
ous cities with names like Theory or Biography or Poetry. Like
the Guelphs and Ghibellines, the cities built fortifications against

their rivals. Within the walls, sit many once magnificent edifices,
now fallen into disrepair. Outside the walls, surrounded by
impedimenta, commentators, scholars, and their followers
encamp. Along the roads, solitary travellers make their way.
Beyond the horizon, to the East, an unexplored tapestry unfolds.
Neither an isolated castle nor an urban tower, A Not-SoStill-Life resides in a small country village where the author is
known. The story is intimate and personal. It is a testament, an
affirmation, of the power of art and the spirit to overcome adver­
sity. Jimmy's life was not easy: his father left when he was but a
toddler. His mother was forced to flee and left him in tine care of
relatives who regarded him as an unhappy reminder of a failed
marriage. Later, he himself desperately struggled to escape from
what would become his govemmenf s "final solution." When he
disembarked from the S.S. Manhattan in June 1938, a few weeks
shy of his eighteenth birthday, Jimmy had few prospects in his
new homeland. But after a succession of menial jobs, he finally
landed a position—in the mail room—at the Museum of Modern
Art. Here his father's spirit was unavoidable.
Throughout his youthful years, Jimmy had made a point of
rejecting art—"Should a son make use of wings fashioned by his
father?" Viewing Picasso's Guernica, however, knocked the
seventeen-year-old's eyes open: "Here was the artist's elusive
miracle. Conscious human knowledge becoming a rope ladder
into dark solitude, there to find the blinding flash of ultimate
reality, the lightning bolt called the moment of truth."’
Now, in the New World, Jimmy strapped on the wings but
used them not to follow his father across the wine-dark sea but
to pursue his own light. Although Jimmy's earliest works
[Figures 1-4] reflect his father's vision, that vision was not his
own and he promptly left it behind.
Since Classical times the parable of Icarus has often been
retold. In the Medieval age, it was seen as a cautionary tale against
flouting authority, hubris, and pursuing forbidden knowledge.
Later, in the Renaissance, Icarus was seen as an allegory of the
heroic, soaring human spirit that seeks new knowledge despite

9. Ernst, A-Not-So-Still-Life, p. 87.

I

the costs. In our own century, writers and a
tale through a Freudian glass, if not darkly
Oedipally. For the Italian Lauro de Bosis, w
1927, the legend was more than symbolic; h
subject: after dropping anti-fascist leaflets f
over the city of Rome, he crashed to his dea
Although Jimmy Ernst initially saw th
tion, as a Siren call, he also saw them as a rr
dence and freedom. But even more so, he u
symbolic of the fragility of civilization: the

�•I
It many once magnificent edifices,
■side the walls, surrounded by
(scholars, and their followers
■at)' travellers make their way.
I an unexplored tapestry unfolds,
le nor an urban tower, A Not-SoBntry village where tire author is
Ind personal. It is a testament, an
Band the spirit to overcome adver■ris father left tvhen he was but a
I to flee and left him in the care of
I an unhappy reminder of a failed
lerately struggled to escape from
■meat's "final solution." When he
tii/iattnn in June 1938, a few weeks
I. Jimmy had few prospects in his
[cession of menial jobs, he finally
■ room—at the Museum of Modern
Is unavoidable.
I years, Jimmy had made a point of
riake use of wings fashioned by his
lemicfl, however, knocked the
In: "Here was the artist's elusive
lowledge becoming a rope ladder
Id the blinding flash of ultimate
Id the moment of truth.''9
I Jimmy strapped on the wings but
Ither across the wine-dark sea but
lugh Jimmy's earliest works
I's vision, that vision was not his
ehind.
parable of Icarus has often been
has seen as a cautionary tale against
pursuing forbidden knowledge,
us was seen as an allegory of the
hat seeks new knowledge despite

fe, p. 87.

i^^XuZS ?f'
ists have seen the
Oedipally. For the Italian Lauro de Bosis who ° C"ta.inly
1927, the legend was more than svmbo
r
6 ICarUS in
subject: after dropping anti-fascist leaflets fromT J6?1”6
over the city of Rome, he crashed to his deaS
P
Although Jimmy Ernst initially saw the wings as a temni-

TH E TRADITION OF THE ARTIST-INTELLECTUAL

•

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bLnding Wax-Whenyoun8Jimmy fled
‘^° amS °f hiS m°ther' she reProved him

fo3 am

accidenr fUm and Spoke Sadly Of the coming war, of the
Die urPg n preserva«on' of ‘hose who burned books and

ss assx

Li/e is a testament to that love.
symMc of tile fragility „f dviU2ation; th. LS”!
10. Ibid., p. 79.

43

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ChecxB’-c jf the E'

Selected Bibliography
■

it
Amason, H. H. American Abstract Expressionists and Imagists. New York: The

Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, 1961.
The Arts Club of Chicago. Recent Paintings by Jimmy Ernst. Chicago: The Arts
vl

Club of Chicago, 1968.
Baur, John I. H. Evolution and Tradition in Modern American Art. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1959.
--------- , ed. The New Decade: 35 American Painters and Sculptors. New York:
The Whitney Museum of American Art, 1955.
Beekman, Aaron. The Functional Line in Painting. New York: Thomas Yoseloff

rj

Im

Inc., 1957.
Berkson, Bill. "Review of Books: What Becomes a Legend," Art in America
(October 1984): 23.
Bethers, Ray. Composition in Pictures. New York: Pitman Publishing Corpora­
tion, 1962.
Blesh, Rudi. Modern Art, USA. Men Rebellion Conquest 1900-1956. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1956.
Campbell, Lawrence. "Jimmy Ernst at Armstrong," Art in America (October
1984): 200.
Canaday, John. Mainstreams of Modern Art. New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, 1961.
Detroit Institute of Arts.T/ie Art of Jimmy Ernst: A Comprehensive Exhibition.
Detroit: Detroit Institute of Arts, 1963.
Ernst, Jimmy. "The Artist—Technician or Humanist? One Artist's Answer,"
Art Journal 15,1 (Fall 1955): 51-52.
--------- . "Freedom of Expression in the Arts II," Art Journal 25,1 (Fall 1965):
46-47.
--------- . "A Letter to Artists of the Soviet Union,"Art Journal 21, 2 (Winter,
1961-62) 66-71.
--------- . A Not So-Still Life: A Memoir. New York: St. Martin's/Marek, 1984.
--------- , and Francine du Plessix. "The Artist Speaks: My Father, Max Ernst,"
Art in America. (November-December 1968): 54-61.
Friedman, B. H. '"The Irascibles': A Split Second in Art History," Arts
Magazine (September 1978): 96-102.
Galerie 1900-2000. Jimmy Ernst. Paris, Galerie 1900-2000,1990.
Getlein, Frank. "Book Reviews: A Not-So-Still Life." Smithsonian (July 1984): 122.
--------- . "Jimmy Ernst the Artist," Art Journal 21 (1961-1962): 60.
--------- . "The Younger Ernst," The New Republic, March 23,1963,35-36.
Goodrich, Lloyd, and John 1. H. Baur. American Art of Our Century. New York:
The Whitney Museum of American Art, 1961.
Guggenheim, Peggy, ed. Art of This Century. New York: Art of This Century, 1942.

The Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum. American Abstract Expressionists and
Imagists. New York: The Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum. 1961.
______ Younger American Painters: A Selection. New York: The Solomon R.
Guggenheim Museum, 1954.
Guild Hall Museum. Jimmy Ernst: A Survey 1942-1983. East Hampton, N.Y.:
Guild Hall Museum, 1985.
Hadler, Mona. "Jazz and the Visual Arts," Arts Magazine Uune 1983): 91-101.
Janis, Harriet, and Rudi Blesh. Collage. Personalities Concepts Techniques.
Philadelphia and New York: Chilton Co., 1962.
Janis, Sidney. Abstract and Surrealist Art in America. New York: Reynal &amp;
Hitchcock, 1944.
McCurdy, Charles, ed. Modern Art... A Pictorial Anthology. New York:
Macmillan, 1958.
Mendelowitz, Daniel M. A History of American Art. New York: Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, 1961.
Moore, Barbara. "Ernst." In Art: USA: Now, edited by Lee Nordness, 2 vols.
New York: Viking Press, 1963.
Motherwell, Robert, and Ad Reinhardt, eds. Modern Artists in America. New
York: Wittenborn, Schultz, 1951.
Philadelphia Museum of Art. Multiples: The First Decade. Philadelphia:
Boston Book and Art, 1971.
Philharmonic Center for the Arts. Jimmy Ernst: Lincs through Time. Naples,
Fla.: Philharmonic Center for the Arts, 1994.
Porto, Gabriel Lawrence. An Analysis of the Life and Works of Jimmy Ernst and
his Father's Early Influence. 1969.
Pousette-Dart, Nathaniel, ed. American Painting Today. New York: Hastings
House, 1956.
Read, Herbert. A Concise History of Modern Painting. New York: Frederick A.
Praeger, 1959.
Ritchie, Andrew Carduff. Abstract Painting and Sculpture in America. New
York: Museum of Modern Art, 1951.
Robertson, Jack S. Twentieth-century Artists on Art: An Index to Writings,
Statements, and Interviews by Artists, Architects, and Designers. 2nd enl.
ed. New York : G. K. Hall, 1996.
Seitz, William C. Abstract Expressionist Painting in America. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1983.
Tampa Museum of Art. Jimmy Ernst: Trials of Silence, Works 1942-1983.
Tampa, Fla.: Tampa Museum of Art, 1994.
Ward, John C. American Realist Painting 1945-1980. Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI
Research Press, 1989.

1 The Elements, 1942
oil on canvas
24x20

2 Surreal, 1942
oil on canvas
12 x 16
3 Untitled (Blue Max), 1942
oil on canvas
20x24

4 Untitled, c. 1942-1943
oil on canvas
12x16
5 Blues in Black and White, 1946
oil on canvas
20x23
6 Mahogany Hall Stomp, 1946

oil on canvas
36 x 343/s

7 Dallas Blues, 1947
oil on canvas
36x28
8 The Wake, 1947
oil on canvas
30x36
9 Self-Portrait, 1951
oil on canvas
24x20

�Checklist of the Exhibition
nil Abstract Expressionists and
iggenheim Museum. 1961.
Jew York: The Solomon R.
942-1983. East Hampton, N.Y.:

Magazine (June 19S3): 91-101.
alities Concepts Techniques.
So., 1962.
lerica. New York: Reynal &amp;

rial Anthology. New York:
11 Art. New York: Holt, Rinehart

dited by Lee Nordness, 2 vols.
Modern Artists in America. New
:irst Decade. Philadelphia:

it: Lines through Time. Naples,
;, 1994.
ife and Works of Jimmy Ernst and

1 The Elements, 1942
oil on canvas
24 x 20

10 Animals and Mineral, 1952
oil on canvas
43x43

19 Nightscape VI, 1969
oil on Plexiglass
21 x21

11 Across a Silent Bridge, 1957
oil on canvas
50x90

20 Another Silence, 1972
oil on canvas
72 x 120

12 Rimrock, 1960
oil on canvas
50x60

21 Twice, 1972
oil on canvas
50x60

4 Untitled, c. 1942-1943
oil on canvas
12x16

13 Oceania, 1963
oil on canvas
43x38

22 Due North, 1972-73
oil on canvas
50 x 60

5 Blues in Black and White, 1946
oil on canvas
20x23

14 Icarus 64,1964
oil on canvas
50x40

23 Exile, 1974
oil on canvas
50x60

6 Mahogany Hall Stomp, 1946
oil on canvas
36 x 343/s

15 Homage to Edgar Varese, 1965
oil on canvas
50 x 65'/,

24 Mombasa, 1975
oil on canvas
50x60

7 Dallas Blues, 1947

16 Sentinel, 1967
oil on canvas
65'/sx50

25 Katchina White, 1982
oil on canvas
50x60

8 The Wake, 1947
oil on canvas
30x36

17 Only Yesterday, 1968
oil on canvas
60x50

26 On Winter Nights (With Louis Simpson), 1982
oil and fumage on canvas
84x60

9 Self-Portrait, 1951

18 Nightscape TUA, 1969
oil on Plexiglass
21 x21

27 Sea of Grass (Black on Black), 1982
oil on canvas
50x60

2 Surreal, 1942
oil on canvas
12x16

Untitled (Blue Max), 1942
oil on canvas
20x24

ing Today. New York: Hastings
tinting. New York: Frederick A.

id Sculpture in America. New
&gt;1 Art: An Index to Writings,
Irchitccts, and Designers. 2nd enl.
ng in America. Cambridge:
f Silence, Works 1942-1983.
1994.
—1980. Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI

oil on canvas
36x28

oil on canvas
24x20

�Acknowledgments

E"'

This exhibition would not have been possible without the
wholehearted participation and support of Dallas Ernst and The
Rimrock Foundation Inc. I am particularly grateful to Mrs. Ernst
for her advice, assistance, and hospitality, all of which she gave

■

unsparingly.
We are very’ pleased that Donald Kuspit agreed to write

tire lead essay in this catalogue.
As Dr. Kuspit notes in his essay, Jimmy Ernst had a great
love of jazz. Two other jazz lovers, Andrew J. Sordoni, III and
Hank O'Neal, assisted in numerous ways to make this exhibi­
tion a reality.
A special debt is owed to Rebecca Foster and the Society
for the Preservation of American Modernists (SPAM) for sup­
porting this project with a generous grant. The Pennsylvania
Council on the Arts also helped underwrite this exhibition.
Last, I thank my colleagues Bonnie C. Bedford, Robert J.
Heaman, Nancy L. Krueger, and William H. Sterling for reading
an early draft of my essay. I appreciate their thoughtful com­
ments and suggestions.
—SIG

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Exhibition Underwriter:
Diversified Records Services, Inc.
Franklin First Savings Bank
Friends of the Sordoni Art Gallery
F. M. Kirby Foundation, Inc.
Maslow Lumia Bartorillo Advertising
Mellon Bank
Pennsylvania Council on the Arts
The John Sloan Memorial Foundation, Inc.
Andrew J. Sordoni, III
Wilkes University

Sponsors
The Business Council
CBI-Creative Business Interiors
Eastern Insurance Group
Friedman Electric Supply Co., Inc.
Marquis Art and Frame
Nabisco, Inc.
G. R. Noto Electrical Construction
Panzitta Enterprises, Inc.
Pennsylvania Millers Mutual Insurance Co.
Rosenn, Jenkins and Greenwald, L.L.P.
Trion Industries Inc.

�Exhibition Underwriters
Diversified Records Sen-ices, Inc.
Franklin First Savings Bank
Friends of the Sordoni Art Gallery
F. M. Kirby Foundation, Inc.
Maslow Lumia Bartorillo Advertising
Mellon Bank
Pennsylvania Council on the Arts
The John Sloan Memorial Foundation, Inc.
Andrew J. Sordoni, III
Wilkes University

Sponsors
The Business Council
CBI-Creative Business Interiors
Eastern Insurance Group
Friedman Electric Supply Co., Inc.
Marquis Art and Frame
Nabisco, Inc.
G. R. Noto Electrical Construction
Panzitta Enterprises, Inc.
Pennsylvania Millers Mutual Insurance Co.
Roserm, Jenkins and Greenwald, L.L.P.

Trion Industries Inc.

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Advisory Commission
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Bonnie C. Bedford, Ph.D.
Freddie Bittenbender
Christopher N. Breiseth, Ph.D.
Marion M. Conyngham
Virginia C. Davis, Chair
Stanley I Grand, Ph.D.
Robert J. Heaman, Ph.D.
Man’ Jane Henry
Keith A. Hunter, Esq.
J. Michael Lennon, Ph.D.
Melanie Maslow Lumia
Theo Lumia
Kenneth Marquis
Constance R. McCole
Hank O'Neal
Arnold Rifkin
Kim Ross
Charles A. Shaffer, Esq.
Susan Shoemaker, Esq.
William Shull
Helen Farr Sloan
Andrew J. Sordoni, III
Sally Sprankle
Sanford B. Sternlieb, M.D.
Mindi Thalenfeld
Thomas H. van Arsdale
Joel Zitofsky

Staff
Stanley I Grand, Ph.D., Director
Nancy L. Krueger, Co-ordinator
Earl W. Lehman, Preparator

Gallery Attendants
Deidre Blake
Sarah Karlavage
Colleen McKinnon
Lisa Tabbit
Beth-Ann Witkowski

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�</text>
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