173 15 4134 https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/1814855f862d94c692b4e9641b5def6c.pdf ffcf5b7a8e2894b2b747832010b6e551 PDF Text Text �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1989 October 8 Selections from the Permanent Collection Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989 October 8 - November 5 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource This show is a survey of the permanent collection of the Sordoni Gallery circa 1989. Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/d6866d41e7b91603c6ae676e4ea2d53b.pdf 31f79a3e3e7608a00885894387f56b32 PDF Text Text �������������������������������������������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1989 April 9 Artists of the 80s: Selected Works from The Maslow Collection Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Beerman Peter Bommels Steven Campbell Robert Cumming Joseph DiGiorgo Hamish Fulton Jack Goldstein Tracy Grayson Edward Henderson Robert Jessup Barbara Kasten Scott Kelley Rex Lau Katherine Porter Sandy Skoglund James Biederman Larry Brown Howard Buchwald Willy Heeks Mel Kendrick Karla Knight Gary Lang Susan Laufer Melissa Meyer Frank Owen Jurgen Partenheimer David Reed Anthony Sorce Andrew Spence Tad Wiley Thornton Willis Terry Winters Jerry Zeniuk Judith O'Toole Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989 April 9 - May 7 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource This exhibition concentrates on the broad range of media and style by thirty-five artists both figurative and non-figurative. Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/4777e6f7443fab71d3d7ea23bd16deba.pdf 28323e68d4cf150f311e08f47931beae PDF Text Text ����� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1989 January 29 Director's Choice Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Earl W. Lehman Barry Perlus Robet Stark Kurt Warnk Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1989 January 29 - February 26 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource Director's Choice is a collection of work curated by the current circa 1989 director of the gallery. Featured in this exhibition are artists such as Earl W. Lehman, Barry Perlus, Robet Stark, and Kurt Warnk. Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/285fc3873a709112f23b6499d1024bfd.pdf 6b529e9ee966a000727bde5523c89beb PDF Text Text ����� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1988 December 18 Flora and Fauna: The C.B. Reif Collection of Natural History Prints Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Leohart Fuchs Bail Besler jacob Hoefnagel Eleazar Ablin Mark Catesly A.J. Rosel Christopher Trew J.F. Kiefhaber LeSueur Pinixit J.J. Ernst Francois LeValiant Pierre Joseph Redoute Prideaux John Selby Antoine L. Poitease J. Gould and W.Hart Christion andJ.C. Sepp J. Gouldand H.C. Richter J. Wolf and H.C. Richter J. Wolf and J.Smith John and Elizabeth Gould A.F. Lydon J.J. Audubon Robert E.Ogren Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988 December 18 - 1989 January 22 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource Regarded as a teaching aid, the C.B. Reif Collection was formerly used during Biology lectures. Although the fundamental purpose of the collection was to teach natural history, the prints are also of interest to art historians and general historians. Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/7d7e553a172e6e594d4783159c4f338f.pdf 6267ea9cc976beedf9441909c12829c8 PDF Text Text Post-lndustrial Expression Waa; ln ::,.81:, Y:'aii::t i$;rt '.:/. q' iiti X* &;irt:irl.5i :r:;t::;!:ttr tli':*& .,,,,::riit'aiiit iiritt: -itr ::. Barbara Nessim, Hand Memory,1987, computer print-out, 30 x24 inches. SordoniArt Gallery Wilkes College October 2-30, 1988 �POST.IN DUSTRIAL EXPRESSION We seem to be living in an age which can identify itself only "Post-Modern", Neo-Expresin terms of previous ages sionist, Neo-Romantic, and- here, "Post-lndustrial." These encompassing, but often vague rubrics are perhaps symptomatic of a pace of change in our culture which exceeds our ability to define exactly what we are about at any present moment. "Post-lndustrial Expression", thetitle of this exhibition does have a particular meaning within the context of its source, the 28th annual conference of the Association for General and Liberal Studies, which is meeting this month at Wilkes College. The conference theme, "Liberal Learning in a Post-lndustrial Culture," focuses on the impact of electronic technology and information systems upon the character and philosophy of American education. The exhibition provides avisual expression of thattechnology in the field of art and tries to demonstrate something of the variety of ways in which artists have creatively adapted it to their individual expressive ends. One of our specific aims is to show how an originally non-artistic technology can be humanized and aestheticized in the hands of enterprising artists. Another is to point out that these adaptations of current technology are, indeed, the works of artists, not scientists or professional programmers (although some of these artists have become able programmers in the course of their work). The exhibition is very selective because of the modest space and resources at our disposal, and so we have chosen to focus upon two of the most influential technologies in our culture: the computer and the video camera, which in their relatively non-mechanical, electronic, and ephemeral nature can be called "post-industrial." These devices manipulate information rather than solid materials; they process numbers, language, and images. Thus, it is only logical that they should serve the needs of musicians, poets, and painters as well as statisticians, sociologists, and journalists. The technical achievements of our civilization have aroused both pride and foreboding. Many a college freshman enters school suffering from "computer anxiety", while some of his professors envision a society soon to be enslaved by its electronic systems. But, sooner or later, we seem to get our creations under control, and almost any new technology that takes hold, however inimical to aesthetic expression it may seem, eventually presents a challenge and an opportunity to artists. ln the 15th century the printing press threatened to bring an end to the hand-printed manuscript. ln fact, over the next two centuries, it virtually did so, and the beautifully painted illuminations of manuscripts were replaced by the crude, mechanical images of printed books. There were, nevertheless, artists such as Durer and Rembrandt who adopted the new technology and raised engraving and etching to a high art. ln the 19th century another technological breakhrough, photography, all but took over the recording lunction of painting, but painters responded by developing more deeply its expressive and decorative functions. While not every new technical innovation has such an impact on art, it is clear that some art forms have been decisively altered and others virtually ended by new inventions. �Whether the computer and the video camera will have such an effect is unforeseeable at this comparatively early stage in their development, but there is a growing impression thal they will, at least, become permanent alternatives for the artist. Joan Truckenbrod, Sy//ogism, black and white photograph, 16x20inches. The computer is capable of literally COMPUTER ART assisting artists in the development of their ideas and the manipulation of their images. Essentially, it offers the artist two possibilities: a tool for accelerating or simplifying the rendering of a concept, which previously would have been done manually; and a device with inherent aesthetic properties in the way it works and in lhe nature of the images it produces. lt is this latter possibility, primarily, which justifies the term "computer art." Some artists, particularly designers and architects, use the computer mostly as a time-saving tool. The works in this exhibition are by artists with whom the computer "collaborates" to one degree or another in the creative process. The artist locates or designs programs which complement his or her own artistic processes. The operations of a computer, like the unfolding etfects of brushstrokes and color being applied to canvas, can help drive the evolution of an artist's idea. This creative interaction of artist and medium is - nothing new; the computer merely phrases it in different terms. A number of artists have come to use the computer as virtually their sole medium, composing on their monitors and producing finished works on their printers and plotters. They would not think of disguising pixels any more than some sculptors would polish down chisel marks. These artistic "hackers" are a minority; most computer artists integrate the technology with more traditional means. ldeas may be developed on the computer but manually produced with paint or �ink, or conversely, freehand images may be fed into the computer for augmentation and reproduction. Among the artists represented here, Mark M/son is probably the one most devoted to f ull use of the unique characteristics of the medium. The regular patterns and permutations in serial arrangements, the vivid color schemes, and the shifting perspectives, all mapped out entirely on the monitor and rendered by a plotter, give his work their computeristic, yet elegant appearance. He exploits the machine of our day as the Bauhaus artists exploited the machines of the 1920's. John Pearson, a professor of art at Oberlin College, has been using the computer since 1973, longer than most of the artists assembled here, and his style, like Wilson's, seems well suited to the medium. His fondness of De Stijl art and his interest in mathematics (e.9., the Golden Section and Fibonacci numbers) could easily have led him to a severely ce- rebral kind of art, with the computer playing a dominating role. But Pearson has maintained a certain distance from the techhnology by rendering his paintings and reliefs in the traditional manner. The computer solves complex relationships and suggests new avenues for exploration, but it does not produce the final art object. Artists working in geometric and serialistic styles may thus find the computer a natural ally, yet feel the need to retain a human louch. Darcy Gerbarg and Harry Holland preceded their computer works with paintings and prints which explored complex perspectives and spatial relationships. Holland is the acting director of the Art and Technology Center at Carnegie Mellon University. ln recent years, he has adopted the computer as both a perspective aid and a formulator of dense structures. Gerbarg, who directs the graduate computer art program at the School of Visual Arts in New York, continues her color and space explorations on the computeri but transfers her results to traditional paint and printmaking media so that the f inal art object has a more sumptuous physical richness. The large scale of much of her work expands the typically miniaturistic quality of computer images into the realm of the environmental, especially in her murals. Computer art is by no means dominated by geometric styles, however. Barbara Nessim, who also teaches at the School of Visual Arts, enters hand-drawn representational images into the computer by way of a digitized pad, after which they can be processed in a variety of ways. Nessim compares the artist's computer with the writer's word processor; where the writer moves words, the artist moves images. An image can be worked on and altered, but the original stored in the memory can be brought back whenever the artist wants it. Although the technology, in this case, is little more than a mute tool, it does offer the artist an incentive to experiment more freely. lsaac Victor Kerlow, director of the Computer Graphics Programs at Pratt lnstitute, has found the media of printmaking and computerization to be unusually compatible. Both can create multilpe impressions and both may use composite matrices superimposed plates in printmaking, integrated numerical plots in a computer. Kerlow begins with a - hand-drawn sketch which he then develops on the computer. The resulting image is transferred to the printermaker's plate �either photographically or by direct inscribing with a plotter. ln either case, the image is enriched in the final printing through the inherent properties of the printmaker's ink and papers. Kerlow's blend of old and new technologies is expressively paralleled in his frequent combination of archaic and modern imagery. The capability of the computer to call up images from its memory in any order and in many permutations encourages artists to exploit the old surrealist device of juxtaposition. Bll/ Davison, a widely exhibited afiist from Vermont, juxtaposes illusion (in the form of photographic images) with "anti-illusionistic areas of senuous and physical presence" in order to "establish a'field' that reveals choices and ambiguities, a double dialogue that compares both media and their contents." Joan Truckenbrod also uses the computer to process photographic information in a highly personal way. The im- ages from a video camera are fed into the computer by a video digitizer. Using both commerical software and her own programs, she then interweaves the recorded material into a composite photographic image which she shoots directly off the monitor screen with a 35mm camera. Truckenbrod's medium is wellsuited to her expressive concerns. A faculty member at the School of the Art lnstitute of Chicago, she has stated that her work "confronts the fragmentary effects of the differing roles we all assume in our lives - as parents, siblings, lovers, spouses, workers, etc. . . . The interacting roles of figures, masks and screens in my images represent different roles and their undulating positions in our lives . . . lmages can be layered and synthesized in a manner that parallels the fabric of contemporary life." Something of the same composite effect is achieved by Charlotte Brown,bul in a style that is predominantly abstract, John Pearson , Fresnel Proposal #38, 1986, Acrylic on rag board,22x22x3 inches. �yet not geometric. She combines fragments of patterns which are either transcribed to a single surface or pieced to- gether as collages. Her motifs suggest distant or exotic places, times, and styles. Brown was originally an abstract expressionist painter, but turned to the 3M color processor after an auto accident left her unable to work with a brush. Yet her work reveals that her new medium is more than a simple tool to execute ideas that she might have previously painted or assembled. The computer has opened new terrain for her to explore just as it has for the other artists in this exhibition. Once more, the interaction of artist and medium becomes part of the creative process. It is clear from the work of these nine artists that computer art is already highly diverse in style and highly flexible in technique. lt may look as geometric as Pearson's, as organic as Brown's, or as illusionistic as Truckenbrod's. lt may be as densely computerized as Wilson's or as richly handmade as Gerbarg's. The "gee whiz" phase of computer image-making those digital Mona Lisas, for example is long gone - for the serious artist. - Darcy Gerbqrg, Q Space, 1983, serigraph, 49 x 40 inches. VIDEO ART as a medium, seems less radical - Video, than the computer, for it is an extension of an already accepted art form, film. What sets it apart is its accessibility to �both artist and viewer. Compared to film, video is cheap, quick, and spontaneous. lt is within the means and capability of a vast number of people. lt can even free the frustated or latent imaginations of thousands of persons who lack traditional "talent." The video artists represented in this exhibi- tion approach their medium in two distinct ways: as linear "documentation" (i.e. a straight narrative flow);-and as montage (i.e. the juxtaposition or superimposition of fragments). ln every case, they provide, like the underground film movement, an antidote to any potential "tyranny by television." John Will, a painter and printmaker teaching at the University of Calgary is the documentarist of the group, but it is only in style that his pieces are documentaries. Will is a parodist who observes with dead aim and deadpan humor the follies and fantasies of contemporary society. The title subject of his An Albuquerque Car is a true relic of the industrial age examined by a post-industrial artist. Jumpin'Jesus is an amusing footnote to one of television's blockbusters, the Winter Olympics (made in collaboration with Gordon Trick). Satire and social commentary of a more aggressive sort are found in the movement known as Scratch Video. Clips from commercial videotapes are assembled into a montage which resembles rapid channel switching but which replaces randomness with deliberate juxtaposition. Two basic types of theme are preferred: the political and social satire; and the deconstructive commentary on the medium itself and our sense of artistic structure. The pieces shown here as Ihe Greatesf Hits of Scratch Video, and never more than a few minutes in length, represent the work of a group of British video artists: George Barber (who produced the tape), John Maybury Jeffrey Hinton,lhe Duvet Brothers, Km Flitcroft and Sandra Goldbacher, and John Scarlett Dayis. Barber notes that Scratch is often edited in "advertising time" rather than "art time," with rapid-fire , rap-style images assaulting the viewer. Like collage, Scratch trades in "found materials." One Scratch artist has said, "Why film when you can get it off TV? Those guys (TV cameramen) can be relied upon to get it in focus, nicely framed we simply show them where they went wrong," Connie Coleman, a video and computer artist from Philadelphia, also uses juxtaposed fragments to undermine our complacencies and assumptions, Her Ba llet Digitale is a kind of post-industial Ballet Mechanique, Fernand Leger's classic 1924 avantgarde film which captured the syncopations of an industrial world in the then new montage style. Coleman's piece is, thus, "post-industrial" in both theme and medium, and a fitting climax to our brief survey of post-industrial expression. - All the artists in this show can be considered pioneers (sev- eral of them have even written books and articles on their techniques). Computer art and video art are still young, even though they have been around for more than two decades. John Pearson has worked with computers since 1973, yet now he is often working without them, returning instead to wholly traditional methods. Does this mean he has ex- hausted their potential, grown tired of them, or set himself new goals? Pearson speaks of his "love/hate relationship" �with the computer: his respect for its ability to reveal new paths to pursue, but his mistrust of its allure; his delight in the time itsaves, but his frustration in one's inabilityto absorb the overload it produces (thus canceling out the saved time). Ultimately, for him, the computer is but a tool of logic, recalling sculptor Sol Lewitt's remark that "art jumps to conclusions that logic cannot reach." Jumps of imagination, leaps of faith, flights of fancy these have always been the way of art. lt is really a question of the relationship between artist and medium: which is master and which is servant? - The computer and the video camera are unquestionably versitile artistic media, accessible to any artist who wishes to learn a new technique and to any person for whom these me- dia may open the door to artistic expression. lt is impossible to predict how widely and dqeply they will penetrate the artistic world. Undoubtedly, many artists willcontinue to get along nicely without "state of the technology" art. Yet, even this modest exhibition reveals something of the great potential of these art forms in the hands of resourceful artists. Bronzecasting, invented sometime in the fifth millenium B.C., was technically much more complex than stonecarving, yet both media stillflourish today. Computers and video will probably likewise extend the technical options available to artists without making older techniques obsolete. ln the final analysis, the deeper meaning and beauty of art lie in the human thought and feeling which the artist shapes into form. The means may change, but the ends rarely do. *,,,,", sterling Associate Professor of Art Artists Represented: George Barber Charlotte Brown Connie Coleman BillDavison Duvet Brothers John Scarlett Davis Kim Flitcroft Darcy Gerbarg Sandra Golbacher Jeffrey Hinton Harry Holland lsaac Victor Kerlow John Maybury Barbara Nessim John Pearson Joan Truckenbrod John Will MarkWilson Sordoni Art Gallery Staff: Judith H. O'Toole, Director Jean C. Adams, Assistant Director Kimberly Andrews, Secretary � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1988 October 2 Post-Industrial Expression Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource George Barber Charlotte Brown Connie Coleman Bill Davison Duvet Brothers John Scarlett Davis Kim Fliteroft Darcy Gerbarge Sandra Golbacher Jeffrey Hinton Harry Holland Isaac Victor Kerlow John Maybury Barbra Nessim John Pearson John Truckenbrod John Will Mark Wilson William Sterling Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988 October 2 - October 30 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource Post-Industrial Expression serves to provide a visual expression of that technology in the field of art and tries to demonstrate something of the variety of ways in which artists have creatively adapted it to their individual expressive ends. Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/980d8a3781e9c9494c4646644079c2d3.pdf 8d13b4443f3675dd84b25ef483672078 PDF Text Text ��������������������������� https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/e983dc6a8bb65e703cf5b13f01dc8d6e.pdf 7ff6384e75027fbfaa4ac288a10d1cfe PDF Text Text -I JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE: ■ • ■: I i Ii I ■ i = i 2 I Politics and Controversy ■■ m Eighteenth Century Graphics SORD GA ZF. ,1 NE962 W54J6 1988 o �JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE Politics and Controversy in Eighteenth Century Graphics Based on Engravings from the McClintock Collection of Wilkes College Sponsored by Lewith & Freeman Real Estate Inc. Marquis Art and Frame Merchants Bank North Morrison's Custom Management Offset Paperback Mfrs., Inc. Pennsylvania Gas and Water Company E.S. FARLEY LIBRARY WILKES UNIVERSITY WILKES-BARRE, PA Sordoni Art Gallery Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania June 19 through July 24, 1988 �1 ARCHIVES Exhibition organized by Judith H. O'Toole Annie Bohlin and F. Charles Petrillo, Guest Curators Essays by Harold E. Cox, PhD, and F. Charles Petrillo Catalog design by Annie Bohlin This exhibition is supported in part by a grant from the Pennsylvania Council on the Arts. Copyright by the Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes College, 1988 Front cover: Exhibition No. 3 Back cover: Exhibition No. 39 __ TABLE OF CON Lenders to the Exhibition Acknowledgements John Wilkes & Isaac Barre: Politics and Controversy in Ei Graphics, by Harold E. Cox, PhD Wilkes, Barre, and Revolution, by Harold E. Cox, PhD Insulting a King: The Naming of Wilkes-Barre, by F. Cha Illustrations Checklist of the Exhibition �Ill sd by Judith H. O'Toole irles Petrillo, Guest Curators , PhD, and F. Charles Petrillo a by Annie Bohlin >ported in part by a grant nia Council on the Arts. rt Gallery, Wilkes College, 1988 TABLE OF CONTENTS Lenders to the Exhibition........................................................................ .IV Acknowledgements................................................................................ .V John Wilkes & Isaac Barre: Politics and Controversy in Eighteenth Century . .1 Graphics, by Harold E. Cox, PhD.................................................... . .9 Wilkes, Barre, and Revolution, by Harold E. Cox, PhD......................... .17 Insulting a King: The Naming of Wilkes-Barre, by F. Charles Petrillo.... .21 Illustrations............................................................................................ .40 Checklist of the Exhibition.................................................................... Exhibition No. 3 xhibitionNo. 39 Qf). �LENDERS TO THE EXHIBITION ACKNOWLEI American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Massachusetts William L. Clements Library, The University of Michigan McClintock Collection, Eugene Shedden Farley Library, Wilkes College The New York Public Library I The idea for this exhibition began in 1985 wh tion, Vale of Wyoming: Nineteenth Century Images f we discovered important materials relating to Jot lected by Gilbert S. McClintock and given to Wi Among these were books, letters, and contempon of the two men for whom our city is named. The extraordinary collection. I am indebted to Annie Bohlin and F. Chari: organizing all phases of it. Annie became aware o while working on an inventory of its books in as: with this exhibition and the McClintock Collecti came interested in the historical value of the eng Dr. Harold E. Cox, Professor of History at Wilkes < 18th century references. Professor Cox's essays p: plain the complex images that a modern audienc Charlie's essay describes men and events of th Wilkes-Barre was named. Robert Paustian, Director of the Farley Libra: cial Collections, were helpful in permitting acce: dell, Curator of Prints at The New York Public Li Arts at the American Antiquarian Society; and A liam L. Clements Library, The University of Mi< sources in helping us to locate important prints i loans from their respective institutions. The folic research: Joan Hall Sussler, Curator of Prints, Th tharina Slautterback, Administrative Assistant, Y ant Curator, and Thomas Lange, Associate Curat: brary - Art Collections - Botanical Gardens; Inge The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York; James Library at Cornell University; and Joan Diana, Lil vania State University. In addition, we thank the us suggestions on sources and assistance in locati We are grateful for the grants given in suppo provided funds to match an award from the Penn & Freeman Real Estate Inc., Marquis Art and Fran Management, Offset Paperback Mfrs., Inc., and out their important contributions this catalog wo Judith H. O’To< �I EXHIBITION ircester, Massachusetts University of Michigan Farley Library, Wilkes College c Library ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The ldea for this exhibition began in 1985 when we were compiling research for the exhibi­ tionVale of Wyoming: Nineteenth Century Images from Campbell's Ledge to Nanticoke. At that time we chscovered important materials relating to John Wilkes and Isaac Barre which had been col­ lected by Gilbert S. McClintock and given to Wilkes College at the time of his death in 1959. Ajnong these were books, letters, and contemporary engravings that reveal the political exploits of the two men for whom our city is named. The majority of items included here are from that extraordinary collection. I am indebted to Annie Bohlin and F. Charles Petrillo for initiating the exhibition and for organizing all phases of it. Annie became aware of the significance of the McClintock Collection while working on an inventory of its books in association with Rita Wolberg, whose assistance with this exhibition and the McClintock Collection is also very much appreciated. Charlie be­ came interested in the historical value of the engravings and subsequently enlisted the help of Dr. Harold E. Cox, Professor of History at Wilkes College, in interpreting their often complicated 18th century references. Professor Cox's essays provide contemporary historical context and ex­ plain the complex images that a modern audience might otherwise find obscure and puzzling. Charlie's essay describes men and events of the Wyoming Valley in that era, and tells how Wilkes-Barre was named. Robert Paustian, Director of the Farley Library, and Lorna Darte, Librarian in charge of Spe­ cial Collections, were helpful in permitting access to the McClintock Collection. Roberta Wad­ dell, Curator of Prints at The New York Public Library; Georgia B. Barnhill, Curator of Graphic Arts at the American Antiquarian Society; and Arlene Shy, Head Reader - Research at the Wil­ liam L. Clements Library, The University of Michigan, were generous with their time and re­ sources in helping us to locate important prints not in the McClintock Collection and to secure loans from their respective institutions. The following people were also gracious in helping our research: Joan Hall Sussler, Curator of Prints, The Lewis Walpole Library, Yale University; Ca­ tharina Slautterback, Administrative Assistant, Yale Center for British Art; Susan Naulty, Assist­ ant Curator, and Thomas Lange, Associate Curator, Rare Book Department, The Huntington Li­ brary - Art Collections - Botanical Gardens; Inge Dupont and the staff of the Reading Room of The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York; James Tyler, Department of Rare Books of the Olin Library at Cornell University; and Joan Diana, Librarian of the Wilkes-Barre campus of Pennsyl­ vania State University. In addition, we thank the many other historians and librarians who gave us suggestions on sources and assistance in locating materials during our research. We are grateful for the grants given in support of this exhibition by the six companies who provided funds to match an award from the Pennsylvania Council on the Arts. They are Lewith & Freeman Real Estate Inc., Marquis Art and Frame, Merchants Bank North, Morrison's Custom Management, Offset Paperback Mfrs., Inc., and Pennsylvania Gas and Water Company. With­ out their important contributions this catalog would not have been possible. Judith H. O'Toole, Director ■ �IV / L K E S & I S A A C B A R R E POLITICS AND CONT EIGHTEENTH CENTUI Exhibition No. 1 The active political life of John Wilkes (1727-1797) ture in England. This was stimulated initially by Sir Josl lished himself as a portrait painter in London in 1753. which rose from about five and one-half pounds for a hi five pounds only seven years later. Reynolds was folio rough (1727-1788) and George Romney (1734-1802). G and landscape painter. He treated nature in an imagii and combined portraiture with landscape background: trait painter, particularly in the late nineteenth cent spread beyond portraits into fields such as historical p; sical mythology and concentrated on classical attire.: gland was rising to a position of dominance in the work by the American Revolution, historical painting becaj pies in the "grand style" were not expanded upon. I current events. The earliest exponent was Edward Penny, who 1 "The Death of Wolfe.” During the French and Indiar Wolfe had led a daring ascent of the Heights of Abra River in September 1759 to capture the city of Queba his French adversary Montcalm had been mortally w battle. Wolfe came to be the symbol of the new Englisl historical event has generated more artistic activity w famous version of "The Death of General Wolfe" wa: born in Springfield, Pennsylvania, although he spent ite painter of King George III, who purchased historii ing more than 34,000 pounds in the process. The We exhibit. Since the average Englishman could not aft lively market developed in engravings copied from t ture netted 6,000 pounds for the engraver and 15,000 ] sum in a time when the working head of a family mij week. An increasing market for engravings and prints of the middle-class, if not the workers. The picture is < included. Directly above Wolfe in the center of the Wolfe's head, is Isaac Barre. Another major contributor to the art of Georgian whose satirical works are a history of contempora moved to prints and discovered the profit potentia among all classes. In a politically charged atmospher cal purposes, and Hogarth became the most famous the son of Israel Wilkes, a malt distiller, had the bene influential and profligate friends who established h bury in 1857. He was an opponent of both the domes! of Bute (1713-1792). the prime minister to King Get minister. Wilkes blamed Bute for blocking Wilkes' h eluding the governorship of Quebec. Early in his po mous political pamphlets which attracted the attenti �s & ISA AC BARRE JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 1 POLITICS AND CONTROVERSY IN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY GRAPHICS ■ tion No. 1 ; /a z. ///" / Z?z// ’/ft rr/c rnnah°H 7ZsfeV^n/eafS ^eYno^s was followed by such figures as Thomas GainsboA I , ! an George Romney (1734-1802). Gainsborough gained renown as a protrait and landscape painter. He treated nature in an imaginative rather than topographical fashion, an com me portraiture with landscape backgrounds. Romney became a popular English por­ trait painter, particularly in the late nineteenth century. The new enthusiasm for native art spread beyond portraits into fields such as historical painting. Reynolds chose figures from clas­ sical mythology and concentrated on classical attire. Since this was also a period in which England was rising to a position of dominance in the world, only temporarily disrupted in the 1770s by the American Revolution, historical painting became more contemporary. Reynolds' exam­ ples in the grand style were not expanded upon. Rather there was a vogue for paintings of current events. The earliest exponent was Edward Penny, who first attracted attention with his painting "The Death of Wolfe." During the French and Indian War (1754-1763), British General James Wolfe had led a daring ascent of the Heights of Abraham from the banks of the St. Lawrence River in September 1759 to capture the city of Quebec, the key to control of Canada. Wolfe and his French adversary Montcalm had been mortally wounded almost simultaneously during the battle. Wolfe came to be the symbol of the new English imperial position, and probably no single historical event has generated more artistic activity with more wildly varying results. The most famous version of "The Death of General Wolfe" was by Benjamin West (1738-1820), who was bom in Springfield, Pennsylvania, although he spent his career in England. West was the favor­ ite painter of King George III, who purchased historical works from him for forty years, spend­ ing more than 34,000 pounds in the process. The West painting has specific significance to this exhibit. Since the average Englishman could not afford the prices charged for such works, a lively market developed in engravings copied from these pictures. An engraving of West's pic­ ture netted 6,000 pounds for the engraver and 15,000 pounds for the seller by 1760, an incredible sum in a time when the working head of a family might make only ten shillings (half a pound) a week. An increasing market for engravings and prints developed, and art came within the means of the middle-class, if not the workers. The picture is also of interest for the historical personages included. Directly above Wolfe in the center of the picture, with his chin virtually resting on Wolfe's head, is Isaac BarrA Another major contributor to the art of Georgian England was William Hogarth (1697-1764), whose satirical works are a history of contemporary English manners. It was Hogarth who moved to prints and discovered the profit potentials in the wide circulation of cheap prints among all classes. In a politically charged atmosphere, the print soon came to be used for politi­ cal purposes, and Hogarth became the most famous political cartoonist of his age. John Wilkes, the son of Israel Wilkes, a malt distiller, had the benefit of a liberal education and a fraternity of influential and profligate friends who established him as a member of parhament from Aylesbury in 1857. He was an opponent of both the domestic and foreign policy of John Stuart, 3d Earl of Bute (1713-1792), the prime minister to King George III, and England's first Scottish prime minister. Wilkes blamed Bute for blocking Wilkes' hopes for certain political appointments, in­ cluding the governorship of Quebec. Early in his political career, Wilkes had published anony­ mous political pamphlets which attracted the attention of both the public and the King. No. 1 No. 1A No. IB �JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE JOHN WILKES & personal dislike, the fight being initiated by^ a^ti ^d^i^isfration journal North Briton. Wilkes re1762 when ^!lk“MbegqrXaS about to publish a political cartoon in which Wilkes, Churchill, ceived word that Hogarth , Churchill was an Anglican clergyman who became Temple and Pitt would app • debauchery probably surpassed even those of Wilkes' closest friend a s n Richard Temple was a follower of Wilr^^mit^hp^lder^ lTOT^dT^S)3 whohadledthecountry asprimeminister duringthe Seven Years War He esigned ^IpoZn io 1861, being replaced by the Earl of Bute. By this time Pitt was Solved hi^strugglewith the "King's Friends" for control of the government. Temple encoura^etwSkes wrote^toHoga^tlrdeda^g’that the proposed cartoon entitled "The Times," would No. 2 No.2A No. 3 No. 4 No. 5 No. 6 be unfriendly and asked him not to publish it. Hogarth replied that he cartoon contained Pitt and Temple, but not Wilkes and Churchill. Wilkes then stated that attacks on his; friends would result in counter-attacks and followed up his threat with publication of theNorthBn ton No. 17 in September 1762 in which he attacked Hogarth personally. Hogarth was described as having a rancorous and malevolent mind and as being a declining painter. Wilkes made much of Hogarth's new title of "serjeant-painter" to the king, stating that it meant house-painter. Churchill is believed to have made additions and revisions to the text. For some unknown reason Wilkes didn’t think that Hogarth would be offended, but he was mistaken. On 23 April 1763, Wilkes published his famous North Briton No. 45, which attacked the administration and re­ sulted in Wilkes' arrest for libel. On 6 May, Wilkes appeared before a packed court and was discharged on the grounds of parliamentary privilege, as he was an elected member from Ayles­ bury. He was hailed by the crowd with the cry, "Wilkes and Liberty." Hogarth was at the trial and made sketches from which, ten days later, came an unflattering print of Wilkes bearing a liberty cap on a pole. It is worthy of note that the table contains not only a document labeled North Briton No. 45, but also one labeled North Briton No. 17. Hogarth had exacted his revenge. He would get even with Churchill in August when he published a caricature of the former clergyman as a bear in clerical garb. Wilkes was a caricaturist's dream. Joshua Reynolds described him as having a low, short forehead, "shorter and lower" nose, "long and projecting" upper lip, crooked jaw, and "eyes sunken and horribly squinting." Hogarth obviously made the most of what he had to work with. Another source indicates that Wilkes also had very bad teeth in his later years. Hogarth's draw­ ing shows that the deterioration was already setting in. The Hogarth picture spawned a host of copies. These include a French version which prominently shows (and misspells) North Briton No. 17, while hiding No. 45 in the frame of the portrait. Another version, obviously copied from Hogarth, but reversed, shows Wilkes holding a copy of the Magna Carta. A relatively late picture . Wilkes, presumably made when he was Mayor of London in 1775, and containing no political significance, is a softened version of Hogarth, also with the pose reversed. The eyes are not as pronouncedly crossed as m Hogarth and the earlier copies. While the teeth are as bad as ever, the chin has been softened and if an oil painting of Wilkes made in 1779 by John Zoffany is accurate, is much closer to his actual appearance. 1 conJi^a CaricJtu^e could also be turned against the enemies of Wilkes. This reversed OneYof th^m^n J!pr° f ofJl°?arth's original with the addition of Lord Bute to the picture, and his allies Wilkes° i M been c^arges of corruption and bribery against Bute otherwise anonvmou-s arC 1' ^aunc^ec^ a direct attack on Bute to supplement the rSeTshE T r the?°rth Briton- « * likely that the cartoon dales from May to bribe Wlkes Publication of the Hogarth original. In this print, Bute is shown trying tas-*—' But if a round sum in the dark Not offensible, now that barga Asham’d of such meanness di Wilks answer'd thus, as I'm c "Avaunt, vile corrupter, I’ll tai I'll be true to old England, the Wilkes had taken care to attack those around 1 that George III appears in the background express! that the cartoon was commissioned by Wilkes or a ing up Bute's shoulder labeled Temora and Fingal w to Bute's Scottish origins. One James MacPherson epic poems which he had "discovered." Fingal, an Language appeared in 1762. Temora was published fore the appearance of this cartoon. MacPherson w ricated the poems from fragments, and MacPherso The dispute over North Briton No. 45 also gem heroic portrait credited to J. Miller, with approprial appeared on 30 June 1763, six weeks after the Hoga it described Wilkes as "member of parliament for. Great without Title, beyond ft Rich, ev'n when plunder'd, h< Lov’d without Youth, & follow At Home, tho' exiled; free, the The piece was credited to a publisher named A much more flattering portrait than Hogarth's, it cai same enthusiasm with which Wilkes' opponents shifted the body slightly to the front but faithfully Another work published in June 1763 at the pi designed as the frontispiece of a pro-Wilkes pamp ports to show Wilkes in the Tower and bears not th ing the eyes, which both stare steadfastly forward graver was covered in part by the heavy black gr imprisonment. This bears the same similarity to ri The top of the print is captioned A Wit's a Feather, an An honest Man’s the b This was taken from Alexander Pope's Essay o, of fame. Pope divided famous men into two clas heroes, giving little credit to either. The wise mei and showy; the heroes, whom he considers the : honest men is then given, an opinion obviously choice of a selection from An Essay on Man was ire November 1763, Wilkes would come under attack entitled An Essay on Woman and, as a result, wort 1764. By this time, Wilkes had fled to Paris and i cherub in the foreground holds the obligatory lit blade reads, "Let Justice hold the Scale." Perhaps the most widely-copied pro-Wilkes Dutch/English bilingual version was engraved a: Reynolds had described in such uncomplimentary Even the crossed eyes had been downplayed by pl extreme left of the picture is marked Sydney on ( �a ? BARRE vitable that Hogarth would depict t so much of political disputes as of id Hogarth were friendly until June on journal North Briton. Wilkes reirtoon in which Wilkes, Churchill, Anglican clergyman who became irobably surpassed even those of lard Temple was a follower of Wilne minister during the Seven Years Earl of Bute. By this time Pitt was if the government. Temple encour- toon, entitled “The Times," would ied that the cartoon contained Pitt d that attacks on his friends would ication of the North Briton No. 17 in logarth was described as having a ainter. Wilkes made much of Hoat it meant "house-painter." Chure text. For some unknown reason : was mistaken. On 23 April 1763, tacked the administration and re­ ed before a packed court and was /as an elected member from Aylesberty." Hogarth was at the trial and ng print of Wilkes bearing a liberty dy a document labeled North Briton exacted his revenge. He would get e of the former clergyman as a bear cribed him as having a low, short upper lip, crooked jaw, and "eyes most of what he had to work with, in his later years. Hogarth's drawHogarth picture spawned a host of ihows |and misspells) North Briton ler version, obviously copied from igna Carta. A relatively late picture n 1775, and containing no political pose reversed. The eyes are not as hile the teeth are as bad as ever, the n 1779 by John Zoffany is accurate, JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 3 But if a round sum in the dark you should like Not offensible, now that bargain I'll strike." I Avaunt, vile corrupter, I’ll take no such thing. be true to old England, the Whigs, And the King." that^em^mannpar^n^t.0 those1around the king but not George III directly. The fact that th? rartnnn • £- ack^round exPreSsing dismay about his country would indicate Id by Wllkes or a cIose associate. The two small figures clirnb' F . c jU — 3 Temora and Fingal were a non-too-subtle contemporary reference to Bute s Scottish origins. One James MacPherson had made a career of "translating" Scottish epic poems which he hadI ’discovered." Fingal, an Ancient Epic Poem...translated from the Gaelic Language appeared in 1762. Temora was published the following year, probably only weeks be­ fore the appearance of this cartoon. MacPherson was accused by Samuel Johnson of having fab­ ricated the poems from fragments, and MacPherson never produced the originals. The dispute over North Briton No. 45 also generated other pro-Wilkes materials. A formal, heroic portrait credited to J. Miller, with appropriate accompanying verse from Alexander Pope, appeared on 30 June 1763, six weeks after the Hogarth caricature. Straightforward and unsubtle, it described Wilkes as member of parliament for Aylesbury Bucks" and as being No. 7 Great without Title, beyond fortune bless'd; Rich, ev'n when plunder’d, honour'd, while oppress'd; Lov’d without Youth, & follow'd without Power; At Home, tho' exiled; free, tho' in the Tower. The piece was credited to a publisher named Miller who probably also did the engraving. A much more flattering portrait than Hogarth's, it came to be copied by pro-Wilkes forces with the same enthusiasm with which Wilkes' opponents copied Hogarth's work. A German version shifted the body slightly to the front but faithfully copied the head. Another work published in June 1763 at the peak of the furor over North Briton No. 45 was designed as the frontispiece of a pro-Wilkes pamphlet. Engraved by Bickham, the portrait pur­ ports to show Wilkes in the Tower and bears not the slightest resemblance to the subject, includ­ ing the eyes, which both stare steadfastly forward at the reader. The cavalier attitude of the en­ graver was covered in part by the heavy black grid placed over the picture as a symbol of his imprisonment. This bears the same similarity to real bars as the picture behind does to Wilkes. The top of the print is captioned No. 8 No. 9 * A Wit's a Feather, and a Chief's a Rod; An honest Man's the Noble work of God. enemies of Wilkes. This reversed ddition of Lord Bute to the picture, orruption and bribery against Bute attack on Bute to supplement the ly that the cartoon dates from May . In this print, Bute is shown trying This was taken from Alexander Pope's Essay on Man, and was drawn from Pope's discussion of fame. Pope divided famous men into two classes: wits (meaning wise men in general) and heroes, giving little credit to either. The wise men are compared to feathers, which are flimsy and showy; the heroes, whom he considers the scourges of mankind, to rods. His opinion of honest men is then given, an opinion obviously extended by the artist to cover Wilkes The choice of a selection from An Essay on Man was ironic considering that only five months later, in November 1763, Wilkes would come under attack for publishing an obscene parody of the work entitled An Essay on Woman and, as a result, would be expelled from parliament on 19 January 1764. By this time, Wilkes had fled to Paris and a self-imposed four-year European exile. The cherub in the foreground holds the obligatory liberty cap, while the inscription on the sword ondescend, i his friend, four pen, rite again, eet, ite treat blade reads, "Let Justice hold the Scale." . . , , „ , , D. . Perhaps the most widely-copied pro-Wilkes portrait was> tha painted by Robert Pine. A Dutch/English bilingual version was engraved and published in 1764. The individual whom Reynolds had described in such uncomplimentary terms was, m this portrait, almost handsome. Even the crossed eyes had been downplayed by placing the right eye in shadow. The book m the extreme left of the picture is marked Sydney on Government and refers to the book Discourses No. 10 �field wa ■ headed .. . right side. Tl - ■. . ^SSS&ats^RF ■ No. 11 Nos. 12-16 No. 17 No. 18 Wilkes and Samuel Martin on 16 November 1763, when he reportedly carried the mjury. Wilkes home, possibly saving his life. The duel occurred a ter Martin called Wilkes a cowarc among other slanders, after the publication of North BrttonNo45 During the difficult economic times which Wilkes experienced in the mid-1760s, Cotes handled many of Wilkes financial af­ fairs, at least until Cotes himself went bankrupt. A remarkable reversed copy of the painting, signed by John Philipp, re-reversed all of the print in the picture so that it could still be read. An interesting feature is the cameo in the lower right Almost obscured in the bilingual version, it is clearly shown in this view as is the name "Hampden." This reference to John Hampden, one of the leaders of the opposition to King Char­ les I, suggests a shift from the views of the earlier version of this print. Royalty, apparently, was no longer sacrosanct. Several obvious copies of the head of the Pine painting survive. One is credited to the same "J. Miller" as the print mentioned above. Another copy, credited to E. Bocquet, also credited Pine as the painter of the original, an infrequent practice for engravers of such prints. Wilkes' next period of prominence began with his election as a member of parliament for Middlesex on 28 March 1768, after his return from the European continent. A classical portrait with the inevitable cherub holding a liberty cap and references to John Locke and Algernon Sid­ ney, obviously copied from the Pine portrait, commemorated his election. A broadside illus­ trated with a crude woodcut described the election at Brentford town from a Wilkesite view­ point. Another contained Wilkes' address to the Court of Common Pleas on the day after the election. Wilkes had been convicted of libel for the publication of No. 45 in February 1764. He had not appeared to receive judgment but instead had taken refuge in Paris, and was outlawed by parlia­ ment on 1 November 1764. Much of his time until February 1768 was spent in France and Italy. He surrendered to the outlawry on 29 March 1768, one day after his Middlesex election. The portrait at the top appears based on Miller's 1763 engraving. The usual references were made to Sidney, Lock, Hampden, and the Magna Carta. An engraving showing the court appearance was published in Gentleman's Magazine in May 1768. It was based on the Pine portrait or some copy thereof, but any resemblance to Wilkes was coincidental. Wilkes was committed by Lord Mansfield to the King’s Bench Prison on 27 April. He issued an address to his sympathizers on 5 May, which brought gatherings of his followers to St. George s Field, near the jail. This mob was fired upon by military forces on 10 May, and the event became known as the St. George's Field Massacre. The official responsible was a magistrate of Surrey named Samuel Gilliam, who was tried for murder and, after a long debate, acquitted. Gilliam was apparently a person of limited scholarship, a fact commented upon in the Public verttser or ugust 1768, and reprinted in the Oxford Magazine. The magazine followed up with a cartoon printed about October 1768 entitled "Midas, or the Surrey Justice." Gilliam, with ass s ears, is seated writing a letter which says, "Send me the Ax Re Latin to a Gustis of Pease," WilkpTk,8 vhe n°fte Wh‘Ch r®put®d.ly„had flrst raised questions concerning Gilliam's literacy. lhhkhe mut Ak fMWdlnSlhOpghrU^ and Saying' "Not satisfied with the Murder of the Engcarded conv^f die^tAtd^ the Enghsh Language." A cat lies sleeping under the table on a disthe wall isPa nicmre of a 1e a C°PY °f Fenning’s Spelling Book lies on the table. On weirhlng her viSms a rn I ° 4m8 3 dra™1\sword and a balance, in the scales of which she is "massacre " The XlAnAP k 3 8^e;B°th thlS and the musket lying on the table refer to the "M™n the tittere'errXaTnded deSCribed WUkes only as "the ^at Patriot." The name convictions and on 18 JunTsentenced him t°o twen"^ I"'8 Wi,kes Suil,Y under his Prior pounds, and required posting of bond of lOOOnm?^’T° mOnths lmPr>sonment, fined him 1000 a3tecl)‘s re'easerhis stirred Wilkesto'ano^herPappeal'iohjscons^Uuenls on thesameOdayeMans- ide v . ............................................................................................ likes m . ■ ■ - - Wilkes retun to poli ical irominen ■ i a WJkes. together with .Sejjeam mg Wnkes election m 1768 reflects the fact that 4 February 1769 a. a re; m of near libel -harge= engraving appearing jr. the pro-Wiikes riu-naf Hw- ■ w. : '• a- s wig. and the Duke of Grafton. Both are depicted me in pieces I care not: cut spare, oh spare mv Home who says. They know not what thev do: dence for this either in Law or Equity! I declare government and opponents of Wilkes election, fox, and the Duke of Bedford as a pig. saying. "I Mansfield appears dressed as the Lord Chief Just saying, " If they don't do for him we’ll all have at sion proceedings before Commons while Norton Although V, ilkes was re-elected in three nev declared elected instead, and the returns falsifie Wilkes’ counsel during the disputes of 1763 and liamentary privilege; Glynn and Home manast 1768. Glynn in turn was elected to the other parli in an election marred by rioting and at least one d Brentford who changed his name to Home Tool Tooke. He was the last Anglican clergyman to sit he appears to have used Wilkes and traded on W Home was an extraordinary political organizer i the Bill of Rights. This was a political action con into parliament and to defend him against the got election expenses and 12,000 pounds in general off to a new start. In one election Home was rest bills arranged carriages for transport, and contn The Houston painting dates from 1769. Sign for houses of refreshment. At least four London t Johns.' Horne and Wilkes parted company in 17 tacks on the courts, had been convicted of corner: to allow money to be used for Bingley's support o in protest, left the society and formed a new grou mation, taking the wealthier and more radical V fighting a two-front political war against the po enemies, and against the radicals allied with Hor for sheriff of London, charging him with embezt French jewelers. Other charges included having < givable sin of having had three French servants. The dispute between Horne and Wilkes was Register, dated 1 July 1771. Home, in clerical g throwing books at each other. Home's Speeches c Horne's head. Three documents collectively lab; dlesex have been thrown at Wilkes. Each has or while Wilkes' other foot is on a paper marked H was unsuccessful. Whatever his abilities as an o. sparring. He challenged Wilkes to a duel after 1 Wilkes declined. Wilkes and his new running ma elected as sheriffs of London on 24 July 1771 by a �ISAAC BARRE lished in 1681, in which he upheld the doctrine his also may have been a veiled reference to ey had been expelled from parliament in Octolabeled "Magna Carta, and the letter next beumphrey Cotes was a London wine merchant may have been the second at the duel between 763, when he reportedly carried the injured iccurred after Martin called Wilkes a coward, ■th Briton No. 45. During the difficult economic s, Cotes handled many of Wilkes' financial as­ signed by John Philipp, re-reversed all of the n interesting feature is the cameo in the lower t is clearly shown in this view as is the name e of the leaders of the opposition to King Char­ version of this print. Royalty, apparently, was : painting survive. One is credited to the same er copy, credited to E. Bocquet, also credited iractice for engravers of such prints. th his election as a member of parliament for n the European continent. A classical portrait id references to John Locke and Algernon Sidmmemorated his election. A broadside Uluson at Brentford town from a Wilkesite viewCourt of Common Pleas on the day after the Lica tion of No. 45 in February 1764. He had not :n refuge in Paris, and was outlawed by parlial February 1768 was spent in France and Italy. 58, one day after his Middlesex election. The engraving. The usual references were made to i engraving showing the court appearance was t was based on the Pine portrait or some copy idental. he King's Bench Prison on 27 April. He issued :h brought gatherings of his followers to St. ion by military forces on 10 May, and the event The official responsible was a magistrate of r murder and, after a long debate, acquitted, .arship, a fact commented upon in the Public ■ Oxford Magazine. The magazine followed up i "Midas, or the Surrey Justice." Gilliam, with end me the Ax Re Latin to a Gustis of Pease," ised questions concerning Gilliam's literacy, g, "Not satisfied with the Murder of the EngA cat lies sleeping under the table on a disf Fenning's Spelling Book lies on the table. On d and a balance, in the scales of which she is 1 and the musket lying on the table refer to the Wilkes only as 'Ue great Patriot." The name t lead character in a burletta - a type of farce harden. ie 1768, but held Wilkes guilty under his prior y-two months imprisonment, fined him 1000 ids to guarantee seven years of good behavior eal to his constituents on the same day. Mans- JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE •>» 5 without pi.,." A sevenNo. 19 stylized lion in place of the snake and thistle. P ’ naturaUy. contained a cap of liberty and a Wilkes together with hispolidcal aU^Teri^m gT^^ briyra1pO[Jrait by Richard Houston of ing Wilkes' election in 1768 reflects the fact thm he h-TTh J°hn n °[The notation concern- No. 20 No. 21 denre%n^hiXifhTh yrkn0W T What they do'" and Glynn- who declares, "There is no Precenhf ' dth m LT °fr,EA?nlty! 1 declare 10 be illegal." To the right are members of the government and opponents of Wilkes' election. Included are Lord Holland with the head of a fox, and the Duke of Bedford as a pig, saying, "Let us kill him, or he'll blow our secrets." Lord Mansfield appears dressed as the Lord Chief Justice and with the head and claws of a wolf. He is saying, If they don t do for him, we'll all have at him." Glynn had defended Wilkes in the expul­ sion proceedings before Commons while Norton had served as the prosecutor. Although Wilkes was re-elected in three new elections, his opponent, Colonel Luttrel, was declared elected instead, and the returns falsified by the House of Commons. Glynn had been Wilkes counsel during the disputes of 1763 and had gotten him released on the grounds of par­ liamentary privilege. Glynn and Horne managed Wilkes' election campaign in Middlesex in 1768. Glynn in turn was elected to theother parliamentary seat for Middlesex in December 1768 in an election marred by rioting and at least one death. John Horne was a radical clergyman from Brentford who changed his name to Horne Tooke on acquiring by bequest the estate of a Mr. Tooke. He was the last Anglican clergyman to sit as a member of parliament. A political radical, he appears to have used Wilkes and traded on Wilkes' popularity to gain his own political ends. Horne was an extraordinary political organizer who was behind the Society for the Defence of the Bill of Rights. This was a political action committee formed in February 1769 to get Wilkes into parhament and to defend him against the government. The Society also paid 3000 pounds in election expenses and 12,000 pounds in general debts and provided 1000 pounds to get Wilkes off to a new start. In one election Horne was responsible for distribution of at least 40,000 hand­ bills, arranged carriages for transport, and controlled the crowds of supporters. The Houston painting dates from 1769. Signs based on the painting became popular marks for houses of refreshment. At least four London taverns were so marked and named "The Three Johns." Horne and Wilkes parted company in 1770. A Mr. Bingley, who had printed Wilkes' at­ tacks on the courts, had been convicted of contempt and given a three-year term. Wilkes refused to allow money to be used for Bingley's support on the grounds that he needed it himself. Horne, in protest, left the society and formed a new group known as the Society for Constitutional Infor­ mation, taking the wealthier and more radical Wilkes supporters with him. Wilkes now began fighting a two-front political war against the political conservatives, who were his traditional enemies, and against the radicals allied with Horne as well. Horne opposed Wilkes when he ran for sheriff of London, charging him with embezzling foundling hospital funds and of swindling French jewelers. Other charges included having drunk claret wine while in prison and the unfor­ givable sin of having had three French servants. The dispute between Horne and Wilkes was commemorated in an engraving for the Political Register, dated 1 July 1771. Horne, in clerical garb, and Wilkes, dressed as an aiderman, are throwing books at each other. Horne's Speeches at Mile End, thrown by Wilkes, has just missed Horne's head. Three documents collectively labeled Wilkes's Addresses to the Freeholders of Mid­ dlesex have been thrown at Wilkes. Each has one foot on a book labeled Political Connections, while Wilkes' other foot is on a paper marked Home's Letter. Horne's campaign against Wilkes was unsuccessful. Whatever his abilities as an organizer, he was no match for Wilkes in verbal sparring. He challenged Wilkes to a duel after Wilkes disproved many of his earlier charges. Wilkes declined. Wilkes and his new running mate, a rich merchant named Frederick Bull, were elected as sheriffs of London on 24 July 1771 by a wide margin. The two spent their year's term in No. 26 No. 22 No. 23 �6 No. 24 IS A AC BARRE JOHN WILKES & , U the oenal system and Wilkes at the end of his term proposed an attempt to reduce the abuses otnep ' nishment for many inferior crimes." This would "a revision of those laws which ini P be cted< Wilkes' election was not universally not happen for anoth,ei: f°r/'Tatriotick Meteors" was first printed in the London Magazine for j approved. A cartoon labeled ratrio htical downfall. Three heads, their necks decorated November 1771, which predicted VV £drawn int0 the jaws of a hippopotamus labeled "The enemies in 1772 and 17/4 e No. 25 October 1774, and his new office was commemorated by a ™°P^ “S™ sJm.intaiaed a love o( eo.e,Hie No. 27 Nos. 28-30 scribed as "the late Pope's nephew. ir.TArii , . , Following his term as mayor (he was not eligible to succeed himself) Wilkes concentrated on his parliamentary duties. He remained a member of parliament from Middlesex until 1790 when he did not seek re-election. As a supporter of the Rockingham whigs and later of William Pitt the younger, Wilkes remained a reformer but achieved a measure of respectability which he had not previously enjoyed. Even George III, who had spent many of the earlier years trying to block his efforts to achieve office, was reconciled with Wilkes. Wilkes' term as Lord Mayor coincided with the early events of the American Revolution, and in April 1775, Wilkes presented to the King a remonstrance in favor of the American colonies. Wilkes acquitted himself well on this occasion, and George III confessed that he had never known so well-bred a Lord Mayor. Wilkes had been long estranged from his wife, Mary Mead, and he shared his later years with their daughter Polly, who never married. Polly performed the duties of "lady mayoress" during Wilkes' term as Lord Mayor, her continental education helping to make her the perfect hostess. The last oil portrait of Wilkes, painted by John Zoffany in 1799, shows Wilkes seated looking up at Polly. This was the painting from which most of the later prints of Wilkes were copied. An engraving by Freeman, printed in 1804, left the pose unchanged but made Wilkes look consider­ ably younger than in the painting. Another undated picture shows Wilkes looking forward and is apparently a reversal based on the Zoffany portrait. Another view, published on 17 June 1782 by C. Bretherton, shows an aging, toothless Wilkes dressed in what appears to be the cloak of a co onel of militia. He had been similarly attired in the Zoffany portrait and in a caricature printed on the occasion of his death in 1797. f. ? fiS laaSt Yearn he attemPted repeatedly to find a country home on the Isle of Wight. He fm,r+Ln Und a,Sma11 pr,operty overlooking the sea which he called his "villakin." He secured a j .i d'^’d^r e^Se aRd ?Pent at ^ast.two months a year during the summer there until his Nos. 31-36 vent ana was ouriea at Grosvenor Chapel. ovenhTve^.ToJeofthlr KUreS °f ^s published both in England and on the continent Included in the exhibition arem h n° dlsJ:ern^le relation to the portraits already mentioned. Magna Carta theme and two forXexa“Ple® of work by the prolific J. Miller, two more with the in 1769. He had been elected to that nf?rU1*S’ T°ne “ French shows Wilkes as a London aiderman ent resemblance to the subject. Another6JanuaO'- The head is flattering and bears little apparother view of Wilkes Theonlvide if ■' aPParently also French, bears little resemblance to any and the ubiquitous Magna^ are ‘he name in the title, the hairstyle with the progress of Wilkes' career' ?i°nS deal with incidents not directly involved mures career. One of these was entitled "The Times," reflecting the title of JOHN \ Hogarth's famous cartoon of 176 an actual event which had taken i his distorted appearance and de Brewer states, "Physical afflict! again a characteristic of fools, w himself, like the court fool, as a s gifted with the acute perception poraries actually referred to W masques, complete with motley larnite [Wilkes] had two rivals. C as the second personage], and a guise, the other half in the Scotti the cartoon. The totals on the tv loser had been declared the wim ing of bribes and irregular judic fleeted the numerous petitions v appears on the left side of the ve Isaac Barre was a much less smaller group of prints exists. B. Wolfe in his arms as a surgeon at found in the McClintock Collec occasion was the crisis in the No against the corruption of the go Wilkesite movement of a deca< property. The objections to high corrupt parliament caused the j was a proposal which called for i by Commons. This was Barre's fied by the presence of copies c with the Commission of Accor larger portrait of Barre, publisf Accounts bill. The third Barre item in the Lord," recommending a relation that Barre had served under the Lord Shelburne, who had bee: known in later years as Barre's based on the contents of the k which were not kept due to his land from October 1766 to Augi tary of State for the Southern E This would probably date the k The collapse of the North n in which Barre appears, usually fied only by the context of the Political Mirror, or an Exhibitic the numerous political periodic by demons. Lord Bute, attired i: he has been riding. Barrd is th inscribed "Bill for the Examina been Enormous & Shameful.” 1 the Army budget and affirming out some three years earlier. 1 background and saying, "Yorn identification is uncertain, the shaped head which characters The fall of the North minis �4 .A C BARRE d Wilkes at the end of his term proposed nt for many inferior crimes." This would ed, Wilkes' election was not universally :irst printed in the London Magazine for 1 nfall. Three heads, their necks decorated the jaws of a hippopotamus labeled "The he outgoing Lord Mayor, and a bull, repwith Wilkes. Resting on the gown lying staves. at remained to plague his numerous enelayor of London but was blocked by his :d by a majority of the voters. He finally his new office was commemorated by a inning another election in which he and arliament as a member for Middlesex in maintained a love of entertainment. His oably not in the manner depicted in one >. It was noted that "the food was much s." There was dancing until 3 A.M. and a ding Boswell and Prince Pallavinci, de­ succeed himself) Wilkes concentrated on liament from Middlesex until 1790 when igham whigs and later of William Pitt the iasure of respectability which he had not my of the earlier years trying to block his Wilkes' term as Lord Mayor coincided 1 in April 1775, Wilkes presented to the s. Wilkes acquitted himself well on this lown so well-bred a Lord Mayor. Wilkes ind he shared his later years with their the duties of "lady mayoress" during helping to make her the perfect hostess, in 1799, shows Wilkes seated looking up : later prints of Wilkes were copied. An changed but made Wilkes look considerure shows Wilkes looking forward and is ither view, published on 17 June 1782 by ed in what appears to be the cloak of a iffany portrait and in a caricature printed i country home on the Isle of Wight. He ch he called his "villakin." He secured a fear during the summer there until his o town houses in London. The print apith on 26 December 1797. He died insol- :d both in England and on the continent tion to the portraits already mentioned, y the prolific J. Miller, two more with the nch shows Wilkes as a London aiderman le head is flattering and bears little apparo French, bears little resemblance to any cs are the name in the title, the hair style deal with incidents not directly involved ititled "The Times," reflecting the title of JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 7 “nTtualUent0wMchhad taVe^place onTnecembS 1769 aTaS and.pUIrPort,ed his distorted appearance and delighted in plavine the role of tk as<?ue i?LlncolnfWllkes”s^d Brewer states, "Physical afflicting was tra^X^ X'self CJkeatCheerco t f f?°1S' Was tO claim hirnse " He certainly saw aiftpd wi?h th^rXrt f 1 ar a Sp(ecial*y hcensed critic and, to his followers at least, he seemed nn^ri^ roff fP/10urHten attributed t0 the simpleton, madman, or oddity. Contem­ poraries actually referred to Wilkes as a political jester. He became a regular character at masques, complete with motley and erratic behaviour to match. This so-called political Bed­ lamite [Wilkes] had two rivals. One appeared as a squinting Aiderman, [with Wilkes as himself as the second personage], and a third dressed as 'The Times', with half of his dress in Wilkite guise, t e o her half in the Scottish manner." The last was supposed to have been the model for the cartoon. The totals on the two arms indicate the results of the recent election in which the loser had been declared the winner over Wilkes. The items on the figure's right side were a listmg of bribes and irregular judicial actions taken by the group in power. Those on the left re­ flected the numerous petitions which had been submitted on behalf of Wilkes. The numeral 45 appears on the left side of the vest and as the winning number on the lottery ticket. Isaac Barre was a much less prominent political figure than Wilkes and a correspondingly smaller group of prints exists. Barrd is shown in West's painting "The Death of Wolfe" holding Wolfe in his arms as a surgeon attends to the fatally wounded general. T\vo other prints are to be found in the McClintock Collection. One appeared in the London Magazine for May 1780. The occasion was the crisis in the North ministry which peaked in early 1780. A popular resentment against the corruption of the government arose towards the end of 1779 which resembled the Wilkesite movement of a decade before, but included many men of great respectability and property. The objections to high taxes, excessive power in the hands of the king, and a venal and corrupt parliament caused the parliamentary opposition to join the cause. Barry's contribution was a proposal which called for a commission to examine the public accounts, which was passed by Commons. This was Barre's major contribution to British politics. Just as Wilkes was identi­ fied by the presence of copies of the Magna Carta in his pictures, Barr^ came to be associated with the Commission of Accounts. While the 1780 picture has no political commentary, the larger portrait of Barre, published in 1787, shows Barr6 holding a copy of the Commission of Accounts bill. The third Band item in the McClintock Collection is an undated letter, addressed to "My Lord," recommending a relation, Lieutenant Isaac Phipps, for consideration. The letter indicates that Barre had served under the addressee in North America. This indicates that the letter was to Lord Shelburne, who had been Band's commander in the Quebec campaign and was wellknown in later years as Barre's political patron. An approximate date can also be determined, based on the contents of the letter. Lord Bristol is noted as having made promises to Phipps which were not kept due to his resignation from office. Bristol served as Lord Lieutenant of Ire­ land from October 1766 to August 1767, when he resigned. Shelburne was then serving as Secre­ tary of State for the Southern Department, a position which he would hold until October 1768. This would probably date the letter in the fall of 1767. The collapse of the North ministry in 1782 was the occasion for a flurry of political cartoons in which Barre appears, usually in the role of supporting actor, and sometimes he can be identi­ fied only by the context of the cartoon or the resemblance of a caricature to his portrait. "The Political Mirror, or an Exhibition of Ministers for May 1782" was probably published in one of the numerous political periodicals. Members of the North ministry are falling into a pit, clutched by demons. Lord Bute, attired in Scottish dress, is about to fall from the ac ' o a wi c on w om he has been riding. Band is the fifth figure from the right in the Picture, holding a document inscribed "Bill for the Examination of Accounts" and declaring Your Army Expenditures have been Enormous & Shameful." This refers to a speech made by Barre on 26 April 1782 attacking the Army budget and affirming his position as a watchdog o the treasury which he had staked out some three years earlier. This print also appears to include Wilkes standing in the center background and saying, "Your tax on Women Servants fills our Streets with Whores. While identification is uncertain, the figure seems to have the distinctive hair style and pecuharlyShaPTehehfeandoTflie^ort^mhiisflywas^e'^ccasion for another somewhat cluttered cartoon by No. 37 & ■ No. 38 No. 39 No. 40 No. 41 �8 JOHN ..... occaston, the tne nbejsoHh this WILKES & ISAAC BARRE JO HN W down aR ^h m No. -C K «S.X\fngh"HX "“his "john Wta SS " °P^° the viewer's left recognizable by the crossed eyes. The person next to Wilkes on the iewer s‘flgh^ Lofd Shelburne. While Gillray took some liberties with the appe“! No. 44 No. 43 Ince of his subjects in this cartoon, the shorter of the two individuals standing behind Shelburne appears to be Barrh. An engraving of Barn* published by C. Bretherton on 17 June 1782 is a com­ panion piece to the engraving of Wilkes which was published on the same day. Like the picture of Wilkes, it is an unflattering caricature. The new ministry was headed by Lord Rockingham, who died on 1 July 1782. Since Shelburne had been in charge of colonial affairs, he had been pursuing peace with the American colonies. Fox, on the other hand, had become secretary of state for foreign affairs and was in charge of ending the war with France. Since the two had conflicting views of how best to end the war and Fox had powerful political ambitions, disputes were inevitable. When Rockingham died, Shelburne was appointed by George III to head the government and Fox resigned. James Gillray was not a friend of Shelburne, as is demonstrated in the cartoon "Jove in his Chair" pub­ lished on 11 September 1782. Shelburne in a triumphal car is drawn by two decrepit asses bear­ ing the faces of John Dunning (Lord Ashburton), an opponent of North and a member of both the Rockingham and Shelburne cabinets, and General Henry Conway, a long-time enemy of North and his friends. The rear footman is William Pitt the younger, the chancellor of the exchequer in the new ministry. In the front of the parade as a running footman is Barre wearing an unhappy expression. In actuality Barrt* was slowly advancing his political career. He had served as trea­ surer of the navy under Rockingham, and he became paymaster-general under Shelburne. But any prospects of further advancement were cut off shortly thereafter when Barre became com­ pletely blind. WILKES, I Among the legacies of the Am commemorate those who presun generals, American political figun categorization and whose influen pantheon of the champions of libe England are more obscure. Includ the city of Wilkes-Barre was nam< There is ample evidence that Americans. At least one other city tury England's most controversi; name being given to a city in Verr This may be explained by Barre's glanders moved to commemorate gland, but they were also disposec from the French threat. Pinning down exactly what V dence is an extremely difficult ta England, his political career was i political turmoil surrounding the his career was in decline by the ti: Barre close political allies. Both ' sional appearance on the same sic convenience than a demonstratio Wilkes was a political symbo nents, and Wilkes' skills as a dem, Wilkes' role in George Ill's Engla the time. George III has never r viewed with the same lack of en Emperor Nero. In his own way, trained to succeed his grandfathe but thirteen years of age. He w; widely read but who had only lir became his tutor and his mother' a conviction that British politics v the country by becoming chief e> good and great Prince born in a f freedom, and glory’, even though During his career, George ti grandfather on the throne, he iss ticed what he preached. He was who bore him fifteen children. TI produced an illegitimate child. C Gainesborough because he disap quiet evenings at home to elabor larly astronomy, and amassed a f terized as the first Victorian and dullness. It was not until after th admiration of the English people �WILKES & IS A A C BARRE led "Banco to the Knave" and published on 12 April 1782. On ; old and new ministries surround a gaming table. Lord North in ble placed his cards down saying, "It's all over.” To the viewer's 3-1806), who at that moment was in the opposition and who was y's cartoons by a fox's head, saying, "Gentlemen the Bank is j at the same hour." No less than twenty-two members of the iting, "Huzza." This group includes John Wilkes seated at the lizable by the crossed eyes. The person next to Wilkes on the I Shelburne. While Gillray took some liberties with the appearn, the shorter of the two individuals standing behind Shelburne g of Barre published by C. Brethertonon 17 June 1782 is a comWilkes which was published on the same day. Like the picture ricature. ded by Lord Rockingham, who died on 1 July 1782. Since colonial affairs, he had been pursuing peace with the American 1, had become secretary’ of state for foreign affairs and was in ince. Since the two had conflicting Hews of how best to end the ical ambitions, disputes were inevitable. When Rockingham iy George IH to head the government and Fox resigned. James true, as is demonstrated in the cartoon "Jove in his Chair” pubdburne in a triumphal car is drawn by two decrepit asses bear­ ed Ashburton), an opponent of North and a member of both the nets, and General Henry Conway, a long-time enemy’ of North i is William Pitt the younger, the chancellor of the exchequer in the parade as a running footman is Barre wearing an unhappy is slowly advancing his political career. He had served as treatiam, and he became paymaster-general under Shelburne. But ment were cut off shortly thereafter when Barre became com- JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 9 WILKES, BARRE, AND REVOLUTION comm" mom?ee thSe wh^ p^s^H^m^Americln Menende ^T*™11036. na]m ,es cXToriza^tto eriC T P?Utical fi&ures- and some, like the ubiquitous Benjam^Franklimwh^defy Whose “c r!nCe encomPassed a wide range of fields. Also included in the E , , c a™Plons of liberty are individuals whose contributions to the separation from England are more obscure. Included in this group are the two English political figures for whom the city of Wilkes-Barre was named, John Wilkes and Isaac Barr^. There is ample evidence that both Wilkes and Barrd enjoyed the respect of revolutionary Americans. At least one other city, Wilkesboro, North Carolina, was named for one of 18th-cen­ tury England s most controversial political figures. Barre enjoyed even more popularity, his name being given to a city in Vermont, two towns in Massachusetts, and a village in New York. This may be explained by Barre's involvement in the Battle of Quebec. Not only were New En­ glanders moved to commemorate his somewhat limited activities as a political dissenter in En­ gland, but they were also disposed to recognize an individual who had helped free New England from the French threat. Pinning down exactly what Wilkes and Barre did which contributed to American indepen­ dence is an extremely difficult task. While Barrd was a member of the House of Commons in England, his political career was relatively uninspired. Even though Wilkes was at the center of political turmoil surrounding the political struggle in England in the late 1760s and early 1770s, his career was in decline by the time that the American Revolution began. Nor were Wilkes and Barre close political allies. Both were products of the English political system and their occa­ sional appearance on the same side of an issue was more a case of happenstance or a marriage of convenience than a demonstration of a strong alliance against privilege or political corruption. Wilkes was a political symbol. The accidents of history, the ineptitude of his political oppo­ nents, and Wilkes' skills as a demagogue brought him to a position of prominence. To understand Wilkes' role in George Ill's England, one must first examine the state of politics in the country at the time. George III has never received a particularly good press in the United States, being viewed with the same lack of enthusiasm as a medieval monk would view the memory of the Emperor Nero. In his own way, however, George was a remarkable individual. He had been trained to succeed his grandfather as king after the death of his father in 1751 when George was but thirteen years of age. He was seventeen when Lord Bute, a Scottish nobleman who was widely read but who had only limited experience with the rough and tumble of British politics, became his tutor and his mother's political advisor. Bute gave George a strong sense of morality, a conviction that British politics was rotten to the core, and the belief that only George could save the country by becoming chief executive in fact as well as in name. As George would write, "No good and great Prince born in a free country will ever despair of restoring his country to virtue, freedom and glory, even though he mounts the Throne in the most corrupted of times. During his career, George tried to set an example for his subjects. When he replaced his grandfather on the throne, he issued royal proclamations against vice and immorality and prac­ ticed what he preached. He was loyal to his wife, Princess Charlotte of Mecklenberg-Strehtz, who bore him fifteen children. There were no royal mistresses and no evidence that George ever produced an illegitimate child. On one occasion, the King refused to sit for a portrait by Thomas dullness It was not until after the American Revolution that his personal qualities attracted the admiration of the English people. - �10 JOHN JOHN WILKES & IS tomed to rule without interfe , George became king, he appointed Bute as one of the for most of the PrevI0“s ^had political ambitions and hoped to displace the Whig ministers or two secretaries of state. B d chief whig leaders, William Pitt and Newcasto become the P°wer bJ> d th ^h masterful politician and the most skilled «»= go™™™-' i* °bj Unfortunately, this was easier said than done. England in 1762 was not a representative deU 1 rather was ruled by a small oligarchy. Scotland was represented by forty-five members of the House of Commons. Out of a population of about one and one-half million these forty-five seats were elected by a total of 3963 voters. The common Englishman had little faith in the government and his faith lessened when Bute imposed, a tax on cider to balance the budget. The population of London made a hero of Pitt and attacked Bute s carnage in the streets, fright­ ening Bute into resigning from the government in April 1763. There was no suitable alternative. George Grenville was followed in July 1765 by the Marquis of Rockingham, the former wanting too much personal power, the latter being unable to exercise what he had. In July 1766, George tried bringing back William Pitt to rouse the country. However, Pitt was not the consummate politician of a few years previously. He accepted a peerage, weakening his political position, then became a recluse, leaving the cabinet members to fight for power among themselves. In November 1768, he retired from the government, leaving the Duke of Grafton, his second-incommand as the unquestioned leader of the government. Unfortunately, Grafton preferred his mistress and horses to running a government. It was not until 1770, when Lord North became first lord of the treasury, that some measure of stability was achieved. North remained in office for twelve years. A seasoned politician uncommitted to any faction in the increasingly frag­ mented English political arena, he became dependent upon the King for guidance and support, which benefited neither party. The results of George Ill's early political activities thus were a period of instability which created both political and social turmoil in England and contributed to the coming of the American Revolution. JOHN WILKES Wilkes was a product of this turmoil. The son of a well-to-do distiller, Wilkes received a good education, including; time at the University of Leyden and travelling in the Rhineland. At the behest of his father Wilkes married Mary Mead, the daughter of a wealthy London grocer. The mnthpF Pir0V1hhlm rth r11 eState m A7IesburY with an income of 700 pounds a year. His XannrX wf^°f °T° P°Unds' H°Wever' WUkes' Personal habits met with the able income but BE— a seParation was arranged, leaving Wilkes with a comfort- ambassador to the Ottoman hi? M* appointmeni either as Wilkes spread the blame around^ fe t tKtt had WaS forthcom^ a"d blamed Lord Bute and he beean hU I ltt had not done enough for him, but he primarily Bute's foreign policy. The attack was F u p°htlcal Polemicist in 1762 with an attack on novelist and journalist, who defended bX" by^°bias Sm°Hett (1721-1771), a surgeon turned Lord Temple, Wilkes now began an inH-Bv “ publlcat,on called the True Briton. Encouraged by number of which appeared on 5 lune 17r?CTiin^nt Pubbcat>on called the North Briton, the first J me iAiZ. 1 he journal fit well in London's political environ- ment. The city had fourteen newspapers, four of whi and a continual flood of political pamphlets. Most of diatribes. As Lord North would comment, "Libels 1 writing, printing, and reading of our time."' Even in ti his mark. His savage attacks on Bute and his associate taste, even by 18th-century' British journalistic standa fought a duel over one of his charges, and capped his < No. 45 on 23 April 1763. In this he accused the King of ing the recent (and unpopular) peace treaty between "honorable to my crown and beneficial to my people The North Briton was published anonymously bu rant for seditious libel. The legality of such a warrant into a popular hero overnight. Lord Temple, as lord-lit by the King to cancel Wilkes' militia commission. V, prisoned in the Tower; he was released on grounds i The experience did nothing to chasten Wilkes, who d< of the secretaries of state, to a duel. This was prevent! August while Wilkes was in France. Egremont's sue Earl of Sandwich, who with Wilkes had been a mem Francis, whose nightly orgies on the site of the forme of the Hell-Fire Club. However, in the British politics interfere with political advantage. Wilkes returned t ber 1763 published North Briton No. 46, resuming h mediately revealed a poem entitled "An Essay on W parently had been written by Wilkes' dead frienc Canterbury. It appears to have been updated with ti printers' depositions it had been printed by Wilkes' < ber, only three days after the appearance of the new. House of Lords attack the "Essay" as an obscene « was) and a breach of privilege; Commons resolved t lege. Wilkes was seriously wounded in a duel on 1 secretary of state who slandered Wilkes, but Wilke by issuing a reprint of the entire North Briton. Then h to Paris. He carried on a running battle in absentia pelled from the former and convicted and outlawed When Rockingham came to power in 1765, Wi obtaining a pardon and position or pension, but he v ber 1766, but he would not deal with Chatham (Pisatisfaction from Grafton. Wilkes appeared yet a th ment unsuccessfully in London, then secured a se tempestuous time in London. The winter had been was frozen over. There had been considerable econ don had opened a subscription for the relief of the risen sharply in the new year. A number of Industrie weavers, coal-heavers, hatters and tailors. In shod ernment tendencies was well underway when Wil with the government made him a popular figure ar of celebration and rioting. According to the Annual the rabble was very tumultuous; somi Wilkes having put out lights, the mob pa west, obliging everybody to illuminate < as did not do it immediately. They den Bute and many other gentlemen and streets of both cities, London and Westr Wilkes' election caused great concern within 1 between those who wished to bring Wilkes to a �;.4AC BAR RE tate of virtue created great political turmoil lanted German princes who had been conv The so-called Whigs had become accuscastle for example, having held high office came'king, he appointed Bute as one of the nd hoped to displace the Whig ministers or >f Whi° leaders, William Pitt and Newcasst masterful politician and the most skilled leorge now felt in a position to achieve his gland in 1762 was not a representative def. Scotland was represented by forty-five on of about one and one-half million, these The common Englishman had little faith in posed a tax on cider to balance the budget, acked Bute's carriage in the streets, frightril 1763. There was no suitable alternative, arquis of Rockingham, the former wanting ixercise what he had. In July 1766, George f. However, Pitt was not the consummate peerage, weakening his political position, 5 to fight for power among themselves. In aving the Duke of Grafton, his second-inlent. Unfortunately Grafton preferred his not until 1770, when Lord North became ty was achieved. North remained in office d to any faction in the increasingly fragt upon the King for guidance and support, : Ill’s early political activities thus were a social turmoil in England and contributed well-to-do distiller, Wilkes received a good :n and travelling in the Rhineland. At the daughter of a wealthy London grocer. The vith an income of 700 pounds a year. His ever, Wilkes' personal habits met with the arranged, leaving Wilkes with a comfortth his style of living and his political ambiigh sheriff of Buckinghamshire. The same rwick-upon-Tweed, as he was unable to tation of voters. By an arrangement with ons from Aylesbury in 1757. The two conthe seat in the general election of 1761. stablishment. He supported Pitt in parlia>le to establish the Bucks militia, being apfor his loyalty by appointment either as 3 Quebec. Neither was forthcoming and not done enough for him, but he primarily teal polemicist in 1762 with an attack on tas mollett (1721-1771), a surgeon turned on called the Ihre Briton. Encouraged by 'ubhcation called the North Briton, the first 1 ht well m London's political environ- JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 11 wnting, pri t g, and reading ot our tune. Even in this environment Wilkes was able to make “venbvTK t 0’ A “ ° n .lls 'e accused the King of lying in his address to parliament describ­ ing the recent (and unpopular) peace treaty between England and France in February 1763 as "honorable to my crown and beneficial to my people." The North Briton was published anonymously but Wilkes was arrested under a general war­ rant tor seditious libel. The legality of such a warrant was questionable and its use made Wilkes into a popu ar hero overnight. Lord Temple, as lord-lieutenant of Buckinghamshire, was ordered by the King to cancel W ilkes militia commission. Wilkes' papers were seized, and he was im­ prisoned in the Tower, he was released on grounds of parliamentary privilege on 6 May 1763. The experience did nothing to chasten Wilkes, who determined to challenge Lord Egremont, one of the secretaries of state, to a duel. This was prevented by Egremont's death of natural causes in August while Wilkes was in France. Egremont's successor in office was Wilkes' old friend, the Earl of Sandwich, who with Wilkes had been a member of the group known as the Monks of St. Francis, whose nightly orgies on the site of the former Medmenham Abbey earned them the title of the Hell-Fire Club. However, in the British politics of the age, friendship was never allowed to interfere with political advantage. Wilkes returned to England in November and on 12 Novem­ ber 1763 published North Briton No. 46, resuming his attack on the government. Sandwich im­ mediately revealed a poem entitled "An Essay on Woman.” The poem was anonymous and ap­ parently had been written by Wilkes' dead friend Thomas Potter, son of an archbishop of Canterbury. It appears to have been updated with topical allusions by Wilkes and according to printers’ depositions it had been printed by Wilkes' direction at his private press. On 15 Novem­ ber, only’ three days after the appearance of the new North Briton, Sandwich arranged to have the House of Lords attack the "Essay" as an obscene and impious libel (which it unquestionably was) and a breach of privilege; Commons resolved that seditious libel was not covered by privi­ lege. Wilkes was seriously wounded in a duel on 16 November with Samuel Martin, a British secretary of state who slandered Wilkes, but Wilkes showed his continued willingness to fight hyis-ming a reprint of the entire North Briton. Then his nerve seemed to fail him, and he retreated to Paris. He carried on a running battle in absentia with Commons and the courts; he was ex­ pelled from the former and convicted and outlawed by the latter. When Rockingham came to power in 1765, Wilkes returned briefly to London in hopes of obtaining a pardon and position or pension, but he was disappointed. He returned again in October 1766 but he would not deal with Chatham (Pitt), whom he distrusted, and he received no satisfaction from Grafton. Wilkes appeared yet a third time on 6 February 1768, stood for parlia­ ment unsuccessfully in London, then secured a seat in Middlesex on 28 March 1769. It was a tempestuous time in London. The winter had been exceptionally severe and the Thames River was frozen over. There had been considerable economic distress. The Common Council of Lon­ don had opened a subscription for the relief of the poor, and the price of wheat and bread had risen sharply in the new year. A number of industrial disputes had arisen, particularly among the weavers, coal-heavers, hatters and tailors. In short, a popular movement with strong anti-gov­ ernment tendencies was well underway when Wilkes returned to London. Wilkes controversy withfiie governmentmade him a popular figure and his election in Middlesex was the occasion of celebration and rioting. According to the Annual Register, Bute and many other gentlemen and tradesmen in most of the public streets of both cities, London and Westminster. Wilkes' election caused great concern within the government and Ae cabine‘was divided between those who wished to bring Wilkes to account on the vanous charges accumulated �JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE i n nrpferred moderation. Wilkes again took the initiative and anfollowed, the government tooK P on route t0 prison and taken to a tavern. But he manadequate. Wilkes was seizedby The government was humiliated and the mob, enaged to escape and to commit h tJinuousiy for the next two weeks. On 10 May 1768, the couraged by the lapse 1co*. Massacre Large crowds had unrest culminated with b . estimated to be as high as 40,000. A confrontation ensued bled near the prison,then b b mob shouting, «<wilkes and Libefty between magistrates and h^P „ During the disturbances, at least eleven rioters for ever! and, reporte y, W^ government was further embarrassed, and the Wilkesand innocent bystande first martyrs. As for Wilkes, he arranged pubheation of the SS® for fhe maintenance of order in April, with suitable comments. As George Rud? a Wilkes biographer, stated, "the massacre was made to appear among a wider public not merely as the mishandling of a difficult situation by a weak though well-intentioned administra­ tion, but as an affair deliberately staged by a brutal and tyrannical executive. Wilkes was ultimately fined 1000 pounds and sentenced to twenty-two months of imprison­ ment This was only a minor inconvenience. He was supported by gifts from those who saw him as a symbol of opposition against an unpopular government. This included not only English sup­ porters but colonials. The Sons of Liberty in Boston and the South Carolma colonial assembly sent tokens of their esteem. Wilkes' popularity with the mob and other governmental opponents continued and in early 1769 some of his wealthier supporters, including merchants and mem­ bers of parliament, formed the Society of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights. The organization was set up to pay off Wilkes' outstanding personal debts and political expenses. By April 1770, the group raised and paid out some 20,000 pounds, reducing Wilkes' debts by about two-thirds. This activity showed support for Wilkes from a new quarter. The merchant classes of London disliked the king and considered parliament to be corrupt. Their hostility focused on taxation, which they felt bore primarily on the business classes of the city. They also were supporters of the colonies, who shared their aversion for taxation and who provided much of their commerce. The Wilkesites adopted the colonial slogan of "no taxation without representation" and called for the reform of parliament to provide more equitable representation, more frequent elections, and a broader franchise - though few if any of these advocates were proposing votes for the poor. The concept of a corrupt parliament was strengthened by its reaction to Wilkes' election as a member from Middlesex. Wilkes was refused his seat despite his re-election three times. On the final occasion on 13 April 1769, Wilkes' opponent, a Colonel Luttrell, was seated and the election returns falsified to support this contention. Wilkes' cause was championed by an anonymous !c?own, °"ly as Junius- Junius published letters in the London press between 1767 and 1772, although the use of the pseudonym dated only from January 1769. His attacks on Grafton mid other members of the government were often more savage than those published in the North ■ n Tn 61 °f Junius remains a mystery and candidates include a diverse group of prom™ daY rangmg from. Edmund Burke and Isaac Barrd, to Wilkes himself. CurFrandswasaeuJ LordShelbturne or Sir Philip Francis, the latter being more likely, familiarity in his letter? Th1 ° 3 bureaycratic maze with which Junius demonstrated great Francis was sent to India a cessatlon of the letters of Junius at about the time when evidence S 3 ^g11 80vernment official provides additional circumstantial had been restored b^his friends^11 °n 17 17701 Prison had been beneficial: his finances to the financial rescue of Wilkes hut w n ?0Ijne' Originally the organization was dedicated for the advancement of political'refnrmwn^ °th®rs wanted to use the organization as a device personal support, and Horne andI nd?' T !d Claim to the funds °f the Society for his own group called the Society for ConslimSon Wlt*? Wilkes' leaving the society and forming a bers, still included men of affluence -md ” °J™ation. The Supporters, while reduced in numwould continue to provide for Wilkes' considerable JOHN WILKES & ISAAC B. financial needs for many years. Wilkes would once again be elected to Commons from Middl. mng without opposition and assuming his seat without challenc 1790, when he did not seek re-election. However, by 1774 the fo had shifted to the city of London. A political dispute, between p perceived infringement of the London charter, provided Wilkes ported Lord Mayor Brass Crosby. Elected sheriff of London an. Wilkes gained the further support of the poorer classes by prison reduction in capital offenses which would anticipate these reform Wilkes ran for Lord Mayor but experienced a repetition of his di Commons. Influenced by George III, the aidermen refused to elec he had received a majority of the popular vote. He was again achieved success in his third attempt on 8 October 1774, three ' Commons. His later career was far less dramatic than his beginning. / supported the economic reforms of the Rockingham ministry. H went far beyond them in a proposal which he made in 1776 for t tary seats. This anticipated the major features of a proposal intro, ger seven years later. Throughout the American Revolution, Wi measures, a policy in keeping with the views of his political cons supported efforts to provide better funding for the British Muse for the relief of dissenting ministers and schoolmasters from th. articles of religion then required by English law. His term as Lor< than his efforts to achieve the position. His appointment had be. was to be the last riot inspired by Wilkes. Wilkes reportedly thai him a pardon when he was in Paris since he would have accept. Wilkes, "for not having ruined me." Horace Walpole, son of Eng lifelong observer of England's turbulent politics, gleefully not. Crown, all of the malice of the Scots ... all of the treachery of him " As Lord Mayor and earlier as sheriff, Wilkes worked fc reduced the price of bread, punished tradesmen who gave shoi of prostitutes. He established fixed court fees and went so far animals being sold at market. The most notable event of hi: George III in 1775 on behalf of the American colonies. After es was presented to the King by Wilkes, the first time that the tw been made first that the King would not speak to the Lord Ma this fashion with Wilkes on his most dignified and tactful beh. that Wilkes was a very well-bred Lord Mayor. WILKES AND LIBERTY What was Wilkes' relation to political reform in England revolutionary cause in America? The difficulty m answering tl found in assessing Wilkes as a person. Wilkes, had he been re political loyalty in the early 1760s, might never have beco Briton. Once he became a symbol of dissent, there is ample tion for his own financial and political advantage. Yet, once was often found in the forefront of movements lor parliamentary changes which would not finally be “lueve While one could dismiss his advocacies as taking a position v constituents without changing the system slg^ic“tly?“ * London as sheriff and Lord Mayor suggest hat h1^action.^ than by political expedience. As a member o^arlia the time that he finally achieved a seat in Col“®°“ ' liti cal figures moving toward a reform of the more 1b P that Wilkes' unique position in British politics had vamshe �ISAAC BARRE JOHN WILKES in Wilkes again took the initiative and an,wy charges. In the judicial maneuvers which ular disturbances, but these proved to be in­ to prison and taken to a tavern. But he man[overnment was humiliated and the mob, enfor the next two weeks. On 10 May 1768, the 5 Fields Massacre.” Large crowds had assemi be as high as 40,000. A confrontation ensued > and the mob shouting, "Wilkes and Liberty luring the disturbances, at least eleven rioters ;nt was further embarrassed, and the WilkesAs for Wilkes, he arranged publication of the in April, with suitable comments. As George ras made to appear among a wider public not ' a weak though well-intentioned administraand tyrannical executive." entenced to twenty-two months of imprisons supported by gifts from those who saw him eminent. This included not only English supin and the South Carolina colonial assembly i the mob and other governmental opponents supporters, including merchants and memorters of the Bill of Rights. The organization debts and political expenses. By April 1770, reducing Wilkes' debts by about two-thirds :w quarter. The merchant classes of London corrupt. Their hostility focused on taxation, ses of the city. They also were supporters of i and who provided much of their commerce, taxation without representation" and called ble representation, more frequent elections, advocates were proposing votes for the poor, hened by its reaction to Wilkes’ election as a at despite his re-election three times. On the Colonel Luttrell, was seated and the election i cause was championed by an anonymous ters in the London press between 1767 and f from January 1769. His attacks on Grafton ore savage than those published in the North candidates include a diverse group of promke and Isaac Barre, to Wilkes himself Curhilip Francis, the latter being more likely, maze with which Junius demonstrated great he letters of Junius at about the time when official provides additional circumstantial 70. Prison had been beneficial: his finances lost much of his political support. The deep f tor alienating former supporters - such as ite wntmgs and remarks reduced his influ‘g of the ways with the Supporters of the Bill - Ongmally the organization was dedicated Se organ'zation as a device . X‘° i6 funds Of the Society for his own inn Th % eavin§ dle society and forming a ntimie t Uppo5terS| while reduced in numntmue to provide for Wilkes' considerable & ISAAC BARRE 13 financial needs for many years 1790, when he did not seek re-election HoweveX S had shifted to the city of London. A political dim bln * f r f S, Pu Career perceived infringement of the London charter provided parlament and.the cljY over a brLord ^>'7 rs cio,bY- ei“s reduction in^anitaloffend SUp?°rt °f th<JPoorer classes by prison reform and the advocacy of a Commons, ty.G«Ul. ,ta .ttZESS’S”; he had received a majority of the popular vote. He was again defeated in 1773, but finally achieved success in his third attempt on 8 October 1774, three weeks before he was seated in Commons. 4^3 Career WaS faF less dramatic than his beginning. As a member of parliament, he supported the economic reforms of the Rockingham ministry. However, he took a stand which went tar beyond them in a proposal which he made in 1776 for the redistribution of parliamen­ tary seats. This anticipated the major features of a proposal introduced by William Pitt the younger seven years later. Throughout the American Revolution, Wilkes opposed the government's measures, a policy in keeping with the views of his political constituency in London. In 1777, he supported efforts to provide better funding for the British Museum. In 1779 he supported a bill for the relief of dissenting ministers and schoolmasters from the subscription to the thirty-nine articles of religion then required by English law. His term as Lord Mayor was also more dignified than his efforts to achieve the position. His appointment had been celebrated by rioting, but this was to be the last riot inspired by Wilkes. Wilkes reportedly thanked the king for not having sent him a pardon when he was in Paris since he would have accepted it. "I am obliged to him," said Wilkes, "for not having ruined me." Horace Walpole, son of England's first prime minister and a lifelong observer of England's turbulent politics, gleefully noted, "thus all of the power of the Crown, all of the malice of the Scots ... all of the treachery of his friends, could not demolish him." As Lord Mayor and earlier as sheriff, Wilkes worked for the benefit of the citizens. He reduced the price of bread, punished tradesmen who gave short weight, and cleared the streets of prostitutes. He established fixed court fees and went so far as to look after the treatment of animals being sold at market. The most notable event of his tenure was a petition made to George IH in 1775 on behalf of the American colonies. After extended negotiations, the petition was presented to the King by Wilkes, the first time that the two had met, the stipulation having been made first that the King would not speak to the Lord Mayor. The ritual was played out in this fashion with Wilkes on his most dignified and tactful behavior. The King noted afterwards that Wilkes was a very well-bred Lord Mayor. WILKES AND LIBERTY What was Wilkes' relation to political reform in England and what did he contribute to the revolutionary cause in America? The difficulty in answering these questions lies in the difficulty found in assessing Wilkes as a person. Wilkes, had he been rewarded by the government for his political loyalty in the early 1760s, might never have become the rabblerouser of the North Briton. Once he became a symbol of dissent, there is ample evidence that he exploited this posi­ tion for his own financial and political advantage. Yet, once he achieved office m the 1770s, he was often found in the forefront of movements for political and social reform. He advocated parliamentary changes which would not finally be achieved until many years after his death. While one could dismiss his advocacies as taking a position which he knew would aPPeal hl® constituents without changing the system significantly, the sweeping reforms which he made in London as sheriff and Lord Mayor suggest that his actions were motivated more by sincerity �JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 14 an American t0 sch°o1- but theY hadl^ problem of governing India.rec_ George hated hhn He feR that nment corp0rations now common in modern American ad- ain's interest, and propose Commons over the issue d P h intervened directly, causing the fall of the Fox-North fmrn 1773 to 1785 was Warren Hastings, a remarkable administrator, who virtually singleSdedly saved the East India Company and extended itsjpower. One of lus chief assistants anda X with great personal ambition and plans was Philip Francis, already mentioned as the most likely person to have been Junius. Hastings worked towards an India wholly controlled by the East India Company, while Francis believed that the government should run the administration in Bengal, the Company should stick to making money, and the rest of India should be left to its own devices. Francis lost the struggle in India and returned to England in 1780 to undermine Hastings' position. When Pitt came to power, the new India Act condemned further expansion in India. Hastings had little choice but to resign and return to England in 1785. Francis, his revenge still incomplete, continued to press his charges and Pitt allowed the impeachment of Hastings in May 1787. As Fox was one of the leaders of the move, Wilkes opposed the action and broke irrevocably with Pitt. This placed him in opposition to Francis as well, another political irony if Francis was in fact Junius. Apparently tiring of the rough and tumble of British politics, Wilkes did not stand in the next election in 1790 but retired from politics. As for the American Revolution, Wilkes' role was even more symbolic. His most important function was before the revolution when his opposition to the established political forces in Eng­ land made him useful to dissident colonials. As Lord Mayor of London and a member of parlia­ ment at the beginning of the American Revolution, his influence was limited. His famous peti­ tion to the King of 10 April 1775 served those commercial interests that opposed the war. His speeches against the war in Commons were now a minor voice in the steadily strengthening opposition to the conflict. ISAAC BARRE more ntdestrian and JOHN WILKES & tained this political attachment until Pitt’s deatl vice-treasurer of Ireland. King George's hatred c for Wilkes, blocked Barre's promotion in the arc Barre was a radical, but, unlike Wilkes, he c expert on financial questions, and took a promil opposed the taxation of the colonies not becausthought it inexpedient. His opposition to the Ai lesser voice among those political giants who opj cal alliances. His political fortunes rose and fell' in his appointment as paymaster colonel in the S' trative position. As in the case of Wilkes, Barre's association bolic. Barre was a less dramatic symbol than V through his service in Quebec. SOU Brewer, John. Party Ideology and Popular Politics at tl George, Mary Dorothy, and Stephens, Frederick. C Department of Prints and Drawings in the B 1935, and 1938. Kronenberger, Louis. The Extraordinary Mr. Wilkes:. Lee, Sidney, and Stephen, Leslie, editors. Dictionary 1885 and 1890. Postgate, Raymond. That Devil Wilkes. New York, 1 Rude George. Wilkes and Liberty: A Social Study of 1 TYevelyan, G.M. History ofEngland. 3rd edition. Lor Walpole, Horace. Memories of the Reign of George III Watson, J. Steven. The Reign of George III, 1760-1811 Weatherly, E.H., editor. Correspondence ofJohn Will aSSOC.lation' While Wilkes was a bawdy individual, Barre was far promotion, feeling that fourteen vea^5 Sm!l ar to that of Wilkes. In 1760, he applied to Pitt for a jected the request ‘ Y WaS Iong enough to wait. Pitt thought differently and re­ cured him a military comm—reliable and consistent political ally. Shelburne seously for the next twenty-nine vearl SeaJ..ln Parliament in 1761. He remained there continuWilkes in retiring from Commons^ T'1? w-u 1 a^ter a disagreement with Shelburne, he joined his first speech in Commons had hehe WaS nOt a friend of ™t, and in the early 1760s received a political appointment from flVn attack uPon that gentleman. Unlike Wilkes, he However, he lost the appointment and ?.(ministr7 worth 4000 pounds a year in early 1763. “pp“'t for wiita - Professor Harold E. Cox is a graduate of Willi ofPhilosophy degrees from the University ofVirg the Department ofHistory of Wilkes College, whe ofEarth and Environmental Sciences. Dr. Cox is u ban railroads and for his weekly column in the W in-progress is a history ofstreet railways in the IV �'a s AC BARRE titing on the demise of the independent iVhigs to school, but they had stolen the ntary conscience. During the 1780s, the ion. Charles James Fox, one of the Whig ge hated him. He felt that the influence rpany was not capable of handling Britnamed initially by parliament. The arnow common in modern American ade violent political struggle generated in ■ds Fox, opposed the bill. This ironically lirectly, causing the fall of the Fox-North inger. Wilkes initially gave Pitt indepenin 1787. The Governor-General of India le administrator, who virtually singles power. One of his chief assistants and a Francis, already mentioned as the most raids an India wholly controlled by the ,'ernment should run the administration and the rest of India should be left to its lined to England in 1780 to undermine dia Act condemned further expansion in to England in 1785. Francis, his revenge allowed the impeachment of Hastings in :, Wilkes opposed the action and broke Francis as well, another political irony if jh and tumble of British politics, Wilkes m politics. ven more symbolic. His most important to the established political forces in Engayor of London and a member of parliainfluence was limited. His famous petircial interests that opposed the war. His inor voice in the steadily strengthening £ ed. Their first meeting was not until 1765 t the publication of the North Briton, they -s was a bawdy individual, Barre was far skills at parliamentary debate and invec■ mihtary and entered the service in 1746. nca and was with Wolfe in the Battle of lo.b®,ca™e his P°Utical patron. Barre's exof Wdkes. In 1760, he applied to Pitt for a ,h to wait. Pitt thought differently and re“tCOn^ent political ally- Shelburne se111 1. He remained there continuS™'? Shelbu™e, he joined ’ nnn °f Pltt’ and “the earlY 1760s Vworthhianngnntleman- Unlike Wilkes' he (noundsayearinear)y1763ded with P'h°- °^ing September because th Pm in February 1764 and main- JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 15 I S?reSXffr"rUntil Pitt/S death' Pitt restored him to the army and made him for Wilkes Worked Ra 21 g corge s hatred of Barrd, described as second only to his dislike for Wilkes, blocked Barrd s promotion in the army, and he retired in 1773. r+on fine 3 lCa fUt* un ’ke Wilkes, he chose to work within the system. He became an expert on financial questions, and took a prominent position in such matters in parliament. He oppose e axa ion o re co onies not because he considered it unfair but rather because he thought it inexpedient. His opposition to the American Revolution, like that of Wilkes, was a lesser voice among those political giants who opposed the war and was consistent with his politi­ cal alliances His political fortunes rose and fell with those of his patron Shelburne, culminating in his appointment as paymaster colonel in the Shelburne ministry in July 1782, his last administrative position. -^■s mtbe case of Wilkes, Barry's association with the American Revolution was purely sym­ bolic. Barre was a less dramatic symbol than Wilkes, but he had closer ties to the new world through his service in Quebec. i SOURCES Brewer, John. Party Ideology and Popular Politics at the Accession of George III. Cambridge, 1976. George, Mary Dorothy, and Stephens, Frederick. Catalog of Personal and Political Satires Preserved in the Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum. Volumes IV, V, and VI. London, 1978, 1935, and 1938. Kronenberger, Louis. The Extraordinary Mr. Wilkes: His Life and Times. Garden City, N.Y., 1974. Lee, Sidney, and Stephen, Leslie, editors. Dictionary of National Biography. Volumes III and LXI. London, 1885 and 1890. Postgate, Raymond. That Devil Wilkes. New York, 1929. Rude George. Wilkes and Liberty: A Social Study of1763 to 1774. Oxford, 1962. Trevelyan, G.M. History of England. 3rd edition. London, 1945. Walpole, Horace. Memories of the Reign of George III. 4 vols., reprinted. Freeport, N.Y., 1970. Watson, J. Steven. The Reign of George III, 1760-1815. Oxford, 1960. W'eatherly, EH.; editor. Correspondence ofJohn Wilkes and Charles Churchill. New York, 1954. ofEarth and Environmental S ■ ■ Wilkes-Barre Sunday Independent; his current work­ ban railroads and for his weekly column in the Wilkes Barresunu y p in-progress is a history of street railways in the Wyoming Valley. i �JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 16 J O H - ■ ■ INSULTING A KING: THE NAMING OF W 1« r L- 3 ' y o//// m ( )J(7 7 Exhibition No. 2 The history of the naming of Wilkes-Barre began with a King's err. °i A J?™ a v n110 the Connecticut colony to certain lands eluded the Wyoming Valley. At the same time, King Charles II owed a 1 of the English navy, father of William Penn. In 1681 King Charles I charter to the Pennsylvania region in repayment of the debt owed tently, the Pennsylvania and Connecticut charters both covered a prize ley known as Wyoming. The name Wyoming was derived from a corr me, a Delaware Indian name for The Large Plains. The Penns respected the Indians' right of conquest to the land, ar sity to settle the area. By the 1750s, however, soil exhaustion and a trip Connecticut settlers to consider settlement of the Wyoming Valley. The Susquehannah Company was formed in July 1753 in Wind purpose of purchasing the Susquehanna lands, including the Valley of natives, and to explore and organize a settlement in the region. The se by the intervening French and Indian War (1754-1763) which pitted tl allies against the English and the American Colonists. By 1758 the Ii general peace with the English, and Delaware Indians under Chief 1 Wyoming Valley. In September 1762 about 119 Susquehannah Company settlers i the current site of the Wilkes-Barre General Hospital, to plant grai which they returned to Connecticut. They returned to Mill Creek i Teedyuscung had burned to death in his home, near the site of preser Wilkes-Barre. Whether the fire was accidental or deliberate is not kr factions among the Indians. Then, on October 15, 1763, the Mill Cree and twenty settlers were killed by marauding Delawares from outsid' local Indians both fled the Valley. Permanent settlement of the Valley was not encouraged until 17 had long ignored their claim to the region of Pennsylvania had a surv in December 1768. The west side of the river valley was called the A side, including the present Wilkes-Barre area, was called Manor of S settled at Mill Creek in the same month, but as the year closed, the resolved in Hartford, Connecticut, to also resettle the Wyoming Valle The Susquehannah Company sent the "first forty" settlers to the ary 1769. Twice the Connecticut settlers were arrested by the Penns Easton, where they were released on bail, and each time the Connect: Valley. Two hundred additional Connecticut settlers arrived in May 1 Major John Durkee. Fort Durkee was erected near the present loca Center for the Performing Arts. The Susquehannah Company plan was to survey five towns in about five miles square, and to divide the towns among the 240 Con: pany also invited certain malcontented Pennsylvanians called the P caster-Dauphin County area, to join the Wyoming settlement in oppi thority. In the summer of 1769, amid a warring atmosphere betw Connecticut claimants, Major John Durkee made daring preparations create settlements. John Durkee (1728-1782) is an important but unheralded figure i Durkee, born in Windham, Connecticut, moved to Norwich in 1750. �ISAAC BARRE JOHN WILKES & Isaac barre 17 INSULTING A KING: THE NAMING OF WILKES-BARRE of EnSdtave°a chartTtoIhe Conne'?^ *7“ * King’S error-In 1662 Charles 11 eluded the Wyoming Valley. At the saSme K°nTch° “ N°rth America that of the English nav/ father of Wfc £ £S K 11 °weda ar§e debt Admiral Penn charter to the Pennsylvania regionTrepXen of tiS £ h? Penn * tentlv the Pennsylvania and C™ <-• ? 7ment °i the debt owed to Penn s father. InadverEKmXZ “d Connecticut charters both covered a prized Susquehanna River val­ ley known as Wyoming. The name Wyoming was derived from a corruption of Maugh-wau-wame, a Delaware Indian name for The Large Plains. F wau wa dHTIhXrtWhArrPeCRelnhei /■ nNo.2 A ,;z/, .' right of con<luest t0 the land, and there was no felt neces­ sity to settle the area By the 1750s, however, soil exhaustion and a tripling population compelled Connecticut settlers to consider settlement of the Wyoming Valley. The Susquehannah Company was formed in July 1753 in Windham, Connecticut, for the purpose of purchasing the Susquehanna lands, including the Valley of Wyoming, from the Indian natives, and to explore and organize a settlement in the region. The settlement urge was blocked by the intervening French and Indian War ,1754-1763) which pitted the French and their Indian allies against the English and the American Colonists. By 1758 the Iroquois had entered into a general peace with the English, and Delaware Indians under Chief Teedyuscung settled in the Wyoming Valley. In September 1762 about 119 Susquehannah Company settlers arrived at Mill Creek, near the current site of the Wilkes-Barre General Hospital, to plant grain and erect shelters, after which they returned to Connecticut. They returned to Mill Creek in May 1763, shortly after Teedyuscung had burned to death in his home, near the site of present Riverside Drive in South Wilkes-Barre. Whether the fire was accidental or deliberate is not known. There were warring factions among the Indians. Then, on October 15, 1763, the Mill Creek settlement was attacked and twenty settlers were killed by marauding Delawares from outside the area. The settlers and local Indians both fled the Valley. Permanent settlement of the Valley was not encouraged until 1768. The Proprietaries who had long ignored their claim to the region of Pennsylvania had a survey of Wyoming completed in December 1768. The west side of the river valley was called the Manor of Sunbury. The east side, including the present Wilkes-Barre area, was called Manor of Stoke. Pennsylvania lessees settled at Mill Creek in the same month, but as the year closed, the Susquehannah Company resolved in Hartford, Connecticut, to also resettle the Wyoming Valley. The Susquehannah Company sent the "first forty" settlers to the Wyoming Valley in Febru­ ary 1769. Twice the Connecticut settlers were arrested by the Pennsylvania party, and taken to Easton, where they were released on bail, and each time the Connecticut settlers returned to the Valley. Two hundred additional Connecticut settlers arrived in May 1769 under the leadership of Major John Durkee. Fort Durkee was erected near the present location of the Wilkes College Center for the Performing Arts. , rir , The Susquehannah Company plan was to survey five towns m the Wyoming Valley, each about five miles square, and to divide the towns among the 240 Connecticut settlers. The Com­ pany also invited certain malcontented Pennsylvanians called the ’ Paxton Men, from the Lan­ caster-Dauphin County area, to join the Wyoming settlement in opposition to Pennsylvania au­ thority. In the summer of 1769, amid a warring atmosphere between the Pennsylvania and Connecticut claimants, Major John Durkee made daring preparations to survey the region and to i I - �‘Hi,'JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE _ regiment in the hostilities between England and France a commission to &eaC°Xuished manner in the English invasion of Canada and he Was Durkee was to serve m.adistmg March 175g Durmg the f h service in appointed a major for his reg™ E Ush Army who served in Canada m 1758-59. The Durkee met Isaac Barre, ™ 1 born in Dublin, Ireland, m 1726, and educated at Trinity son of a French refugee Barre lawyer. He also had promise as an actor. But College. His parents hoped hejoule1746 Barre was with Barre preferred am^%^"“fataUy shot during the defeat of the French on the Plains of Wolfe of England when Wol September 1759. Barre himself received a severe bullet Abrah dm£^ wound to his right cneex w denied an army prom put blind t0 Barre's commendable years of service, t Engiand and entered Parliament for Chipping Wycombe Pitt Immediatel? after his seating in Parliament, Barre received considerable notice when he ment's treatment of Wilkes. ,, „. . . . The careers of Durkee and Barre were again joined during the Stamp Act controversy. The Stamp Act was introduced in the House of Commons in February 1765. Barre was the single most vocal opponent of the tax in the House; he predicted rebellion in the Colonies. In a famous speech in opposition to the Stamp Act which stunned the House, Barre called the British Colo­ nists in America the "Sons of Liberty," a catch-word which ignited passion in the New England settlements, but did not stay passage of the Stamp Act by Parliament. In America, radical patriotic groups called the Sons of Liberty were organized to oppose the Stamp Act. John Durkee was active in these pre-Revolutionary activities as Norwich was the center of the Sons of Liberty resistance in Connecticut. In September 1765 Durkee organized a gang of five hundred men to capture and harass Jared Ingersoll, the Stamp Act agent for Connect­ icut. The Sons of Liberty grabbed Ingersoll in Wethersfield and took him to Hartford and forced him to resign. Among the Sons of Liberty with Durkee were Captain Zebulon Butler, future leader of the Wyoming forces defeated in the Wyoming Massacre of July 3, 1778, and Benjamin Harvey, who later settled in West Nanticoke and Plymouth. Harvey became an important figure in Wyoming Valley frontier life, and he discovered the lake named for him in 1781. When the Stamp Act was repealed in 1766, the town of Boston had a portrait of Barre hung in Faneuil Hall. The portrait was later destroyed by British troops during the Boston siege of 1775. Durkee only knew John Wilkes by reputation since Wilkes never visited America. The Wilkes name was well-known among the Colonials in the decade before the Stamp Act crisis. He, like Barre, also had a grievance with Pitt after Wilkes was denied the governorship of Que­ bec m 1762. Wilkes was a vocal opponent of the King's ministers. Whether he was a dedicated r’f r “PP0^™1,51 wl,th unusual wit, can be debated. Nevertheless, Wilkes became a Xht I f n h an^.Coloaial na«onal rights and liberties which an oppressive government ConnecSZ H1S conf^™tatlonsi (or antics) were closely followed in Massachusetts and cheer Wilkes' legaf XtorieTovm- pSaZnt peri°dicaU^ meet “ loCal taVemS ‘° land and America for a^ecTde^ AmpT'1118 “ MaF 1769' Wilkes had been the talk of Englarly re-elected to Parliament Ruf w™6 °f ?^rre'S StamP Act speech, Wilkes had been popufrom being seated, which onlv Commons voided the election to prevent Wilkes of the Atlantic. Wilkes wrote tothad ^tional outbursts of support for Wilkes on both sides to have the Stamp Act repealed if Bp ° 1^’ert7 in Boston in March 1769, expressing his wish patriot. In October 1767, he named h;cVier^eVer^eated in Parliament. Durkee was the extreme ment. In July 1868, Andrew Durkee a ,son®arre Durkee, after Durkee's comrade in Parliaew Durkee, a cousin of John Durkee, named his son Wilkes Durkee. JOHN WILKES & I In July 1769, Major John Durkee, President of tl barre for the region near the Connecticut fort in his, five towns authorized by the Susquehannah Com™ (renamed Hanover a year or two later), Pittstown Kingstown in 1770, later Kingston), and Plymouth E the settlement as Wilkesbarre, of course, honored Wilkesbarre assuaged Durkee's patriotic ardor and tion of the King's ministers. But the Connecticut st mother country. Pittstown honored the British Min fered a quart of Connecticut whiskey to his friends ship. He called it Kingstown, after the birthplace of descent, a compliment to the King. Nanticoke Towi renamed it Hanover, a town near York, an area popul Germany. King George III descended from the Hous However, open warfare broke out when Penns} vember 14, 1769, causing the first Yankee-Pennam kee) settlers were driven out of the Valley, and Durk In 1770, Captain Lazarus Stewart and the "Paxton Yankees. There were additional sieges between the the Pennsylvanians were defeated in August 1771 b' ler. The local war was not fully abated until the Yanl force at Rampart Rocks near Harvey's Creek at Chr Durkee was kept in a Philadelphia jail until Aug onment, Durkee did not return to settle in the tow River. He returned to Norwich where his wife, Mar destitute during Durkee's confinement, a reason he Valley only for brief visits in 1773 and 1774. In the years immediately before the Revolutio was under the control of the shareholders of the Sus ated their own government which was neither forrr by the settlers as subject to Pennsylvania authorit townships were organized under a general town i county of Litchfield, Connecticut. During this time Major John Durkee returned participated in major battles of war for the patriotic of Trenton. Durkee crossed the Delaware River wit Day 1776. He became Colonel of the 4th Regiment, ment spent the winter of 1777-78 at Valley Forge. A wound of the right hand which left him permanen service in 1781, and exhaustion from the war years 29, 1782. John Wilkes finally regained a seat from Middle also secured his election as Lord Mayor of London t London and Wilkes protested the government's cot ued his opposition to governmental policies during was still an anti-authoritarian advocate and was inv Wilkes finally left politics in June 1790 when he di years, usually dressed in scarlet, gold lace and rufl and entertaining manner had served to reconcile h ponents. He died on December 26,1797, and was Isaac Barre's political career is no longer cheris in championing the Colonies was probably more 1c ured face, Barre could rattle the House of Commoi sure of his opponents. He was acclaimed in Ament against the Colonies. Nevertheless, Barre manage British politics with more conventional grace and < he held the offices of Adjutant General in the n �KES & ISAAC BARRE JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 19 ’rx™"e«rse of his service in i759, JFnvli h Army who served in Canada in 1758-59. The irn m Dublin, Ireland, in 1726, and educated at TYmity become a lawyer. He also had promise as an actor. But Pitt blind to Barre's commendable years of service. jndand and entered Parliament for Chipping Wycombe f4°1790 Pitt had resigned from the King's cabinet and sat men, now under Lord Bute, sought to challenge the feared Parliament Barre received considerable notice when he House of Commons. Barre was later awarded the rank of arre reconciled with Pitt in 1764, partly over the govern- Aiere again joined during the Stamp Act controversy. The ise of Commons in February 1765. Barre was the single louse; he predicted rebellion in the Colonies. In a famous which stunned the House, Barre called the British Colo' a catch-word which ignited passion in the New England if the Stamp Act by Parliament. is called the Sons of Liberty were organized to oppose the n these pre-Revolutionary activities as Norwich was the e in Connecticut. In September 1765 Durkee organized a id harass Jared Ingersoll, the Stamp Act agent for Connectirsoll in Wethersfield and took him to Hartford and forced berty with Durkee were Captain Zebulon Butler, future 1 in the Wyoming Massacre of July 3,1778, and Benjamin ticoke and Plymouth. Harvey became an important figure le discovered the lake named for him in 1781. When the iwn of Boston had a portrait of Barre hung in Faneuil Hall, itish troops during the Boston siege of 1775. by reputation since Wilkes never visited America. The ; the Colonials in the decade before the Stamp Act crisis, ith Pitt after Wilkes was denied the governorship of Quenent of the King's ministers. Whether he was a dedicated sual wit, can be debated. Nevertheless, Wilkes became a ral rights and liberties which an oppressive government is (or antics) were closely followed in Massachusetts and al assemblies would periodically meet in local taverns to lament. rsy in England in 1762-1763, Barre supported the rights of lis led the government to temporarily dismiss Barre from e fond of the constitutional rights Wilkes represented than of Wilkes as "a wicked, daring infamous incendiary" and ming Valley in May 1769, Wilkes had been the talk of Eng' bme of Barre's Stamp Act speech, Wilkes had been popu•pHhJv Co.ram°ns voided *e election to prevent Wilkes nf Tdlk°^ 0UnbUrStS of suPPort for Wilkes on both sides ns o 'Liberty in Boston in March 1769, expressing his wish XdsonRe nm,Parliament Durbee was the extreme a^usin nf TabeDurkee’SCOmrade“Parlia' f John Durkee, named his son Wilkes Durkee. the settlement as Wilkesbarre, of course7 honUdS^WUt Wilkesbarre assuaged Durkee's patriotic ardor and vL / ?6S and Jsaac Barre’ The name tion of the King's ministers. BuUheCo^ the Atlantic in the direc­ mother country. Pittstown honored the British Minister Willp^a theif eff£onter7t0 the fered a quart of Connecticut whiskey to h^fdends to hav^?JP b ? ET Dean' °f’ ship. He called it Kingstown, after the birthplace of his wife in RhoTe^dlndTn^therXeTy descent a comphment to the King. Nanticoke Township was given to the "Paxton Boys who renamed it Hanover, a town near York, an area populated by German immigrants from Hanover Germany. King George III descended from the House of Hanover. However open warfare broke out when Pennsylvania troops captured Fort Durkee on No­ vember 14, 1769, causing the first Yankee-Pennamite War (1769-1775). The Connecticut (Yan?ee’Xen ^S YereTdnven of the VaHeY and Durkee among others was jailed in Philadelphia. In 1770, Captain Lazarus Stewart and the "Paxton Boys" retook Fort Durkee on behalf of the Yankees. There were additional sieges between the Pennsylvania and Connecticut forces but the Pennsylvanians were defeated in August 1771 by Yankee forces led by Captain Zebulon Butler. The local war was not fully abated until the Yankees again defeated a Pennsylvania invasion force at Rampart Rocks near Harvey's Creek at Christmas 1775. Durkee was kept in a Philadelphia jail until August 1772, nearly two years. After his impris­ onment, Durkee did not return to settle in the town he named along the upper Susquehanna River. He returned to Norwich where his wife, Martha, and children resided. They were nearly destitute during Durkee's confinement, a reason he was released. He returned to the Wyoming Valley only for brief visits in 1773 and 1774. In the years immediately before the Revolutionary War (1775-1781), the Wyoming Valley was under the control of the shareholders of the Susquehannah Company. The townspeople cre­ ated their own government which was neither formally attached to Connecticut nor recognized by the settlers as subject to Pennsylvania authority. In January 1774, however, the Wyoming townships were organized under a general town name of Westmoreland and attached to the county of Litchfield, Connecticut. During this time Major John Durkee returned to active military duty in Connecticut. He participated in major battles of war for the patriotic cause, including Bunker Hill and the Battle of Trenton. Durkee crossed the Delaware River with General George Washington on Christmas Day 1776. He became Colonel of the 4th Regiment, Connecticut Line, in January 1776. His regi­ ment spent the winter of 1777-78 at Valley Forge. At the Battle of Monmouth, Durkee received a wound of the right hand which left him permanently disabled. He retired from active military service in 1781, and exhaustion from the war years contributed to his death in Norwich on May 29 1782 ' John Wilkes finally regained a seat from Middlesex to Parliament in December 1774, having also secured his election as Lord Mayor of London three months earlier. The Common Council of London and Wilkes protested the government's coercion of the Colonies in 1775, Wilkes comm Wilkes finally left politics in June— years, usually dressed in scarlet, gold lace and raffta , g /rnment his politicai op. Isaac Barre's political career is no longer cherish EMe P f wilkes wjth jjjs disfig- British Army. Ooverno, of Sterling C.stle, Vice- i �JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 20 JOHN WILKES & ta 1790. die same year as Wilkes. Colonel Barre, who w„ heidess,"died at his home on Stanhope Street, in Mayfair, London, on July 20, 1802. Events in the Wyoming Valley subsequent to the naming of Wilkes-Barre also had a colorful history. During the Revolutionary War, the settlers of Westmoreland organized troops to join Washington. Consequently the settlement was largely defenseless, which contributed to the in­ famous Wyoming Massacre of local settlers and militia by British and Indian forces in July 1778. In response, Washington sent Major General John Sullivan on an expedition which arrived in Wilkes-Barre in June 1779. Sullivan's troops marched into New York State to destroy the Indian bands known as the SixWar Nations. The Revolutionary ended with the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown on October 23, 1781. The TYeaty of Peace with England also ended the proprietary control of Pennsylvania by the Penn family. A new state government immediately asked the Congress to resolve the Penn­ sylvania-Connecticut claims in the Wyoming Valley. A court established at TYenton, New Jersey, ruled on October 31, 1782, that Pennsylvania owned the Wyoming Valley but that the claims of Connecticut settlers to land titles should be honored. The Connecticut settlers were not satisfied with the TYenton Decree, and in March 1783 a local delegation went to Connecticut to request the Connecticut General Assembly to petition the Congress for another trial of the Wyoming claims, but Connecticut took no action. A second Yankee-Pennamite War erupted in the Wyoming Valley in October 1783, ending with another Connecticut victory in November 1784. The Pennsylvania General Assembly created Luzerne County in 1786, and the claims of Pennsylvania and Connecticut settlers were eventually set­ tled, in general conformity with the TYenton Decree. SUGGESTED READINGS The best historical source for a study of frontier Wyoming, exhausting and masterful in de­ tail, is O. J. Harvey, A History of Wilkes-Barre (Wilkes-Barre, PA., 1929). Harvey also provides a full treatment of the various spellings and pronunciations of Wilkes-Barre. (The hyphenated Wilkes-Barre came into general use after the 1840s.) Harvey's work contains a large chapter on Wilkes. His chapter on Isaac Barre may be the most extensive history of Barre available any­ where. Other standard local sources are Charles Miner, History of Wyoming (Phil.: J. Crissy, 1845), and Stewart Pearce, Annals ofLuzerne County (Phil.: J. B. Lippincott, 1886). A children's history of the Wyoming Valley may be found in the reference section of local libraries: Louis Frank, The Story of Wyoming (Wilkes-Barre, PA., 1930). For the Valley’s west side, see William Brewster, History of the Certified Tbwnship of Kingston (Kingston, PA., 1930). An article or summary biogra­ phy of Isaac Barre appears in Proceedings of the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society (1900), VI, 113-136. // / <>/7' > | 0. 5. MjO Exhibitio; F. Charles Petrillo is a graduate of Wilkes College, Class of1966, and the Dickinson School ofLa- • He currently serves on the Executive Committee of the Board of Directors of the Wyoming Histonca and Geological Society and he has published several local historical studies in recent years. �A AC BARRE & 1SAAC ! stally blind in 1785, a consequence of his ment. Barre served in the House of Come year as Wilkes. Colonel Barre, who was air, London, on July 20, 1802. aming of Wilkes-Barre also had a colorful f Westmoreland organized troops to join defenseless, which contributed to the int by British and Indian forces in July 1778. llivan on an expedition which arrived in into New York State to destroy the Indian I I ( of Cornwallis at Yorktown on October 23, te proprietary control of Pennsylvania by f asked the Congress to resolve the Penncourt established at Trenton, New Jersey, he Wyoming Valley but that the claims of he Trenton Decree, and in March 1783 a hnnecticut General Assembly to petition but Connecticut took no action. A second ey in October 1783, ending with another rania General Assembly created Luzerne Connecticut settlers were eventually set- BARRe ■ I EKlS ■ LDINGS Vyoming, exhausting and masterful in de-Barre, PA., 1929). Harvey also provides a ations of Wilkes-Barre. (The hyphenated Harvey's work contains a large chapter on extensive history of Barre available anyHistory of Wyoming (Phil.: J. Crissy, 1845), • B. Lippincott, 1886). A children's history section of local libraries: Louis Frank, The Valley's west side, see William Brewster, PA., 1930). An article or summary biogramg Historical and Geological Society (1900), J O1J5 VHLKS ,Ek SQ;< Jr/fa G. S. McClintock I Collection | Exhibition No. 5 �IV I I, K E S & ISA A C BARRE JOHN WILKES & IE u. ... . A. \ r : a . -•, v - - W v '■ ' .■% a. -■ i-'A- ■ ’ ■> Exhibition No. 6 Exhibition N �KES & ISAAC BARRE JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 23 i i i - lyfeni ber or fcrl iKntcttil fol A vlesb u r \ i = ? i —=== ,g==r-= __ i Exhibition No. 6 ? «< ■ ilcGe.l wrllioi.il■ TiiJe/bcj-e n <1 boi <u u • I1-1 Jiicli.cv.'iiwiicft pl u:u<.ieo<L,ljoiiu ur (.i.'vlu to ■ o;. ■ . LoviLwi'thovLY'tHiil-i. & lelLwtl williom ho. A. At1311(110 , iiui.' '.otfLcL: (ircu, tin. in iiie to'.Vile- fiBBIi ¥ iiSHifiS® / ... .......... ■ ■ Exhibition No. 7 ■ ■" ■ ■ �JOHN WILKES ISAAC BARRE JOHN WILKES & I S A Exhibition No. 11 ��V' I? JOH & ISAAC BARRE JOHN ;-V I L K E $ I ’ ILKES & ISA/ I 26 > hi h Brentford in its G,ory . Or, Wilkes in TRIUMF L JI Mr.a'1 Jal J so 0 mIMM. ■'■F 1 aa*:.'$,i7 @sO jfe. . 0! ■ assBF ao fes»3MM ■< . I <■ WW : - ^3a=s=l zT^N Thorfdiy March the 24th 176S, John Wilket, Efq; frt out for your iervice. I am confciooshow unequal my abilities are, my fidelity u )). accompanied by fevenl others, coach and four, to and integrity (lull in fotne meafure compenCue that deficiency, il I am ers, in in aa jnft p ujeiex, to oner canai-­ honoured with fo near a relation to you. I (hall diicbarge my farvice with Erentford, in the County ol MiJdJefex, offer nimtcii himfelf a candi tcckedthegreateft approbation fpirirand affiduity in which I may have the honour of being pheed. date for th*, c jfu ng Eleclion, where he rec w ,t 1:1----------r ‘ On the Monday following, being the day of Election, John Wilkes, cf nuny ol the Freeholder*, and excepted1 of’’ as a candidate to reprefent that County, when he afterward' made the following Speech. Efq; came into Brentford Town, about eight o’clock, in a coach, drawn In dclctence to the opinion of fame very refpeclable friends, I prefume by fix grey horfes, adorned With blue rbbons, attended by feveral of the ta cI1t mjfelf a candidate for thir. nobfe County of Middlesex, at the nobility, where he was received m a very polite manner by the fherifl of eefa ng general e!eAton,lhe approbation you havehten plea fed on feve­ the County, and 'ozhe great joy of ali the inhabitants, he immediately nl occafjun to exprefsof my conduft, induces me co hope that theaddrefs mounted the Huflings where he continued untill near oneo’clock before I have now the honour of tnikin 4 to you will not be unfavourably re­ the two o.her candidates came. As foon as they arrived into Brentford ceived. 1 he chief merit v, iih you Gentlemen, I know to be a facredlove Butts, the place where the Booth was erected, their horfes was, by demand cf LIBERTY, and of thofe generous principles, which at firft give, and of the populace dripped of their ribbons, which was the fame colour as k*ra finx fccured to this, my native kingdom, the great chatter of Frce- Mr. Wilkes’s, before thev wore fuflered to proceed to the booth. As foon r. I w.ll j ie!d to none of my coun'ry men in this noble zeal, which has ai they came Upon the Huftrngs, there was a fhew of hands which was a.w y; characterized Enghfhmen. I may appeal to my whole conduct, given in favour of Mr. Wilkes and Sir William Proctor, when Mr. Cooks h □ «nd out of Parl'J.nent for the demonflration that fuch principles demanded a poll, which came on immediately, the poll books,r which s. -e d.cpiy noted in my heart, and that I have fleadily purfued the in-was fifteen in number, one f~~ rizh ------i-r—1 *ui for each divifion, were notclofed till K«ir hilf r>,ft part 9i ,J «*ait7 without regard to the powerful enemies I created, fevea when the numbers flood thus. '-r:/"ft dangers in which I muft thence neccffarily be involved; J 293 For John Wilkes, Efq; r ’■ , .V’hc dD:ieiof a Rood fubject. The two important 837 For Wtlliim Cooke, Efq; \ hvj of LIBER IY, refpccting Geieral Warrants and the fei807 For Sir William Beacham Proctor , 7 \', ' ; l'‘r^hap* pl.ee me among thofe who have deferred w«;i <a :.4 by u iMwhunted firmnrft 1 iThe Cryer then demanded filence, when the court broke up for that . c! r .■. a undaunted firmuefj, perfeverar lb... 1. ■ L w„b which vmtAniT r 71 “jd pr“b"Z: «ho next rooming at nine o’clock the (henll opened ------- tha alter which y , nd affection Exhibition No. 15 ,----- cntkaviw toJu^rf ibitUCssmty CiMlyin«t>tbi I blhjl bejlntM/ft* auwII I - Exhibition No. 18 �AC BARRB ilkes in TRIUMPH. e v, zi "j &e grec <n f the »'?::££ o r.etciri--i'-« £so«. <-.-. a « Kj&a wbattbc Booth w»twcsad. fflBrharhs<M?^'4sp»»i lb ffU el the ; ’ «Li£l ->~ 'l£-'z - -.-t u l.-:-'..t v;?.' :.;• ......._• ’--- -L- E — u.. . 'lx- •:' ■_ _ t _ i Ursa ci Mr V.. kc. i£_; V. . -.z i-.jzz.-r. t Mf. Ga'Jjx :2 j r.'_. J - ;.. •_ . -^aiii bu-Jfj Gi4 c.-sL^i. we?s hes t-^K'n (had F--J Jchs. Vk ths, 5; - s Fat %‘u.is GkIe, t; J F :< Sa Wd._3 uc.^L=> F css<i? ■;7 Cjjrer tfe. B kai cc^iBdad fclea®. w!xa we ®sn “>rdLe fsr ^z-Z g.ifeithai mu Eia’acg a u;?.s. o'Ctedi 'b‘ fbsr.9 e&e&ed r?-s *>*4? tea?,, V1Ltlftiiadjrfj L^frir Sj ti.' Cra=^ Mi. Vi �JOHN WILKES & ISA; Engravdforthe-fclait (/e/t’(///ie /> < Exhibition No. 22 �V/LA'55 & '■ \ RE JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARre 29 I I ^Engrwdfr)- th^JPoliucai,^^. I "-A I - Exhibition No . 21 f ~>W \ ( Exhibition No. 22 �& ISAAC BARRE JOHN WILKES JOH l ■■ \ ) R Gra? : . . . e Right j -• ■'f I KES & ] : of t ‘ tOR op BB At th.- United Requeft of p£ LIBERTY I ^AJ’JtAOJ’-JCJC XT?: J’JJojis E X P L A Exhibition No. 24 R M S. 1. A General Warrant torn to nw 2. A Bunch of broken K-ys, denotia the Ruin of arbitrary Paner. 3. The Tower of London, the Go: wide open, with a Flag bearing the wiv Horfe (the Arms of the illuttnous H:a of }{an-.z'e.r) and Magna Charta, d noting Fit.den: to all loyal Sa j^s ar Friends to the Conjlitution ; the or* Habeas Corpus, under the open Gan imply, that no Briti/’j Sidjcdi can I impri/bned contrary to Lata. 4 and 5, Two Mefi-yers in Moun ing, with a Handkerchief in one Ife lamenting their loll Places ; and in. tl other, a Staff with a GryENind on denoting their Offices# . Exhibition �tc BARRE TJJO/IS �> JOHN 32 WILKES & ISAAC BARRE JOHN WILKES & I I j ' !. -i '■''I J I H I I 1 f1/"' !X • t- v. . I jiaiM/no xfvi-.i. t-«5» T*ait«"J' j>f Chib* !' .rj-er C - 11 ’'I'- I—;r>f r,li. i>Ur <r!. ...-■ < UGIT A' !9I< -a.MMl THE HAIH. i !■! ; , . « ~U1- I tW-. ; TW-^d C/‘I eV ■JEAN 'Vi ILKES^Ac7/^,7 ; Ehi Aiderman de Londrcj, lc 2 .janvier 1760. Exhibition No. 35 i ! H / ) VI ft ffimmi/ ( /umr/ee I'/idt / y.rh/,.. Exhibition �>AA C BA RRE Io. 35 JOHN WILKES & 1SAAC Barre J \ ,4-v 7'■ iI 1 r :? ^MFQJLl AIUTANTUR. ' 'I-FTrn Lo':Q7'Tirki-t. ; “ -'IL-NG0S5LULYR0NIES. ; ^Hckeu / BAXL-PARE. SJ^g---^GDOTTOALFRESCO/ SiducfthtHAT. I two Tabus. -^Alu^e of Qabj £ oi.er Cards- / ^boxoff^eDice.wuh-iliis CO G IT AMORNUiO-I1- EXPLAXATI ONofthe C01OU RSA \\ealliLTvocli.Ai,lI<'w'. Cap of Liberty.'W’liito. }L>t,<kejjiai(rtU,nmtniilenir.tlii.ilt,epBlttf. Tables on Dino, brown. Jo click s. firfl fri in solid aftjttue. Hair.rijJJjt"Side,Saii«lvJeftJBrinni lCoaijrr’lit.Bluediiiu)v,OriUig<-, 1 e ft,( )range;liningjlhie. THE HAIRQu«c & R®rd-wiih ngit-Svte • R0ADT01?BEj®k beltishc^^ the Wai ftco a t.rigln, Plad,left,Blue. J< I H. V ^. taumer •4d / ) f/Wf< an / .C/w':///■ Exhibition No. 37 �JO < H ; i: I �& ISAAC BARRE .Z.'. r:-niir, /~Si £2 ts s> k K R E- bition No. 38 6 Z g �JOE . 36 JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE ;S <1 ■ �4 C BARRE JOHN WILKES & isaacbarre 37 ^7^.5TTY'?‘ j.? I i 5 ! I £ ■ If/ & & - fl 11 ■ ��lkes & ISAAC BARRE JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 39 ! i r - •* o of ■41^; M ) W'7' y BwB .W 1 1 » 1 - 0® Exhibition No. 30 Exhibition No. 44 �I O II N IV / I. K B S & ISAAC HA R R E 40 22. 23. CHECKLIST OF THE EXHIBITION (All dimensions in inches, height proceeds width. Unless otherwise noted all items are engravings.) 1 1A. IB. 2. Barre, Isaac: DER GENERAL WOLF, c. 1759, Gemahlt von B. West; Gegraben von Carl Guttenberg 9 1/2 x 12 1/2. Barre, Isaac: Wolfe's Tbd in der Schlacht bei Quebeck. n.d., Stahlstich Von F. Randel in Berlin, 14 x 17 3/4. Penciled on back: from J. T. Mitchell Collection. Barre, Isaac: THE DEATH of GENERAL WOLFE, n.d., Painted by B. West Hist. Painter to King of England; Engraved by P. Somebody, 7 1/4x7 5/8. Wilkes, John: John Wilkes Esqr., Drawn from the Life and Etch’d in Aquafortis by Willm Hogarth Publish'd according to Act of Parliament May ye 16. 1763, 20 1/4 x 15 1/4. BM 4050. Wilkes, John: Untitled, n.d., Dent Sculp. 9 1/16 x 5 1/2. BM 4050-1. Wilkes, John: John Wilkes Esqr., n.d., grave d’apres 1'original du Sieur Hogarth a Londres, 111/4x73/4. 2A. 3. 4. Wilkes, John: Untitled, n.d., 7 1/2x4 5/8. 5. Wilkes, John: JOHN WILKS (sic) ESQR., n.d., Hopwood sculp. Attached signature, dated 1775 in pencil: John Wilkes Mayor, 7 1/8 x 4 1/2. 6. Wilkes, John: Untitled, n.d., Political cartoon with captions, 10 1/2 x 12. 7. Wilkes, John: IOHN WILKES, Esqr., Member of Parliament for Aylesbury Bucks, I. Miller del. et sculpt.; Publ: acc: to the Act June 30. 1763, 14 1/2 x 10 1/2. 8. Wilkes, John: IOHN WILKES, Esq., n.d., 6 11/16x4 1/8. Penciled on back: from Mitchell Collection. 9. Wilkes, John: Untitled, Engrav’d by Bickham according to Act of Parliament, June 1763, R. E. Pine Pinx; G. Sibelius Sculps, 10 3/4 x 9 1/8 . 10. Wilkes. John: IOHN WILKES, Esqr.. Late Member of Parliament for Aylesbury, Published according to Act of Parliament, 1764., (Also in Dutch), 14 x 10 1/2. 11. Wilkes, John: John Wilkes Esq., n.d.,Neovingri Academiae Caesareo Franciseere Excud. Aug. Vind.: Cum Gratia et Plivilegio Sac. Caes. Majestatis.: loh Philipp Haid Sculpsit, 19 1/2 x 13 1/2. 12. Wilkes, John: IOHN WILKESEsqr., n.d., J. Miller Sculp., 8 3/16x5 1/4. 13. Wilkes, John. John It ilkesEsqr, n.d.. Engraved by E. Bocquet, From an original picture bv Pine Pub by Sherwood, Neely and Jones, Paternoster Row., 10 x 7. 14 vivn,' !2%N, WILKES‘ ELECTED KNIGHT OF THE SHIRE FOR MIDDLESEX ON THE urii II Ot M?RCH MDCCLXVIII, BY THE FREE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE, n.d., 6 7/8 x 4 3/8. Wlikes in oval, surrounded by Athena and Hercules. 15. Wilkes, John: Brentford in its Glory: Wilkes in TRIUMPH, 1768, Broadside with woodcut, 18 3/4 x 14 1/2. 16. Wilkes John: Part of Mr. Wilkes's Speech to the Court of Common Pleas., n.d., ]. June Sculp, 13 x 8 3/4. Illustration at top with portrait of Wilkes. J 1 17. 1Wdkes, John. John Wilkes Esq; before the Court of King's Bench. From Gent Mag. May 1768.8 1/4 x 7 7/8. l« Wilke ,, Job *'hn l’> .<-• or lheSurn> Justice, 1768, 6 1/2 x 3 15/16. BM 4201. Wilk \ John. ARMSolLIBERJ Y mn/.S7 ,-ll L/i 1: (Letter) 'lb the Gentlemen, Clergy and Freeholders ol th.-County of Middl<-s.-x, from John Wilkes, King's Bench Prison, Saturday, June 18, 176S, 14 3/4 X 8 15/16 UM 4207. Witk<:a John Al, Lerjcant < ,7.i7v; JOHN WIL KES Esq */': The Reed Mr. JOHN HORNE. n.d., Richard -s. John. A iled f... th 1 73/4x4 3/4. BM 48 ' John: YOUR VOL x 7 3/4. Small campaign j 24. Wilke John. PATRIOTIC 25. John: ARMS Cra. ■' ASSERTOR OFBRH 26. Wilkes, John: JOHN Wil h qr. Member for Middles 27. V. ilkes, John: THE BALL A IOHN WILKES. LORD MA 28. Wilkes, John: John Wilke iished by Longman & Co. 29. Wilkes. John: JOHN WILK 30. Wilkes, John: XfVJWUkt 6067. 31. Wilkes, John: The COTTzine, Published by J. Sew 32. Wilkes, John: IOHN WI Mitchell Collection. 33. Wilkes, John: Untitled, n. veto. luv.", 4 1/16x4, m< 34. Wilkes, John: JOHN WIL 35. Wilkes. John: JEAN WIL mounted on paper 11 3/4 36. Wilkes. John: John Wilkes, 37. Wilkes, John and Lord B querade at Lincoln, Deer. 4315. 38. Barre, Isaac: COLONEL 39. Barre. Isaac: THE RIGH Engraver to his Majesty 40. Barre, Isaac: Untitled, n.i ant Isaac Phipps, 9 3/8 x 41. Barre, Isaac and John W Am: 1782, Razo Rezio in BM 5982. 42. Barre, Isaac and John W 118 New Bond Street. 9. 43. Barre, Isaac: JOVE in his Lent by The New York P 44. Barre, Isaac: XII [Colom 3/8. Lent by the William 45. Barre, Isaac: The Royal j Published according to c by the American Antiqu 46. Barre, Isaac: The Right H don, From original Pictu Evans, Engraved by W.T sity of Michigan. 47. Barre, Isaac: Colonel Ba Engraving. (15 5/16 x 13 48. Wilkes, John: John VVi/k, �bl ISAAC BARRE JOHN WILKES & ISAAC BARRE 1771*7 3°4x43KBM4868.e>le/Jr 41 Ministr>' Design'd and Engrav'd for the Political Register, 24. W^eS’Jolm'-P^RIOTICKMETEORS, 1771, 43/4xy ii2.penc[\edonb>ottonv]Wiikes-Bty[4887. ' don, ASSERWR OF BRHISH^^ED^M^'lTGS^lAl^^xg uf BM 4206^" HE EXHIBITION 26’ Es^M^ height proceeds width. 1 items are engravings.) :mahlt von B. West; Gegraben von Carl Guttenberg, .’beck, n.d., Stahlstich Von F. Randel in Berlin, 14 x Uection. ’E, n.d., Painted by B. West Hist. Painter to King of 8.' le Life and Etch'd in Aquafortis by Willm Hogarth, ■e 16.1763,20 1/4 x 15 1/4. BM 4050. x51/2. BM 4050-1. > 1'original du Sieur Hogarth a Londres, 111/4x7 3/4 . Hopwood sculp. Attached signature, dated 1775 in ith captions, 10 1/2 x 12. of Parliament for Aylesbury Bucks, I. Miller del. et 12x101/2. > x 41/8. Penciled on back: from Mitchell Collection. ccording to Act of Parliament, June 1763, R. E. Pine ber of Parliament for Aylesbury, Published according to 01/2. \cademiae Caesareo Franciseere Excud. Aug. Vind.: loh Philipp Haid Sculpsit, 19 1/2 x 13 1/2. ler Sculp., 8 3/16x5 1/4. by E. Bocquet, From an original picture by Pine, Pub w., 10x7. IGHT OF THE SHIRE FOR MIDDLESEX, ON THE FREE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE., n.d., 6 7/8x4 3/8. rules. °f^don & Membr for Middlesex., JOHN GLYN, aprilxvii. mdcclxxv, the right honble OHN WILKES, LORD MAYOR, G.B. Cipriani inv. et del; F. Bartolozzi Sculp 1775, 8 x 7 1/8. 28. IUHaH S'J°hn:^o/ln ™Mes,Esqr., Engrav'd by Freeman from an Original Portrait by Zoffani. Pub­ lished by Longman & Co. November 5, 1804, 6 1/8x3 7/8. Penciled on back: Mitchell Collection. 29. 1y<7.<^eS' WILKES, ESQ., n.d., 4 3/4 x 2 7/8. Penciled on back: from J. T. Mitchell Collection. 30 6067 eS' JOhn: X/^!Wilkesl' JS ff(Sayers), Published 17 June 1782 by C. Bretherton, 81 1/2 x 6. BM " ' 27 31. Wilkes, John: The COTTAGE of the late JOHN WILKES Esqr. in the ISLE of WIGHT, European Maga­ zine, Pubhshed by J. Sewell, Cornhill, April 1, 1798, Engraved by S. Rawle, 5x8 1/4. 32. Wilkes, John: IOHN WILKES Esq., n.d., J. Miller at viv: feet., 5 5/16 x 3 3/4. Penciled on back: Mitchell Collection. 33. Wilkes, John: Untitled, n.d., "Civis erat, qui libera poiset, Verba animi proferre, et vitam impendere vero. luv.", 4 1/16x4, mounted on paper 12 x 9 1/2. Penciled on back of mount: John Wilkes. 34. Wilkes, John: JOHN WILKES Esqr, 1768, 8x43/8, mounted on paper 15x 11. BM4204. 35. Wilkes, John: JEAN WILKES, Ecuyer, Elu Aiderman de Londres, le 2. janvier 1769, 8 1/4X 5 1/4, mounted on paper 11 3/4 x 8 3/4. 36. Wilkes, John: John Wilkes, n.d., No. 37., Franz Heissig Cath. Sculp, et excud. Aug. Vind., 11 5/8 x 7 3/8. 37. Wilkes, John and Lord Bute: The Times, Taken from an Original Character which appear'd at the Mas­ querade at Lincoln, Deer. the21st. 1769, 14 l/8x 10 1/2. Written in ink at bottom: Captain Wilks. BM 4315. 38. Barre, Isaac: COLONEL BARRE, London Mag: May 1780, 8 5/8x5 3/16. 39. Barre, Isaac: THE RIGHT HONORABLE ISAAC BARRE, Painted by C. G. Stuart; John Hall sculpt Engraver to his Majesty 1787, 14 x 10 1/2. Penciled on back: from the James T. Mitchell Collection. 40. Barre, Isaac: Untitled, n.d., Manuscript letter from Isaac Barre to Lord Shelburne regarding Lieuten­ ant Isaac Phipps, 9 3/8 x 7 1/2. 41 Barre Isaac and John Wilkes: The POLITICAL MIRROR, or an EXHIBITION of the MINISTERS for April 1782, Razo Rezio inv. Crunk Fogo sculp, 513/16x9. Lent by the American Antiquarian Society. BM 5982. 42 Barre Isaac and John Wilkes: BANCO to the KNAVE, Pubd. April 12th 1782 by H. Humphrey, No 118 New Bond Street. 9 3/8 x 13. Lent by The New York Public Library. BM 5972. 43.1. Barre, Isaac: JOVE in his chair, Pubd. Septr 11th 1782 by E. D'Achery St. James's Street, 9 x 13 1/8. Lent by The New York Public Library. BM 6032. 44. JMPH., 1768, Broadside with woodcut, 18 3/4 x 14 1/2. lourt of Common Pleas..., n.d., J. June Sculp, 13 x 8 3/4. King's Bench, From Gent. Mag. May 1768, 81/4 x 7 7/8. 6 1/2x315/16. BM 4201. 46. !he Gentlemen, Clergy and Freeholders , rungs Bench Prison, Saturday, June 18,1768, 14 3/4 '. BM 4268. 13 5/8). Lent by the Williai ��f' - 0i Bih ■ • •: ■ < "■:. .1 :■■■ 5.-: <-•?>.—•. ■■; .• Of . i " -S By - ■':. B ‘ ■ < • * : •-• ?3.\? a . 3; I / 7 ;-Si � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1988 June 19 John Wilkes and Isaac Barre: Politics and Controversy in Eighteenth Century Graphics Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource B. West Hist William Hogarth Bickham E. Bocquet Freeman S. Rawle C.G. Stuart Harold E.Cox F. Charles Petrillo Annie Bohlin F. Charles Petrillio Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988 June 19 - June 24 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource The active poltical lives of John Wilkes and Isaac Barre coincided with the golden age of portraiture perhaps not by coincidence. The exhibition speaks to both the politics of the two men and the illustrations that depicted them. Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/325bb9138dfaf1ddc71e35f3f187cc3f.pdf 710da269e0f53580c344275c83b7598f PDF Text Text ��������������������� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1988 April 10 American Art Since WWII from the Maslow Collection Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Robert Motherwell Jasper Johns Robert Rauschenberg Andy Warhol Roy Lichtenstein Jim Dine James Rosenquist Ellsworth Kelly Frank Stella Sol LeWitt Ed Ruscha Chuck Close Francesco Clemente Deane Berger Deane Berger Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1988 April 10 - May 8 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource The Maslow Collection offers an opportunity to come to better understand contemporary times through the exposure to a body of art containing notable works by major artists from important stages of contemporary art. Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/d61fc97533710f2be905296a707ea984.pdf c164a040a1a516dbcd0b141ee5197807 PDF Text Text �fF+ ffit$i",.,*n "J,n",-uu..", PA tBZ66 717-824-4651. Announcing Season's Greetings with Selections from the Permanent Collection Sordoni Art Callery, Wilkes College December 20,1987 -January 51, 19BB (Closed December 24, 25, 51 and January 1) This exhibition will highlight recent acquisitions, works on paper, and works by regional artists. Edward Potthast (1857-1927\, Children at the Beach, n.d., watercolor llt/zxl5t/z inches. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1987 December 20 Season's Greetings: Selections from the Permanent Collection Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 December 20 - 1988 January 31 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource This exhibition highlights acquisitions recent to 1987, works on paper, and works by regional artists Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/f5fc7bb8c7cd722c0994c333d515daf7.pdf a95d699aa550e00dcca59825994a9840 PDF Text Text sr.tr,*;:: i$. * i:tl ! ,as.";b.i&!.. .&" " lJdll.gratrr. j;.' ,..:f ' Klaus Holm: Stages In Retrospect I �Sordoni Art Gallery Wilkes College 150 S. River Street, Wilkes-Barre , PA 18766 717-824-4651 Non-Profit Org. U.S. Postagle PER.I{IT #355 Wlkes-Barre, Pa. Pleasejoin us for an opening reception in honor of Klaus Holm: Stages In Retrospect An exhibition at the Sordoni Art Gallery Co-sponsored by Cue'n' Curtain, Wlkes College. Saturday, November 14, 1987 3-5 p.m. (The exhibition will continue through Decanber 13, 1987) Also announcing WHAT YOU WILL (Scenes and Songs from Shakespeare) Written and directed by Michael O'Neill PerformancesNovember 13, 14, 15 Dorothy Dickson Darte Center for the Performing Arts Please call the box office at 8244651, ext. 416 for further information � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1987 November 14 Klaus Holm: Stages in Retrospect Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Klaus Holm Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 November 14 - October 13 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/0ffa8ad0a43d57cc138d4b4d1ad62f85.pdf 94decd5e8a49e8f071d54b77c80fdf64 PDF Text Text ������������������������� https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/f806223b19db29eb4dd01eb29a6e508a.pdf 5261f62ee83802c7ae87fcf4fa17366f PDF Text Text f3 f T7 " HBH R- -:.±f ~ ~~~ " !S Is MEL POWELL: Watercolors ■gs ? : :■ I 5 ?g ijI H“5 S &SS 1 ■ ■ -1 g i .3 i 1 I I I SO RD GA ND2365 & M cj 1987 RDONIARTGALLERY, WILKES COLLEGE �MEL POWELL; Watercolor Sordoni Art Gallery Wilkes College Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania October 10 through November 8, 1987 Hank O'Neal, Guest Curator Exhibition organized by the Sordoni Art Gallery E.S. FARLEY LIBRARY WILKES UNIVERSITY WILKES-BARRE, PA Front cover photo: Jelly/ Roll, watercolor and ink Copyright © 1987 Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes College All rights reserved. ISBN 0-942945-00-X �Intro .rfu'.. * v 4 1. 12 Tone (cat. no. 1) K The i exhibit visual been is interac the toe are me overla of the placin many Powel combi Inevit throu We guest catalo of 198 noted Mel the e' essen loant An Inc. t and s Fin exhit their �Introduction and Acknowledgements »• * The third in an innovative series begun in 1984, this exhibition again pursues the theme of musicians as visual artists. Throughout art history, there have often been individuals and movements concerned with the interaction between branches of the fine arts. Because the tools used by painters — brushes, color, canvas — are more accessible than those of other disciplines, the overlapping of interest often falls heavily on the side of the two-dimensional studio arts. The excitement of placing color on a surface is a compelling process to many creative people. It is in this way that Mel Powell's watercolors show the pure enjoyment of combining color and abstract form on paper. Inevitably, his pre-occupation with music also comes through in his images. We are grateful to Hank O'Neal who, in his role as guest curator, provided an enlightening essay for this catalog. O'Neal interviewed Powell in the late Spring of 1987 during which time he recorded the quotations noted in the essay. Mel Powell was involved in each planning phase for the exhibition and concert. His collaboration was essential in preparing the essay and in arranging the loan of pictures from his collection and others. Andrew J. Sordoni, III and the Sordoni Foundation, Inc. have made this exhibition possible by initiating and supporting the series, Celebration of Music and Art. Finally, we would like to thank the lenders to the exhibition for their generosity in sharing pieces from their collections with our audience. Judith H. O'Toole Director 2 Tone (cat. no li �The Artistry of Mel Powell - ■ Ba Teddy Wilson, Hazel Scott, Duke Ellington, Mel Powell (August 1942) Sometime in early August 1942. there w as a special gathering of musical talent at the uptown branch of Barney Josephson's legendary Cate Society. Teddy Wilson was there, along with his band which, among others, featured Edmund Hall and Sid Catlett. The pianist Hazel Scott was also playing there then, handling the intermission duties. At some point in the evening the two resident pianists were joined by Count Basie and Duke Ellington. The four crowded behind the piano and urged the evening's guest of honor to join them. The teenaged object of so much obvious affection and respect was scheduled to be inducted into the army the following day along with hundreds of other nineteen year olds. There were probably farewell parties for many of those young men that night and on other nights throughout the summer of 1942. but the party at Cafe Society was ven different. Mel Powell was anything but an ordinary nineteen-vear-old inductee; his prodigious talents were well-defined by the time he became part of the Benny Goodman Orchestra in June 1941. He was only eighteen years eld but had been trained as a serious pianist since childhood. He had also heard Teddy W ilsen as early as 1935 and had discovered it was amusing to improvise on the themes of the Beethover sonatas he was studying. His teacher looked on such behavior w ith dismay but she was unable to do any thing about it as her voung pupil continued to stray listening carefully to the work ot less Stacy and Earl Hines. \\ ithin a tew y ears ot his introduction to he found himself playing at Nick's in Greenwich \ illage alongside mam ot the outstanding musicians associated w ith that legendary jazz club. �__________ The Artistry of Mel Powell Sometime in early August 1942, there was a special gathering of musical talent at the uptown branch of Barney Josephson's legendary Cafe Society. Teddy Wilson was there, along with his band which, among others, featured Edmund Hall and Sid Catlett. The pianist Hazel Scott was also playing there then, handling the intermission duties. At some point in the evening the two resident pianists were joined by Count Basie and Duke Ellington. The four crowded behind the piano and urged the evening's guest of honor to join them. The teenaged object of so much obvious affection and respect was scheduled to be inducted into the army the following day along with hundreds of other nineteen year olds. There were probably farewell parties for many of those young men that night and on other nights throughout the summer of 1942, but the party at Cafe Society was very different. Mel Powell was anything but an ordinary nineteen-year-old inductee; his prodigious talents were well-defined by the time he became part of the Benny Goodman Orchestra in June 1941. He was only eighteen years old but had been trained as a serious pianist since childhood. He had also heard Teddy Wilson as early as 1935, and had discovered it was amusing to improvise on the themes of the Beethoven sonatas he was studying. His teacher looked on such behavior with dismay, but she was unable to do anything about it as her young pupil continued to stray, listening carefully to the work of Jess Stacy and Earl Hines. Within a few years of his introduction to jazz he found himself playing at Nick's in Greenwich Village alongside many of the outstanding musicians associated with that legendary jazz club. It was with the Benny Goodman Orchestra, however, that he began to make his mark and during the period from June, 1941 to August, 1942 he quickly became recognized as the new pianist in town. He not only held down the piano chair with the big band and its various small ensembles, but also contributed many arrangements and original compositions to the Goodman book, eighteen of which were recorded by the band in that fourteen-month period. He also managed to secure a recording date for himself with Milt Gabler's Commodore label and four exceptional sides were released, featuring Powell and some of his musical associates including the boss, happily participating as a sideman under the name "Shoeless John Jackson.'' Given Powell's early endeavors as a semi-professional baseball player, it is puzzling why he didn't refer to Goodman as Shoeless Joe instead of John. Perhaps it was just a printer's error or Gabler didn't know baseball. These months of crowded activity with Goodman led Powell to a third place finish in the Metronome All Star poll, finishing behind Jess Stacy and Count Basie, but ahead of his first idol, Teddy Wilson. He had made a lasting impression, for he remained in the top five of the Metronome poll throughout the war years, even though he was part of the Glenn Miller Army Air Force Band, a group which never released a commercial recording during the years it was active and rarely performed in venues or even countries where the average Metronome reader might encounter it. In 1987, Mel Powell confessed that in his view, one of the most profound statements of the Twentieth Century was made by the Czech composer, Ernst Krenek (1900-), who said, some years before Powell joined Benny Goodman, "What we understand no longer interests us and what interests us we no longer understand." The philosophical implications of Krenek's statement have obviously guided Powell's thinking and action for many years. In hindsight, it seems clear a simple lack of interest in the kind of �2. Little Pollock (cat. no. 46) music he was playing in the 194O's and the new directions in which jazz seemed to be evelving impacted on Powell in a negative way There is even the possibility that had not World War 11 intervened, resulting in his joining the Glenn Miller Army Air Force Band immediately after his brief stay with Goodman, Powell might have ceased being a full-time, on-the-road-again-forever jazz musician in 1942. Powell understood the technical facility of his playing, dazzling inventions at the keyboard were nut difficult and the skill and originality he brought to his compositions and arrangements appeared to come to him with ease. Yet, even though it was surely an exciting time to sit next to such creative men as Benny Goodman, Charlie, Christian, Count Basie or Duke Ellington, it was not enough. Powell's life in jazz began at the pinnacle; there was no place to go except to accomplish more of the same. It might have been initially interesting to write The Earl or Mission To Moscow but it was not a serious challenge to play them night after night for weeks and months on end. To play them forever would have been unthinkable. Just how many times could he dazzle an audience with The World Is Waiting For The Sunrise or The Count? The large orchestras of Goodman and Miller set standards for musicianship; the small groups within them were equally exceptional but Powell had easilyconquered the challenges of the music played byr these groups. The developing currents in jazz, primarily bebop, while suggesting possible new directions in jazz, particularly in terms of technical virtuosity, generally offered, except in rare instances, only modest amounts of musical substance. Where could he go? Powell's three years with the large Miller ensemble had provided him access to many non-jazz musicians He delighted m writing modest chamber pieces for some of these players and this experience convinced im he wanted to pursue serious composition after the I li �i music he was playing in the 1940's and the new > jjj-ections in which jazz seemed to be evolving ! impacted on Powell in a negative way. There is even the possibility that had not World War II intervened, j resulting in his joining the Glenn Miller Army Air Force Band immediately after his brief stay with Goodman, Powell might have ceased being a full-time, on-the-road-again-forever jazz musician in 1942. Powell understood the technical facility of his playing, dazzling inventions at the keyboard were not difficult and the skill and originality he brought to his compositions and arrangements appeared to come to him with ease. Yet, even though it was surely an exciting time to sit next to such creative men as Benny Goodman, Charlie, Christian, Count Basie or Duke Ellington, it was not enough. Powell's life in jazz began at the pinnacle; there was no place to go except to accomplish more of the same. It might have been initially interesting to write The Earl or Mission To Moscow but it was not a serious challenge to play them night after night for weeks and months on end. To play them forever would have been unthinkable. Just how many times could he dazzle an audience with The World Is Waiting For The Sunrise or The Count? The large orchestras of Goodman and Miller set standards for musicianship; the small groups within them were equally exceptional but Powell had easily conquered the challenges of the music played by these groups. The developing currents in jazz, primarily Bebop, while suggesting possible new directions in jazz, particularly in terms of technical virtuosity, generally offered, except in rare instances, only modest amounts of musical substance. Where could he go? Powell's three years with the large Miller ensemble had provided him access to many' non-jazz musicians. He delighted in writing modest chamber pieces for some of these players and this experience convinced him he wanted to pursue serious composition after the war. Yet, within a few weeks after his return to the United States practical considerations led him back to Benny Goodman. He remained with the Benny Goodman Band almost one year as pianist/ composer/arranger and in the process managed to again insure his good standing in the Metronome poll. This was, however, the last time Powell spent any lengthy period as a player in the world of improvised music. He dabbled at jazz for the next ten years, creating a legacy of excellent recordings, first for ( apitol in the 1940's and then with Vanguard in the 1950's, as well as an exceptional 1955 concert to benefit the Lighthouse for the Blind which was released on record by Columbia. He also managed occasional forays with Goodman; it seemed that whenever his old boss had a special project, a motion picture such as A Star Is Born, an important recording or a major televr-.ii >n show, Powell would get the call and be "persuaded" to forsake academic for a shining moment or two. I he last time Goodman managed to do this was in 1957; Powell appeared with him on a series of television shows, culminating w ith one w ith Perry Como. Tin was to be his final public appearance in a jazz context for two decades. In that same year 1 heard my first Mel Powell record and he taught his first classes at Vale. Serious composition was intellectually fulfulling for Powell and in the late 1940’s, he submitted a piece to the renowned composer, Paul Hindemeth, for his consideration. Hindemeth was associated with Yale University and, by all accounts, an extraordinary teacher. He accepted Powell as a student; the student soon became his teacher's assistant and when Hindemeth retired Powell became Chairman of Yale's Composition Department and a full professor as well. He remained there until the late 1960's when he was offered the opportunity of structuring and heading the Music Department at the newly founded California Institute of the Arts. The concept behind Cal Arts was stimulating to Powell; an academic center where students and �for me and one day someone suggested that it might make sense for me to lecture to the institute as a whole. It seemed a good idea; interesting issues were involved which governed work in all the arts and I decided to undertake a series of lectures which would occupy me for a while and take my mind off the terrible aggravation of political handholding. When you are running an institute peopled by painters, playwrights, dancers, composers, all certifiably insane, it is very difficult. I was just as demoniacally crazy as any of them; probably that's why they wanted me to remain as Provost. "With that as background, I decided to give a lecture on some very advanced music. Not many people know very much about serious new music and I thought I would give a lecture which would bring up-to-date the kinds of issues which interest composers of what is popularly called "classical" music in our century. "The lecture was a good chance for me to talk to people who knew nothing technically. The painters didn't know anything about it, nor did the writers or the actors. In my music seminars I am able to discuss certain matters with my students, but if I wanted to discuss the twelve-tone system with non-musical listeners I could make no technical references or assumptions. "I sat at my desk in my office wondering what to do and, while sitting there, decided to attempt to illustrate what certain twelve-tone manipulations are in a visual way. I used color coding to show different transformations of serial techniques and, while I was working on them, my secretary came in and said that one of the Cal Arts designers had arrived for his appointment. He came in and when he came over to my desk he looked down and noticed what I was teachers from all the arts could interact and inspj another in a decidedly non-academic, though ? re°nf academically structured, environment. The Musk Department at Cal Arts flourished under his guij and he found increased opportunity for not only composition but to become a serious amateur tennis player as well, accumulating a shelf full of trophies to prove it. Then disaster. In the early 1970's various internal political problems developed at Cal Arts and Powell found himself part of an institution facing serious difficulties on the brink of disintegration. No department escaped the turmoil and in 1972, at the urging of his peers, Powell assumed the position of Provost of the Institute. He aided in stabilizing the institution but at great personal sacrifice; he produced no new music until 1979. The administrative difficulties at Cal Arts had cost him nearly a decade of composition. This tragedy, his loss of musical expression and the resulting intellectual frustration produced something totally unexpected. Shortly after he became Provost, Powell began to experiment with watercolors. He maintains he was not initially aware of what he was doing but he was nonetheless fascinated by the work he was creating. Perhaps it was because he didn't understand what would happen each time he put his brush to the paper or perhaps it was just the joy of instant gratification. In music, it was often a year or two before he might hear his new compositions played by others. Watercolor happened instantaneously and he didn't have to rely on further expression or interpretation by others. In 1987, Powell summed up his beginning as a watercolorist: "The reason I began painting was a shift in my function at Cai Arts. In 1972,1 was asked to become Provost and I accepted because the place was teetering. I didn't know what a Provost was or what one should do, but I quickly learned and that sort ot thing seemed to me very easy’ to do, but I soon toun myself removed from composition, removed from ' 3. no 48) ■ �teachers from all the arts could interact and inspire o another in a decidedly non-academic, though ne academically structured, environment. The Music Department at Cal Arts flourished under his guidance and he found increased opportunity for not only composition but to become a serious amateur tennis player as well, accumulating a shelf full of trophies to prove it. Then disaster. In the early 1970's various internal political problems developed at Cal Arts and Powell found himself part of an institution facing serious difficulties on the brink of disintegration. No department escaped the turmoil and in 1972, at the urging of his peers, Powell assumed the position of Provost of the Institute. He aided in stabilizing the institution but at great personal sacrifice; he produced no new music until 1979. The administrative difficulties at Cal Arts had cost him nearly a decade of composition. This tragedy, his loss of musical expression and the resulting intellectual frustration produced something totally unexpected. Shortly after he became Provost, Powell began to experiment with watercolors. He maintains he was not initially aware of what he was doing but he was nonetheless fascinated by the work he was creating. Perhaps it was because he didn't understand what would happen each time he put his brash to the paper or perhaps it was just the joy of instant gratification. In music, it was often a year or two before he might hear his new compositions played by others. Watercolor happened instantaneously and he didn't have to rely on further expression or interpretation by others. In 1987, Powell summed up his beginning as a watercolorist: "The reason I began painting was a shift in my function at Cal Arts. In 1972,1 was asked to become Provost and I accepted because the place was teetering. I didn't know what a Provost was or what one should do, but I quickly learned and that sort of thing seemed to me very easy to do, but I soon foun myself removed from composition, removed from 3. LilHe Miro (cat. no. 48) �b doing He said, 'What is that? It's lovely.' I then looked at it for the first time and said, 'My g00^^5'/0 d right, it is lovely.' I was stunned because it had to d with formal structures of music. This was the actual beginning .,z (Fig. 1, cat. no. 1) Powell was astounded at how pleasing it was to put color on a piece of paper, particularly watercolor. The color had flow; it had movement. He could almost sense the energy pulsing as the color spilled and spread in tiny currents along the surface of the paper. He refined his technique and soon the frustrated administrator was engrossed in producing paintings, some for his lectures but most simply for his own pleasure. The small watercolors began to attract some attention from the faculty at Cal Arts. One of the first to notice the work was the painter Miriam Shapiro who unhesitatingly declared that the unassuming amateur was surely a genius, but also decided she needed to explain to him what he was doing. In the process, she brought Powell a rubber plant and suggested that he use the plant as a model and paint it as he saw it. Shapiro later said she never saw such a distorted rendering of a rubber plant in her life. This was the extent of Powell's formal "training." A very wise man once told me after I had prepared a position paper for the Office of National Estimates suggesting the Department of State was allowing thenstated policy to influence perception of certain information, that a preconceived notion of the truth can be the most damaging influence in any intellectual or artistic endeavor. Someone also probably said the same thing to Powell at some point, or at least he was aware of it relative to his painting. It is clear Powell had no particular notion that a painting had to be this or that; that he had to follow certain rules. The only thing he followed was his own innate sense of an upward order of things, within his own intellectual guidelines. He was obviously aware of the work of many other painters, some of whom he admired greatly. None of them exerted any particular influence on him except when he chose to emulate „ that each of the sister arts is as unyielding in its and create his "little Pollock" (Fig. 2, cat. no. 46) demands as his own is, and my esteem for real "little Miro" (Fig. 3, cat. no. 48). He readily confesses5 painters is far too profound to allow me to take very that his favorite painters, in addition to Pollock, are seriously my invasion of their terrain. Of course, it is Mondrian, Kandinsky and Klee. He even produced true that so-called primitivism can flourish in paintin one painting (Fig. 4, cat. no. 21) which is very (Rousseau, Grandma Moses, et al), while it is reminiscent of Klee's work in the mid-1920's, such as unthinkable in my field. So far as the composition of Abstract with Reference To A Flowering Tree (1925) serious music is concerned, alas, it is necessary’ to Some also have a distinctly Kandinsky-like feeling, know an enormous amount, and to command great primarily the Kandinsky of 1912-14. This is, of course, technical prowess, before one can hope to produce not surprising for in Powell's scheme of things, if something dreadful. I used to tease my painter frienc Raphael and Rembrandt represent Mozart and about the fact while even Winston Churchill had a gi Beethoven, then Kandinsky and Mondrian represent at their art, neither he nor they could compose so his two primary compositional influences, Arnold much as a note of, say, a string trio or a sonatina. Schoenberg and Anton Webern. "When . . I painted, I naturally regarded the .. structur Powell has worn many hats in his distinguished and in the only terms 1 could invoke comfortably, that is, happily continuing career. His many talents are ’ ’ terms. This is simply to say that - collections musical c presented in a modest, often self-effacing manner. objects in space, like those in time, are subject to the Because he is skilled in so many fields of endeavor, the interplay of invariance and transformation. 1 think 1 scope of his imagination seems limitless and read pictures more or less as I read words, or, indeec extraordinarily perceptive and whatever direction it as I read music: from left to right. (Would it be right I takes makes it difficult to consider any aspect of his left if I has been born in Tel Aviv?) This at once work as less than very serious, despite his establishes a convenient translation from sequences protestations to the contrary. His paintings are a case that unfold in time to those that are displayed in in point. The same mind which created the musical space. Accordingly, to give thought to, say, 'climatic areas W'ould require no special conceptual strain." compositions, Little Companion Pieces (1979) and Powell's paintings, w'hile each are distinctive, hav< Clarinade (1945), also created a body of work in a tperceive common characteristics. They are small, usually' watercolor and while one r person might Clarinade to be of far greater significance than Little extremely delicate, optimistic, completely' non-representational, untitled and improvisational i Companion Pieces or vice versa, another equally perceptive person might dismiss all the music and be nature. The scale of the paintings, ranging from an ’ ‘nch °r tWO stluare to "massive" works, the largest drawn only to his visual work. being about 20 x 30 inches are all the result of a In his modest fashion, Powell has stated: functional consideration. Each painting was "The root of the word 'amateur', of course, completed at Powell's very' ordinary desk in his offic betokens 'love' (which, as we all know, maybe at Gal Arts. He had no particular interest in investing practiced with no technical skill whatsoever). What e time or money required for a studio and he had r one does as an amateur is in any case free from the ineluctable requirements of professionalism; and. a$a in erest at all in any possible commercial aspects of h ''■ork. His cultured desk, therefore, was a perfectly consequence, the pleasures yielded by an amateur s reasonable workspace. pursuits become, as they should, an unclouded refreshment of spirit. Even' serious composer kno'1 �xcept when he chose to emulate le Pollock" (Fig. 2, cat. no. 46) or hk 1, cat. no. 48). He readily confesses inters, in addition to Pollock, are sky and Klee. He even produced 4, cat. no. 21) which is very e's work in the mid-1920's, such as erence To A Flowering Tree (1925) listinctly Kandinsky-like feeling, linsky of 1912-14. This is, of course, n Powell's scheme of things, if >randt represent Mozart and Kandinsky and Mondrian represent impositional influences, Arnold nton Webern. l many hats in his distinguished and > career. His many talents are dest, often self-effacing manner. ;d in so many fields of endeavor, the ration seems limitless and -ceptive and whatever direction it icult to consider any aspect of his trery serious, despite his e contrary. His paintings are a case ; mind which created the musical tie Companion Pieces (1979) and also created a body of work in rile one person might perceive far greater significance than Little nth pt* pm 1 all V :ss nr or uicp vice vpr^ versa, an another equally might dismiss all the music and be visual work. shion, Powell has stated: ; word 'amateur', of course, yhich, as we all know, may be technical skill whatsoever). What lateur is in any case free from the ements of professionalism; and, as a pleasures yielded by an amateur's as they should, an unclouded >irit. Every serious composer knows that each of the sister arts is as unyielding in its demands as his own is, and my esteem for real ainters is far too profound to allow me to take very seriously my invasion of their terrain. Of course, it is true that so-called primitivism can flourish in painting (Rousseau, Grandma Moses, et al), while it is unthinkable in my field. So far as the composition of serious music is concerned, alas, it is necessary to know an enormous amount, and to command great technical prowess, before one can hope to produce something dreadful. I used to tease my painter friends about the fact while even Winston Churchill had a go at their art, neither he nor they could compose so much as a note of, say, a string trio or a sonatina. "When I painted, I naturally regarded the structures in the only terms I could invoke comfortably, that is, musical terms. This is simply to say that collections of objects in space, like those in time, are subject to the interplay of invariance and transformation. I think I read pictures more or less as I read words, or, indeed, as I read music: from left to right. (Would it be right to left if I has been bom in Tel Aviv?) This at once establishes a convenient translation from sequences that unfold in time to those that are displayed in space. Accordingly, to give thought to, say, 'climatic' areas would require no special conceptual strain." Powell's paintings, while each are distinctive, have common characteristics. They are small, usually extremely delicate, optimistic, completely non-representational, untitled and improvisational in x nature. The scale of the paintings, ranging from an inch or two square to "massive" works, the largest being about 20 x 30 inches are all the result of a functional consideration. Each painting was completed at Powell's very ordinary desk in his office at Cal Arts. He had no particular interest in investing the time or money required for a studio and he had no interest at all in any possible commercial aspects of his work. His cultured desk, therefore, was a perfectly reasonable workspace. ■■ESI ■Ml hi The small scale of the work is also the result of other factors, one of which is that the size facilitated Powell's enjoyment of the tiny details in the paintings. He was fascinated with the intricate lines and patterns he had created as well as the flow of color and random designs which were beyond his control. It is far more satisfying to look at detail in a work of modest size, and today, a decade after most were completed, he still enjoys scrutinizing the smallest details of the paintings. There are, of course, far more complex matters involved. Powell is a leading figure among those of our serious American composers who, for decades, have been probing (in both theory and practice) the very foundations of the musical language of nontonality. And he has often asserted that for the most part the conditions of nontonality stand in opposition to the conditions of the epic. If "nontonal music" is considered as a kind of analogue of "non-representational art" (as many cultural historians have suggested), it is apparent that Powell's assertion has been carried over to govern his outlook on the pictorial as well. His paintings are, therefore, small and it is interesting to note that in recent years his compositions have fallen in the general range of five to twelve minutes. It is obviously difficult for him to accomplish his purposes with compositions of such modest length but, with consummate skill, he has been able to do so and he has been able to do the same in his paintings. A tiny abstraction can often accomplish much more than a massive representational painting; it can offer a viewer many more intellectual possibilities. Few of Powell's paintings have names; those which do were occasionally named by friends who happened to see something in a particular image. He feels that to name a painting is to interfere unnecessarily. A certain painting might look like something to a certain viewer, but if someone else took the time to look at it they might see something totally different. There is no need to restrict a painting with a verbal configuration, to �4 1 �"’I 5. Heriand There (cat. no. 41) �attempt anything of the sort witn commence, i uwcu named but one of his paintings; one which he produced for purely pedagogical purposes. It is entitled Here and There (Fig. 5, cat. no. 41) and is supposed to demonstrate a binary form in music. This single titled painting is the exception which proves the rule. The freedom and flow of events which are evident in his music are equally evident in his paintings. The only element that restricts his visual improvisation in watercolor on paper is the size of the surface upon which he paints and the limits of his own imagination. The final consideration, his imagination, is extremely significant. “Part of the strategic quest that still characterizes our century, even now in its waning years, is the struggle to transcend the imagination. It is clear that many of us are destined to live and work at the threshold of the incoherent — as reasonably good citizens addressing the epoch's crisis of intelligibility. What other century would have welcomed a distinguished work of literary criticism such as my late colleague, Wimsatt, published entitled The Meaning of Meaning? Bergson pointed out that chaos is in reality a very high order: the moment one grasps the principles of its organization of course it ceases to be chaos. I enjoy looking at the "snow" on a television screen when the transmitter has gone off for the night. It provides what is usually more interesting than the evening's programs: an abstract, activated, black and white Seurat. It's a great gamble to predict the precise moment at which a particular point will appear or reappear, and that, after all, reflects an important aspect of the random process. Still, from another point of view, there is no comprehensive control and even predictability: all the points will, in fact, reappear at understand and what things we do not — this storehouse of mysteries is always at the heart of the search not only for the strong perception theories we presently lack, but for deeper insights into the constituency of our notions of 'chaos' and 'order' as they connect to all of humanities enterprises." Powell's paintings are much the same; they are highly ordered despite the chaos they may impart to one who takes the time for but a casual glance. Within • the obvious improvisations are structured motifs and, as often as not, much repetition and circular development. His paintings, possibly more than his musical compositions are affirmations of his belief in the stability of the circular, always changing, always the same and the remarkably mysterious effects of the perception of repetition on the human psyche. Powell's last paintings were completed shortly after he resigned as Provost of Cal Arts and he has not considered painting since that time. His first new compositions appeared a year or so later, in 1979. The paintings have never been publicly exhibited. Two were used on record album jackets and except for these his works are private paintings and almost all remain in Powell's possession except the handful which are treasured by the friends and relatives to whom he has given them. Some of the paintings have a special meaning to him and often these are casually displayed in his California home. The one some call Jelly Roll (Fig. 6, cat. no. 12). because they see a pianist in it is normally affixed to a wall in his bedroom with a double-faced tape; the , “little Pollock" leans against a tennis trophy on a boo shelf in the entrance hall. A spectacular painting (Fig7, cat. no. 60) hangs casually on a wall in a small television viewing room, mixed in with posters an �their respective positions within that square frame of the screen, and such a process is at a vast distance from the merely aleatroic. But just this kind of maze, this interaction of what is known, what is expected, ’ what is not known, what is not expected, what we' embrace and what we dismiss, what we think we understand and what things we do not — this storehouse of mysteries is always at the heart of the search not only for the strong perception theories we presently lack, but for deeper insights into the :onstituency of our notions of 'chaos' and 'order' as hey connect to all of humanities enterprises." Powell's paintings are much the same; they are aighlv ordered despite the chaos they may impart to me who takes the time for but a casual glance. Within he obvious improvisations are structured motifs and, is often as not, much repetition and circular development. His paintings, possibly more than his nusical compositions are affirmations of his belief in he stability of the circular, always changing, always he same and the remarkably mysterious effects of the jerception of repetition on the human psyche. Powell's last paintings were completed shortly after te resigned as Provost of Cai Arts and he has not onsidered painting since that time. His first new cmpcsiiions appeared a vear or so later, in 19/9. The am.tir.gs have never been publicly exhibited. Two cere used on record album jackets and except for hese his works are private paintings and almost all emain in Powell's possession except the handful diidi are treasured bv the friends and relatives to rhom he has given them. Some of the paintings have a special meaning to him nd often these are casually displayed in his California ome. The one some call Jelly Roll (Fig- 6, cat. no. 12), ecause they see a pianist in it is normally affixed to a ■all in his bedroom with a double-faced tape; the tittle Pollock" leans against a tennis trophy on a ooo ielf in the entrance hall. A spectacular painting (Fig. cat. no. 60) hangs casually on a wall in a small revision viewing room, mixed in with posters an �awards related to Martha Scott's distinguished actag career Others could have been scattered about his home before they were collected tor the Celebration of Music and Art III, but most of the paintings are kept in a large envelope, mixed in with music scores and manuscripts in Powell's studio. They are not, exactly forgotten, but they are at least ignored, a part of the past which he regards as but an interesting creative sidestep when the doors leading to other creative outlets were temporarily closed. It is not surprising most of the paintings are usually out of sight; Powell does not worship the past nor does he even seem particularly concerned about it on a creative level for the present is far too stimulating and anticipation of the future is even more exciting. Will there be more paintings? Powell is ambivalent on this question. Sometimes he thinks yes, other times he feels no but, well... maybe. He has already had an extraordinary career in the arts and it will undoubtedly continue to amaze and confound critics, the public and Powell himself. He probably doesn't completely understand his ambivalence towards painting and jazz and perhaps this is why he continues to be fascinated with each and why there just may be more attention to both fields in the future. An interesting thing is now happening to Powell. In 1986, he agreed to play jazz for the first time in almost three decades Except for a few private gatherings he had done nothing m jazz for thirty years. He then suddenly reappeared in October 1986 aboard the S/S d Performed with old friends like Ruby Braff and Buddy Rich and some new "old" friends I shipboard concerts in the Caribbean across th States in all directions, to the Far East and E 6 United was a jazz journalist's dream, the reappearan™?' ** major personality after almost forty years of 1? ° 3 appearances, or none at all. There was nothing!,?? in the history of jazz; after all, when Bunk John ' was brought back before the public he had onlyta absent about twenty years and, unfortunately??? unable to play at anything approaching his best Powell had been a mystery for almost twice as long but here he was, playing better than ever. One noted 'g writer, Whitney Balliet, even prepared a piece for The New Yorker magazine entitled, What Ever Happened The truth is nothing "happened" to Mel Powell. He simply elected to do something he wanted to do, something he had to do. It was a puzzling decision to many, made even more complex because of the extremely low visibility of non-tonal music with the public at large. That his decision didn't please jazz oriented listeners, while perhaps unfortunate, was of little consequence to Powell when he made the decision nor is it a consideration today. The same is equally true of his painting; to anyone unaware of the facts it appears he suddenly began painting, produced an extremely interesting body of work and then just as suddenly stopped. The foregoing shows nothing ( particularly mysterious happened, but, rather, everything was very logical in progression. It is, of course, a fascinating story and one which is still unfolding. It will be interesting to watch it develop. Powell clearly intends to devote almost all h creative efforts in the direction of composition, but public adoration can often lead one astray, parth. J-‘. if one enjoys being led astray. His experiences i, were so satisfying that Powell has decided to daW* jazz again and has agreed to a limited number o public performances in October 1987. He tin ?1 difficult to turn his back on so many smiling *. * matter how dedicated he is to his composition. same thing may happen with his painting an exhibition may cause him to rethink his decisioi abandon watercolors. He is certain far more ne( can derive pleasure from looking at his painting listening to his recent woodwind quintet becaupsychologically far easier to look at a non-representational painting than it is to listen non-tonal music. This might be all it takes to sh tiny percentage of his time in the direction of I watercolors. Ife ectV° neof \er PaintIf he chooses he hastoa I produced a2 fine body work. play another note of jazz, he has already prodJ extraordinary body of compositions and P 1 Hank O'Neal New York City July, 1987 �shipboard concerts in the Caribbean acros States in all directions, to the Far East and F? LJnited was a jazz journalist's dream, the reappea huroPe. It major personality after almost forty years of°f a appearances, or none at all. There was noth' ,fed n the history of jazz; after all, when Bunk Ink§ vas brought back before the public he hado i^u n ibsent about twenty years and, unfortunately been mable to play at anything approaching his best^5 ’owell had been a mystery for almost twice as In >ut here he was, playing better than ever OnP „ F vriter, Whitney Balliet, even prepared a piece for -Xirro»eurine en“ed' What Ever HaPPe.>cd ' The truth is nothing "happened" to Mel Powell He imply elected to do something he wanted to do omething he had to do. It was a puzzling decision to lany, made even more complex because of the xtremely low visibility of non-tonal music with the ublic at large. That his decision didn't please jazz riented listeners, while perhaps unfortunate, was of ttle consequence to Powell when he made the ecision nor is it a consideration today. The same is qually true of his painting; to anyone unaware of the icts it appears he suddenly began painting, produced i extremely interesting body of work and then just as iddenly stopped. The foregoing shows nothing articularly mysterious happened, but, rather, /erything was very logical in progression. It is, of course, a fascinating story and one which is ill unfolding. It will be interesting to watch it evelop. Powell clearly intends to devote almost all his eative efforts in the direction of composition, but iiblic adoration can often lead one astray, particular y one enjoys being led astray. His experiences in ere so sa isfying that Powell has decided to da e i zz again and has agreed to a limited number o iblic performances in October 1987. He finds i fficult to turn his back on so many smiling ac after how dedicated he is to his composition. me thing may happen with his painting an p f ( I I I • [ | I tion may cause him to rethink his decision to exh' Hon watercolors. He is certain far more people ‘lba derive pleasure from looking at his painting than can to his recent woodwind quintet because it is psychologically far easier to look at a ' representational painting than it is to listen to n^’t0nal music. This might be all it takes to shift a tiny percentage of his time in the direction of watercolors. . If Powell elects to never paint again, he has already produced a fine body of work. If he chooses to never ar play another note of jazz, he has already produced an extraordinary body of compositions and * performances. If he chooses to add to what he has created in either field, we will all be enriched by that dedsion. Hank O'Neal New York City July, 1987 �Checklist of the Exhibition (All dimensions in inches; height preceeds width. All works collection of the artist unless otherwise noted.) 1. 12 Tone Watercolor, 14 x 11 2. Untitled Watercolor, 11 x 13V4 3. Untitled Watercolor, 11 x IO V2 4. Jelly Roll Watercolor and ink, 6 x 53/s 5. Untitled Watercolor, 2W x 41/2 6. Untitled Watercolor, 8 x 9V2 7. Untitled, February 1974 Watercolor, 8V2 X 5 8. Untitled, 1974 Watercolor, 11 x 10 Courtesy of Mary Powell 9. Untitled, 1975 Watercolor, 11 x 15 10. Untitled Watercolor, 73h X 73/4 11. Untitled Watercolor, 11 x 14 12. Untitled, 1974 Watercolor, %x53/4 13. Untitled Watercolor, 14 x 11 14. Untitled Watercolor, 12 x 12’/4 15. Untitled Watercolor, 14 x 11 16. Untitled Watercolor, 11 x 14 17. Untitled, 1974 Watercolor, 5 x 5V2 18. Untitled Watercolor, 6‘/s x 5V2 19. Untitled Watercolor, 12’/4 x 12‘/4 20. Untitled, March 1974 Watercolor, 91/? x JT/ti 21. Klee, 1975 Watercolor, 8V4 x 9V2 22. Untitled Watercolor, 3’/4 x 23/4 23. Tango Dancers Watercolor, 5V2 x 4^8 24. Untitled, 1976 Watercolor, 6V2 x 71/2 25. Jazz House Watercolor, 10 x 71/4 26. Untitled Watercolor, 6V2 x 7 27. Untitled, 1975 Watercolor, 73/4 x 5V2 Courtesy of Jill Williams 28. Untitled Watercolor, lfP/4 x 9’/4 29. Untitled Watercolor, T3!* x 11 30. Untitled Watercolor and ink, 123/4 X 12V* 31. Untitled Watercolor, 21/* X 2 's 32. Untitled, March 1974 Watercolor, (Th X 7‘ -s 33. Untitled, March 1974 Watercolor, 8x8’* 34. Untitled (two sided drawing Watercolor, 4’/2 X 6 35. Untitled Watercolor, 81 x 12 f I I 36. Untitled Watercolor, KF/4 x 9'/h 37. Untitled, 1974 Watercolor, 10*/h f I I I x 14’’/4 38. Untitled Watercolor, IOV2 x 15 39. Untitled, 1975 Watercolor, 11 x 14 Vw 40. Untitled Watercolor, 8'/z x 6V2 Courtesy of Hank O'Neal and Shelley Shier 41. Here and There, 1974 Watercolor, 12 X 16’/2 Courtesy of Hank O'Neal and Shelley Shier 42. Untitled Watercolor, 33/4 x 4’/a Courtesy of Hank O'Neal and Shelley Shier 43. Untitled W'atercolor, 12‘'4 x 12>'2 Courtesy of Hank O'Neal and Shellev Shier �1 25. Jazz House Watercolor, 10 X 73/4 26. Untitled Watercolor, 6U2 x 7 27. Untitled, 1975 Watercolor, 73/4 X 5*/2 Courtesy of Jill Williams 28. Untitled Watercolor, 103/4 x 9'14 29. Untitled Watercolor, 73/4 x 11 30. Untitled Watercolor and ink, 123/4 x 123/4 31. Untitled Watercolor, 21/4 x 23ls 32. Untitled, March 1974 Watercolor, 63/4 X 7*14 33. Untitled, March 1974 Watercolor, 8 X 83/s 34. Untitled (two sided drawing) Watercolor, 43/2 X 6 35. Untitled Watercolor, 8V2 X 12 36. Untitled Watercolor, 103Ai X 9*/b i 37. Untitled, 1974 Watercolor, lO'/s X 143/4 38. Untitled Watercolor, ICP/2 X 15 i 39. Untitled, 1975 Watercolor, 11 X 143/4 40. Untitled Watercolor, 8V2 X 6M2 Courtesy of Hank O'Neal and Shelley Shier 41. Here and There, 1974 Watercolor, 12 x 16*12 Courtesy of Hank O'Neal and Shelley Shier 42. Untitled Watercolor, 33/4 X 4* Is Courtesy of Hank O'Neal 1 and Shelley Shier 43. Untitled Watercolor, 12*14 x 12*12 Courtesy of Hank O'Neal and Shelley Shier I 1 44. Untitled, 1975 Watercolor, 3'/2 x 53/.i 45. Untitled Watercolor, 5 x 75/« 46. Little Pollock Watercolor, 41/? x 63/s 47. Untitled, 1973 Watercolor, 63/b x 53/4 48. Little Miro, December 1973 Watercolor, 6 x 7'h 49. Untitled Watercolor, 10 x 93A» 50. Untitled Watercolor, 10 x 7 51. Untitled Watercolor, 137/s x IOV2 52. Untitled, 1974 Watercolor, 8*/a x 11 53. Untitled Watercolor, 97/a x 75ls 54. Untitled, 1974 Watercolor, 8V2 x ll3/4 55. Untitled Watercolor, 163/4 x 12'/s 56. Untitled, 1974 Watercolor,12'Az x ll'/» 57. Untitled, 1974 Watercolor, ll5/» x 15 58. Untitled Watercolor, 6'/« X 10‘/h 59. Untitled Watercolor, 15 x 21 60. Untitled, March 1974 Watercolor, 133/4 X 143/4 61. Untitled Watercolor, 19 'I2 X 14'12 62. Spanish Dancer Watercolor, 19*12 x 14'12 63. Untitled, 1974 Watercolor, 22 x 30 64. Untitled Watercolor, 21 x 30 �• ■■ ’"’’i •'2P Sordoni Art Gallery Advisory'Commission J Lout .<nyn<h.ini. ( 7i.,.r>iun Judith H. O‘Lx,!. , i ; t,.F !'.:>■!.. th, Ch [> (,hn ,!.»ph<-r I h-.ttu- Betg.-r Kuh.ir.l I I hath Alrt.i C li M-irv I---! u Vir>;in-.i Dav i. Yvonne I Anuh tX.'i . I.>t.ill in- Marilyn Friedman Cheat |nnm Ann Mane Kennedy : I Susannah Krni iKirklin-1 ur-l Pi l> Constan* r Met, olr I Mi'ian:.- M.iEiiutij.; Matii. f- Ma -i ' •■■ Arm4d Rtfkrn fill I vanssap.Oh. |ill Sap<nt<> •J Judith Ssh-tH Charles Shaier. Is., W tlham Shut! Helen Farr sjnan Andrew J Se. !•«>. Ill Will iftiH ci. n Dune I ’shinski I I Sordoni Art Gjllrev VOU,s.Rarw> V. h.-hr-- P I I ��.. ,-..w I � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1987 October 10 Mel Powell: Watercolors Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mel Powell Hank O'Neal Hank O'Neal Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 October 10 - November 7 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource Pursuing the theme of musicians as visual artists, this exhibition surveys the watercolors of Mel Powell. Mel Powell's watercolors show the enjoyment of combining color and abstract forms on paper while also being influenced by his music. Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/42f6079f3e52ce1a120301ec102b8f12.pdf 0d59b1ba4af128be68fd02c8992cb564 PDF Text Text �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1987 June 28 International Exhibition of Museum Posters Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 June 28 - July 26 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource Selected from over 5000 posters submitted from museums worldwide, this exhibition was organized by Richmond Art Gallery in Richmond, British Columbia Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/6cd72e2f8d64a5edc6f28995005fe734.pdf 4fc0ad912f7385a0b087737f63d6af45 PDF Text Text ����������������������������������������������������������� https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/5ed1f8a1e380a387dc6713990bbecead.pdf 8e48f6b6b5397522a2accb17d004ff75 PDF Text Text f I if 11 I s . I s : =■ II 11 11 r ■? I SORD GA, N6537 L83A4 I 1987 j �George Luks; An American Artist Ati exhibition organized by the Sordoni Art Gallen/, Wilke'* College and supported bp a grant from the John Sloan Memorial Foundation Essays by Stanley L. Cuba. Nina Kasanof, and /udith OTvole Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes College Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania May 3 through June 14, 1987 Delaware Art Museum Wilmington, Delaware July 3 through September 6, 1987 The Hunter Museum "" Chattanooga, Tennessee November 14, 1987 through January 17, 1988 Kraushaar Gallery New York City February' 10 through March 5, 1988 E.S. FARLEY LIBRARY WILKES UNIVERSITY WILKES-BARRE, PA �ARCHIVE Lenders to t This book is fondly dedicated to Helen Farr Sloan whose unflagging commitment to promoting the achievements of The Eight and their circle has done much to keep their art alive. We are deeply grateful for the vital support she has given young scholars and artists of subsequent generations. Many of us have found the impetus to continue, strengthen, and expand our work through her steady encouragement and unshakable belief in the supreme importance of Art. Berry-Hill Galleries, Inc. ■ Butler Institute of American .4 Childs GallenI Columbus Museum of Art ■ Delaware Art Museum ■ The Detroit Institute of Arts ■ Mr. and Mrs. Sanford I. Feld ■ Mr. and Mrs. C. Harn- Foster" Mr. and Mrs. Andrew Gruga" Hirshhorn Museum and Scul" Mrs. R. B. Humphrey H Hunter Museum of Art H Mr. and Mrs. Sigmund Hym® ■ IBM Corporation.Inc. Miss Antoinette Kraushaar ■ Kraushaar Gallery | �Lenders to the Exhibition irr md alive. irt she found ■xpand ?nt and ice of Berry-Hill Galleries, Inc. Butler Institute of American Art Childs Gallery Columbus Museum of Art Delaware Art Museum The Detroit Institute of Arts Mr. and Mrs. Sanford I. Feld Mr. and Mrs. C. Harry Foster Mr. and Mrs. Andrew Grugan Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden Mrs. R. B. Humphrey Hunter Museum of Art Mr. and Mrs. Sigmund Hyman IBM Corporation,Inc. Miss Antoinette Kraushaar Kraushaar Gallery Lehigh University Art Galleries Mead Art Museum, Amherst College Milbank, Tweed, Hadley & McCloy, New York Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute Museum of Art, The Pennsylvania State University National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution Mr. and Mrs. Meyer P. Potamkin Pottsville Free Public Library The Phillips Collection Private Collections Mr. Clyde Singer Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes College Walker Art Center Westmoreland Museum of Art Whitney Museum of American Art ? .1 3 �"This world never had but two great painters.. . Frans Hals and George Luks!" It was George Luks that had said it. Unabashed he had uttered it... Swung his fists to accent it.. . Thrust the wedge ofa determined look to fasten it on his hearer's consciousness . . . Snapped his teeth in finality. . . "Any ofyou guys want to make anything of it?" —("Everett Shinn of George Luks: An Unpublished Memoir," Archives ofAmerican Art, v. 6, no. 2 (April 1966), p. 1.) Introduction and Acknowledgements It is hard not to talk about George Luks in cliches; certainly enough have been repeated throughout the body of critical information on him. In fact Luks himself demanded it, for his speech was filled with epigrams. Yet in his life, as in his art, Luks brought sincerity and vitality to the most hackneyed of subjects. In December of 1932, a little more than a year before his death, Luks was asked to address a meeting of the Artist's Co-operative Market. Instead of demonstrating the painting of a portrait as had been scheduled, he decided to lecture the audience on his ideas of art. Throughout his deliberately shocking, bombastic tirade could be heard the very real frustration of an artist who wants desperately to have his theories understood: I can paint and you know it. Now shut up and listen to me .. . It's time America woke up to the realization that it is the greatest country in the world, with the greatest artists, the most common sense, and the least appreciation of its own strength. In part because of this speech, and in part because of Luks pride in having contributed to the establishment of a "truly American art,'' we have given this exhibition and catalog the title, George Luks: An American Artist. Luks, who often expressed his disdain for institutions, came to be admired and accepted by the 4 members of many. This young rebel was in the roster of the American Society of Painters, Sculptors, and Gravers; the National Association of Portrait Painters; The Boston Art Club; and The New York Water Color Club, among others. In his later years he was sought out by the press for his opinions on everything from art to women to proper beer drinking techniques. After his death a ship was christened the S.S. George Luks in recognition of his service as one of America's first war correspondents. The circumstances of his death in 1933 in the doorway of a New York pub indicated violence and may have been brought on by his alter-ego, "Chicago-Whitey," the boxer. (Luks was fond of starting bar room brawls, ducking out at the right moment leaving others to finish the quarrel.) The official cause of death was heart failure. The newspapers reported that he had been out all night to record the effects of dusk and dawn on the elevated train near his studio in Greenwich Village. It is astonishing that a man so public could have so many mysteries, distortions of fact, and untruths perpetuated in his life story. It is these that we have attempted to penetrate and correct. This catalog is meant to do more than document an exhibition. It is the first attempt to provide a substantive monograph on the artist. The inspiration and guiding force for this project has been Helen Farr Sloan, as our dedication states. It �is Hols mid uil-nehed he ist the nx/ejin'ti emoir," I) Hedgements tembers of many. This young rebel was in the roster f the American Society of Painters, Sculptors, and havers; the National Association of Portrait ainters; The Boston Art Club; and The New York Vater Color Club, among others. In his later years he ras sought out by the press for his opinions on verything from art to women to proper beer rinking techniques. After his death a ship was hristened the S.S. George Luks in recognition of his ervice as one of America's first war correspondents. The circumstances of his death in 1933 in the oorway of a New York pub indicated violence and lay have been brought on by his alter-ego, Chicago-Whitey," the boxer. (Luks was fond of tarting bar room brawls, ducking out at the right loment leaving others to finish the quarrel.) The fficial cause of death was heart failure. The ewspapers reported that he had been out all night to ecord the effects of dusk and dawn on the elevated •ain near his studio in Greenwich Village. It is astonishing that a man so public could have so aany mysteries, distortions of fact, and untruths ierpetuated in his life story. It is these that we have ttempted to penetrate and correct. This catalog is leant to do more than document an exhibition. It is he first attempt to provide a substantive monograph m the artist. The inspiration and guiding force for this project las been Helen Farr Sloan, as our dedication states. It was she who three years ago proposed the idea of an exhibition for George Luks and the simultaneous publication of a scholarly document on his life and art. Antoinette Kraushaar and Carole Pesner of the Kraushaar Gallery in New York were also involved from the beginning, graciously and patiently answering our questions and giving us access to their extensive files. (Luks exhibited with the Kraushaar Gallery from 1913 to 1924.) The descendants of George Luks, especially Daniel and Andrea Luks, provided valuable biographical information along with an insight to Luks' personal life. Their clipping files and scrapbooks yielded much that was new to our study. The staffs of many museums and libraries provided assistance but in particular we would like to recognize: Catherine Shappert of the Farley Library, Wilkes College; Roland Elzea, Elizabeth Hawkes, Mary Hollohan and Lenora White of the Delaware Art Museum; Paul Schweizer, Sara Clark-Langager and Patricia Serafini of the Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute; William Henning of The Hunter Museum of Art; Clyde Singer of The Butler Institute of American Art; and Michelle Fondas of The Phillips Collection. Arthur Lewis, an author whom I hope will someday write a complete biography on Luks, also shared information with us. Cynthia Seibels, an independent researcher in New York, provided information on specific paintings. Support for the project also came from Wilkes College and the Advisory Commission of the Sordoni Art Gallery. From Wilkes College I would like to thank those who recognized the importance of this project, Christopher N. Breiseth, President; Richard F. Charles, Vice-President for Advancement; and my assistant Jean C. Adams. Constant encouragement came from Andrew J. Sordoni, III, Chairman of the Sordoni Foundation, and Lou Conyngham, Chairman of the Gallery's Advisory Commission. Without the cooperation of the museums and private collectors who agreed to loan their works to the exhibition, this project would never have come Fig. 13. Robert Henri, Portrait of George Luks, 1904 (oil on canvas). Courtesy, The National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa. 5 �about. In this era of limited lending policies we are deeply grateful to those who generously allowed their works to travel and be seen by a greater audience. This must be seen as an important tribute to the generous spirit of the artist himself. Special, supplemental funding for this catalog was provided by Mr. and Mrs. David C. Hall, Mr. and Mrs. Richard Maslow, Sandy and Arnold Rifkin, and an anonymous friend with a matching grant from the Sordoni Foundation. Finally, the collaborators in this work and I agree with Everett Shinn when he wrote: Only through gratitude for a man that kept me laughing have I attempted this work. Only deep appreciation for a man who has given me the keenest of thrills, that of paint-magic in its application to a flat surface that vibrates and tells me of life. ("Everett Shinn on George Luks: An Unpublished Memoir," Archives ofAmerican Art, v. 6, no. 2 (April 1966), p. 12.) GEORGE LUKS Judith H. O'Toole, Director Sordoni Art Gallery Wilkes College Self Portrait, 1907, (oil on canvas) 6 ' There are only two great artists in th Frans Hals and George Luks." This boa: most likely uttered in his cups, frequen cited to accentuate his Rabelaisian mvst detriment of his prodigious artistic outp and posing have made for entertaining colorful copy, which he himself often cf obligingly manufactured. It permeates i life and renders more difficult an accura compilation of his biography. Luks' boast also mirrors the observati Phillips, a collector of his work and foui Phillips Collection in Washington. DC:' individualist with a bouvant belief in hi< and a gusto in his copious enjoyment of subjects." Luks love of life was expres: through bold feeling and rollicking colo: time he had great contempt for convent snobbishness and dilettantism — a direc empathy he developed for the common growing up in the Pennsylvania coal fiel Luks' stature as one of the most prone individual painters of modern times coil America's industrial and political comm turn of the century and with the develop truly national art. In an era marked by ir tonalist landscapes and drawing room p new plutocracy, Luks sensed the power the native environment and sought to p �GEORGE LUKS (1866-1933) [elf Portrait. 1907. (oil on canvas; 'There are only two great artists in the world — Frans Hals and George Luks." This boast, which Luks most likely uttered in his cups, frequently has been cited to accentuate his Rabelaisian mystique to the detriment of his prodigious artistic output. His antics and posing have made for entertaining reading and colorful copy, which he himself often cheerfully and obligingly manufactured. It permeates all facets of his life and renders more difficult an accurate compilation of his biography. Luks' boast also mirrors the observation of Duncan Phillips, a collector of his work and founder of The Phillips Collection in Washington, DC: "[Luks] is an individualist with a bouyant belief in his own genius and a gusto in his copious enjoyment of his chosen subjects." Luks' love of life was expressed in his art through bold feeling and rollicking color. At the same time he had great contempt for conventionality, snobbishness and dilettantism — a direct result of the empathy he developed for the common man while growing up in the Pennsylvania coal fields. Luks' stature as one of the most pronounced individual painters of modern times coincides with America's industrial and political coming of age at the turn of the century and with the development of a truly national art. In an era marked by inoffensive tonalist landscapes and drawing room portraits of the new plutocracy, Luks sensed the power residing in the native environment and sought to paint "110 per cent American." It was therefore no accident that he belonged to the New York "Eight" in 1908 and participated five years later in the landmark Armory Show. The subject matter and technique of "The Eight," though shocking to many of their contemporaries, nonetheless heralded modernism in American painting and its eventual liberation from the dictates of European art. James Huneker, a prolific New York writer, critic and Luks' fellow revolutionist in thought, felt that it is absolutely impossible to set down on paper any adequate description of . . . [Luks]. He is Puck. He is Caliban. He is Falstaff. He is a tornado. He is sentimental. He can sigh like a lover, and curse like a trooper. Sometimes you wonder over his versatility; a character actor, a low comedian, even song-and-dance man, a poet, a profound sympathizer with human misery, and a human orchestra. The vitality of him!2 With its inherent limitations, the following essay summarizes the colorful and controversial career of "little old George Luks," as its protagonist referred to himself on more than one occasion with a twinkle in his eye and a devilish smile. George Benjamin Luks was born into a genteel and lettered family in Williamsport, Pennsylvania, on August 13,1866? His father, Emil Charles Luks, had immigrated to the United States prior to the 7 �American Civil War. He may have been part of the wave of Central European exiles dislocated by the Revolution of 1848 in Europe. This is suggested by his political sympathies in the 1870zs with the striking miners in the Pennsylvania coal fields. Emil came to Pennsylvania via Gdansk (Danzig), Poland, an old Hanseatic port on the Baltic Sea with a mixed Polish and German population. Orphaned at a young age, he had been adopted and raised by a minister. A quiet and gentle man, Emil Luks learned to speak more than half a dozen European languages fluently and later served as an interpreter for the miners in the courts in Pennsylvania? (Fig. 1) George's mother, Bertha Amalia von Kraemer, was of noble origin. Bom in Bavaria, she was the daughter of August von Kraemer von Firstentroy, a major in the Bavarian Army. He had married outside of his social class, as his wife, Amalia, who died early in their marriage, was not of noble birth. Educated in schools in France and Switzerland proper to her father's station, Bertha had come to the United States in the 1850's with her elder sister, Emma, who married Dr. Francis J. Kern and settled in Pottsville, Pennsylvania. It may well have been through her brother-in-law that Bertha met her future husband. The first six years of George's life were spent in Williamsport, Pennsylvania, where his younger brother, Will, was born in 1868. Williamsport, which incorporated itself as a city the year of George's birth, is located on the Susquehanna River in north central Pennsylvania. The city became an important lumbering center in the second half of the nineteenth century. Emil Luks served there as a public health doctor and shared an apothecary shop on Market Street with a druggist named Yetter.5 The Luks family was among the most cultured in town. The six children performed at home musicales. (Fig. 2) George's father was a good draftsman, while his mother was a competent amateur painter who imparted to her children a love of art, music and literature in a very supportive family circle. Emil gave George the precepts he followed all his life: "Be honest with yourself. Remember, you have good When George was about six years old the family moved to Shenandoah from Williamsport around the time of the "Sawdust War." Put down by the militia, it had erupted in Williamsport in 1872 when its lumbermen sought a ten-hour working day. in contrast to Williamsport, Shenandoah was a large coal mining town with schools, a newspaper, volunteer fire companies and a number of ethnic churches to serve the various immigrant groups who lived in the town and whose livelihood largely depended on the local coal companies. At that time the anthracite coal fields in Pennsylvania were home to the Molly Maguires, secret Irish organization who sought to redress the miners substandard working and living conditions. They engaged in strikes and violence, but were often the victims as well as the victimizers. The Lukses sympathized with the Mollies and aided their widows. When making house calls at night the Mollies advised Emil to drive a white horse with his buggy so that they would know it was him and would not attack him. His wife, Bertha, was friendly with the Mollies' widows and children. The sympathy and support shown the Mollies by George's parents formed his social consciousness at an early age and helps to explain why he later eschewed painting the more popular drawing room subjects in favor of New York street scenes and neighborhood characters. In her husband's waiting room at Shenandoah, Bertha Luks kept a large parrot who spoke both English and German. To the surprise and delight of Dr. Luks' patients the bird would say from its unobtrusive comer perch, "Please come in. The doctor will be with you in a moment." Shenandoah also provides a glimpse of George's first artistic efforts: ", . . He painted signs, houses, wagons — everything that he could lay a brush on. His chalk drawings on the school blackboards were the amazement of all who saw them, and people came many miles to look at them."" The Lukses also resided for a time in Pottsville Pennsylvania, where George worked at Clemens Drug Store on Centre Street. He later recalled that his greatest amusement in those days was to put on �is t When George was about six years old the family moved to Shenandoah from Williamsport around the time of the "Sawdust War." Put down by the militia, it had erupted in Williamsport in 1872 when its lumbermen sought a ten-hour working day. In contrast to Williamsport, Shenandoah was a large coal mining town with schools, a newspaper, volunteer fire companies and a number of ethnic churches to serve the various immigrant groups who lived in the town and whose livelihood largely depended on the local coal companies. At that time the anthracite coal fields in Pennsylvania were home to the Molly Maguires, a secret Irish organization who sought to redress the miners substandard working and living conditions. They engaged in strikes and violence, but were often the victims as well as the victimizers. The Lukses sympathized with the Mollies and aided their widows. When making house calls at night the Mollies advised Emil to drive a white horse with his buggy so that they would know it was him and would not attack him. His wife, Bertha, was friendly with the Mollies' widows and children. The sympathy and support shown the Mollies by George's parents formed his social consciousness at an early age and helps to explain why he later eschewed painting the more popular drawing room subjects in favor of New York street scenes and neighborhood characters. In her husband's waiting room at Shenandoah, Bertha Luks kept a large parrot who spoke both English and German. To the surprise and delight of Dr. Luks' patients the bird would say from its unobtrusive corner perch, "Please come in. The doctor will be with you in a moment." Shenandoah also provides a glimpse of George's first artistic efforts: "... He painted signs, houses, wagons — everything that he could lay a brush on. His chalk drawings on the school blackboards were the amazement of all who saw them, and people came many miles to look at them."” The Lukses also resided for a time in Pottsville, Pennsylvania, where George worked at Clemens Drug Store on Centre Street. He later recalled that his greatest amusement in those days was to put on F^.l !’• -■ r.'’l-mii I uk I , GwrgeLuU WI»(oil’v can’.panted tn Reading, [’a. Courtesy. I FC 9 �riugtnMi J < Fig. 2. The Luks family performing at home about 1875. George Luks second from left (?). Courtesy, LFC. his little 'Fried Egg Hat' and stroll down to the old Atkins Homestead on South Centre Street and 'stick my pug nose through the iron fence and watch the fountain play."7 During a brief period when the Luks family lived in Vineland, New Jersey, George worked as a delivery boy in a small local store and gained experience sketching the customers. The owner, who would leave the shop in George's care, would ask him upon her return who had been in. His answer was a sketch on wrapping paper of a procession of customers whom the store owner easily recognized.8 Luks would perfect his quick-sketch talent as a staff artist on several Philadelphia newspapers in the 1890's and later in depicting a variety of human types on the streets of New York. One of the few extant pieces from his youth is a sketch with an artist's palette signed "Shenandoah March 1883." It was done the year before he enrolled at the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts in Philadelphia. George remained there only for the month of April, 1884 during which he took the night antique class.’ His temperament was ill-suited to the restrictive academic art environment against which he would rail throughout his professional career. For several years after his stint at the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts Luks teamed up with his brother, Will, in the traveling act of Buzzey and Anstock (Fig. 3). George and Will toured the areas of northeastern Pennsylvania and New Jersey with minstrel show entertainment. They sang, played the guitar and told jokes. Their lighthearted presentation was enhanced by their "Mutt and Jeff" appearance. George later drew on his vaudeville circuit experiences when producing illustrations and vignettes for the theater review in The Verdict, a satirical weekly published in New York at the turn of the century.10 In 1889 Luks set sail for Dusseldorf, Germany, where he enrolled at the Staatliche, Kunstakademie. It was one of several trips to Europe he would make over the next fifteen years.11 Luks may have traveled to Dusseldorf with Louis (Lewis) Herzog (1868-?) ’lin of the landscapist, Herman Herzog, since both young men enrolled in October 1889 in the elementary class 10 conducted by Professor Heinrich Lauenstein (1835-1910) at the Dusseldorf Academy.13 As at the Pennsylvania Academy in Philadelphia several years earlier, Luks did not stay the semester at Dusseldorf. He quickly tired of the hierarchical academic system and did not particularly care for his professor, who was a religious history painter and church decorator. Luks later summed up the training he received on this trip to Europe — the extent of his formal art instruction — by saying that he had studied under "Lowenstein, Jensen, Gambrinus and some Frenchmen, from whom I never learned anything, always excepting Renoir, who is great any wav you look at him."'3 From Dusseldorf Luks went to Paris and London where he stayed with his father's family. In both European capitals he derived the most benefit from wandering on his own through the museums and galleries. Apart from Renoir, he fell in love with the works of Rembrandt, van Steen, and Frans Hals whose influences are apparent in his painting after 1900. Luks nevertheless observed that many of the palette classics were overrated and he did not hesitate to declare that "50 per cent of the master canvases in the collections of the world are fakes."11 Luks returned to the United States sometime in 1890 or in early 1891 when he produced drawings for Puck and did a number of others in both black-and-white and color for Truth, a satirical magazine published at that time in New York. These early pieces not only demonstrate Luks' skill as a comic draughtsman, they also are precursors of the "Yellow Kid" comic strip he would do for the NeuYork World and of the political cartoons he would publish in The Verdict at the turn of the century. In late May 1892 Luks headed back to Europe for another visit which lasted approximately a year. Luks' second trip to Europe included a visit to Spain and the Prado in Madrid. There he saw firsthand the works of Velasquez and Goya, two artists — apart from the Dutch and French painters — whom he came to admire. He traveled via the Azores to Spain on the steamship "Fulda." In early lune in sight of the Azores he executed a series of ink and pencil sketches of some of his fellow passengers from Philadelphia, �I ji r8e his little 'Fried Egg Hat' and stroll down to the old Atkins Homestead on South Centre Street and 'stick my pug nose through the iron fence and watch the fountain play."' During a brief period when the Luks family lived in Vineland, New Jersey, George worked as a delivery' boy in a small local store and gained experience sketching the customers. The owner, who would leave the shop in George's care, would ask him upon her return who had been in. His answer was a sketch on wrapping paper of a procession of customers whom the store owner easily recognized.’ Luks would perfect his quick-sketch talent as a staff artist on several Philadelphia newspapers in the 1890's and later in depicting a variety of human types on the streets of New York. One of the few extant pieces from his youth is a sketch with an artist's palette signed "Shenandoah March 1883." It was done the year before he enrolled at the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts in Philadelphia. George remained there only for the month of April, 1884 during which he took the night antique class/ His temperament was ill-suited to the restrictive academic art environment against which he would rail throughout his professional career. For several vears after his stint at the Pennsvlvania Academy of Fine Arts Luks teamed up with his brother, Will, in the traveling act of Buzzey and Anstock (Fig. 3). George and Will toured the areas of northeastern Pennsylvania and New Jersey with minstrel show entertainment. They sang, played the guitar and told jokes. Their lighthearted presentation was enhanced by their "Mutt and Jeff" appearance. George later drew on his vaudeville circuit experiences when producing illustrations and vignettes for the theater review’ in The Verdict, a satirical weekly published in New York at the turn of the century'?In 1889 Luks set sail for Dusseldorf, Germany; where he enrolled at the Staatliche, Kunstakademie. It was one of several trips to Europe he would make over the next fifteen years.Luks may have traveled to Dusseldorf with Louis (Lewis) Herzog (1868-?), son of the landscapist, Herman Herzog, since both young men enrolled in October 1889 in the elementary class conducted by Professor Heinrich Lauenstein (1835-1910) at the Dusseldorf Academy.As at the Pennsylvania Academy in Philadelphia several years earlier. Luks did not stay the semester at Dusseldorf. He quickly tired of the hierarchical academic system and did not particularly care for his professor, who was a religious history painter and church decorator. Luks later summed up the training he received on this trip to Europe — the extent of his formal art instruction — by saying that he had studied under •'Lowenstein, Jensen, Gambrinus and some Frenchmen, from whom I never learned anything, always excepting Renoir, who is great any way you look at him."13 From Dusseldorf Luks went to Paris and London where he stayed with his father's family. In both European capitals he derived the most benefit from wandering on his own through the museums and galleries. Apart from Renoir, he fell in love with the works of Rembrandt, van Steen, and Frans Hals whose influences are apparent in his painting after 1900. Luks nevertheless observed that many of the palette classics were overrated and he did not hesitate to declare that "50 per cent of the master canvases in the collections of the world are fakes."” Luks returned to the United States sometime in 1890 or in early 1891 when he produced drawings for Puck and did a number of others in both black-and-white and color for Truth, a satirical magazine published at that time in New York. These early pieces not only demonstrate Luks' skill as a comic draughtsman, they also are precursors of the "Yellow Kid" comic strip he would do for the New York World and of the political cartoons he would publish in The Verdict at the turn of the century. In late May 1892 Luks headed back to Europe for another visit which lasted approximately a year. Luks' second trip to Europe included a visit to Spain and the Prado in Madrid. There he saw firsthand the works of Velasquez and Goya, two artists — apart from the Dutch and French painters — whom he came to admire. He traveled via the Azores to Spain on the steamship "Fulda." In early June in sight of the Azores he executed a series of ink and pencil sketches of some of his fellow passengers from Philadelphia, I f Fig. 3. George and Will as the comic team of "Buzzy and Anstock." Courtesy, LFC. 7 11 �New York. Boston and A'-bum. . Nine si:.vfl and Women including Cvm Uuknour: Party, fl Bruce, and .Mrs Muns. 1892 The Corcoran bfl Art, Washington, DC.)■ fl Enroute back to the United States in 1893 ffl second trip to Europe Luks painted a watercifl Penta [Ponta/ Delgada, one of his earliest extarfl in this medium I Luks Family Collections) It fl done on the island of Ponta Delgada, the maifl the archipelago of the Portugese Azores, posfl the fertile area between the chief town of the fl name and Caldeira das Sete Cidades a large fl crater. In July 1894 the artist Robert Henri, whose H influence on. his own work Luks was reluctarfl acknowledge, wrote enroute to Gibraltar to tlfl mutual friend, John Sloan, in Philadelphia: "fl Azores seemed to have entirely recovered trofl ravages of Luks and [William] Walsh. We arri’fl Gibraltar at about ten o'clock .... My next lefl be written in Spanish."'' Following his second trip to Europe Luks jcfl Philadelphia Press as a newspaper artist shortlfl the beginning of 1894. Over the next year he fl Robert Henri. John Sloan. William Glackens, H Everett Shinn who together formed the nucleH "The Eight" a decade later in New York. The fl of their work as newspaper artists "gave thenfl an eye for significant gesture in transitory evtfl an interest in the modem American city and fl human variety as subjects of value equal to, ifl greater than, what were commonly held to beB proper subjects of artistic contemplation." ’ Efl Henri. Glackens, Luks. Shinn and Sloan all wfl as artist correspondents for various Philadelpfl newspapers in the 1890’s. I During this decade the artist-reporter was ifl until replaced bv the photograph and the haltfl process used to produce it. "The artist-reportfl assigned to translate into drawings what the fl reporter put into words. He was called upon fl sketch every type of event that made news, ffl coal-mine disaster to a holiday parade. His wfl to be factually accurate, yet executed with the I demanded bv newspaper work."14 �I b? New York, Boston and Albany. (Nine sketches: Men and Women including Dari, Unknown Party, The Rev. Bruce, and Mrs. Minis, 1892. The Corcoran Gallery of Art, Washington, DC.)15 Enroute back to the United States in 1893 from his second trip to Europe Luks painted a watercolor, Penta [Ponta] Delgada, one of his earliest extant works in this medium (Luks Family Collections). It was done on the island of Ponta Delgada, the main one in the archipelago of the Portugese Azores, possibly in the fertile area between the chief town of the same name and Caldeira das Sete Cidades, a large volcanic crater. In July 1894 the artist Robert Henri, whose influence on his own work Luks was reluctant to acknowledge, wrote enroute to Gibraltar to their mutual friend, John Sloan, in Philadelphia: "The Azores seemed to have entirely recovered from the ravages of Luks and [William] Walsh. We arrive in Gibraltar at about ten o'clock .... My next letter will be written in Spanish."16 Following his second trip to Europe Luks joined the Philadelphia Press as a newspaper artist shortly after the beginning of 1894. Over the next year he met Robert Henri, John Sloan, William Glackens, and Everett Shinn who together formed the nucleus of "The Eight" a decade later in New York. The nature of their work as newspaper artists "gave them both an eye for significant gesture in transitory events and an interest in the modem American city and its human variety as subjects of value equal to, if not greater than, what were commonly held to be more proper subjects of artistic contemplation."17 Except for Henri, Glackens, Luks, Shinn and Sloan all worked as artist correspondents for various Philadelphia newspapers in the 1890's. During this decade the artist-reporter was in vogue p until replaced by the photograph and the halftone process used to produce it. "The artist-reporter was assigned to translate into drawings what the news reporter put into words. He was called upon to I sketch every type of event that made news, from a I coal-mine disaster to a holiday parade. His work had I to be factually accurate, yet executed with the speed demanded by newspaper work."18 Everett Shinn summarized the importance of Philadelphia newspaper work for himself and his colleagues: The art department of a newspaper of 1900 was a school far more important in the initial training of the mind for quick perception than the combined instruction of the nation's art schools .... The four mentioned men [Glackens, Luks, Shinn and Sloan] and many others who had the schooling of newspaper pictorial reporting have been forever grateful for the rigid requirements that compelled them to observe, select and get the job done. Day by day and year by year they accumulated a valuable library of reference, not catalogued in cumbersome cabinets and files but in readiness in the lighter and more easily transported compact cells of the mind. They carried envelopes, menu cards, scraps of paper, laundry check rendered bills or frequently nothing to their work.” Soon after Luks joined the Press he approached Shinn about sharing the latter's one-room flat at Eighth and Chestnut, accommodations only two blocks away — they would learn — from the companionship at Henri's studio. Shinn readily accepted, but his life of solitude was permanently disrupted by Luks' antics. Shinn recalled that: One morning ... I was awakened by a bellowing voice. Heavy-eyed, I staggered to the bathroom door. Luks' silky blond head was slowly emerging from the depths of the tub. Gripping the bathtub rim, he yelled, "Captain Rufus Mizzen, you mistook your man this time. Little did you know when you read the burial service over me that I was alive. Ha ha, alive! Ha ha, for the past month I have lived on the barnacles on the hull of this slave ship. I have come up to tell you that I have fastened the rudder so that you will sail in a circle to the end of your days. Ha ha!" and he went under again ....“ Although Luks stood under 5Vz feet tall, his style of dress more than compensated for his lack of height. 13 I �While his clothes were no more blatantly loud in their revolt against the mode than those of most of his associates at the Philadelphia Press, admittedly he was responsible for the shearing away of all trousers below the knees in conformity with the "peg tops" of the Latin Quarter of the Parisian capital. His were shadow plaids of huge dimension, the latest word in suburban reality maps. Little alteration was attempted on his coats. Vests, however, were featured, cream-colored corduroy, like door mats laid out in strips of a hawser's thickness or bark-stripped logs on a frontier fort stockade. A flowering black tie like a soot-dyed palm tree splayed out under his high and immaculately clean minstrel collar. A bowler, usually black, tilted in a cocky slant over his blond hair. Once he wore a white one with a black band; this one he might have found at a race track.21 At the Philadelphia Press Luks and Shinn got to know Glackens, who was also employed there. When Shinn moved over to the Inquirer he met John Sloan, who already was on its art staff. Through Sloan, Luks and Shinn began attending the informal Tuesday evening discussion group inaugurated by Robert Henri at his studio at 806 Walnut Street. This group was the successor to the short-lived Charcoal Club established in the Spring in 1893 by Henri and Sloan, due to their dissatisfaction with the Sketch Class at the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts. The club actually was an evening sketch class held at a photographer's rented studio on 9th Street in Philadelphia. The club offered a model and camaraderie for one-half the tuition charged by the Pennsylvania Academy. Sloan served as the club's secretary and Henri, its president, offered free critique. However, the club fell victim to the financial Panic of 1893.22 At the Tuesday discussion group Henri, a born teacher, urged his listeners to follow Walt Whitman's dictum to "see America" as a place and a country of personalities. Henri likewise encouraged his students to be interested in the dignity of man and the wonder 14 of life. According to Sloan, these informal weeklies at Henri's studio at which their participants sat around to smoke and to talk also "gave numbers of men who had gotten into newspaper and illustrative work the beginning of a desire to express themselves in paint."23 Luks, however, never admitted that Henri influenced him in this respect. Although Luks and Shinn did not regularly attend the Tuesday evenings at Henri's studio, they never missed the parties. Luks became an instant success at them and assumed the role of a type of mascot eager to perform at the drop of a hat. No evening would be complete without Luks' mimicking each man in the room. "On one occasion . . . mounted on a chairatop a table with a frying pan over a gas jet, [Luks] mader Welsh rarebit, carrying on a stream of farcical remarks while a dozen of us w'aited our turn to be served."’-* One of Luks' favorite performances was that of a pugilist, which enjoyed wide currency even after his death. The "legend" began as a mock encounter staged around 1895 at one of the parties at 806 Walnut Street for the benefit of a photographer (Fig. 4). Stripped to the waist, Luks crouched in a sparring pose. Over the years he used a number of boxing aliases such as "Chicago Whitey," "Lame-em-Luks," "Socko-Sam," "Curtain-Conway" and " Monk-the-Morgue." Once [Luks] tapped a light jab to Sloan's shoulder and queried, "Did I ever tell you about the time I licked Fitzsimmons?" Sloan then smiled, then sought the twinkle in Luks' eyes. "Since when have they put Fitzsimmons on a postage stamp?" Sloan quipped .... Luks wasn't really anything of a fighter. He would often pick a fight in a saloon, say something nasty and get things going and then leave the place, with people who had nothing to do with the argument left to finish Philadelphia, Luks did a caricature of Glackens with rhymed text by Sloan which hung on the wall in the Press's Art Department (Fig. 5). In December 1895 Luks left Philadelphia for Cuba in the company of writer Maurice O'Leary of the Evening Bulletin. Employed by the same Philadelphia newspaper as a staff artist, Luks was to illustrate O'Leary's stories for publication about the Cuban revolt against Spanish rule, which has broken out in February of that same year and was a prelude to the Spanish-American War in 1898. Like the other reporters sent by American and European newspapers and magazines to cover the rebellion and thereby boost the circulation of their respective publications, Luks and O'Leary’ were restricted to Havana by' the Spanish authorities who censored all outgoing reports. As Luks wrote to Everett Shinn, "Half my sketches have been taken by officials. Consequently ... I have to smuggle them out in order to insure myself of their safe arrival." Those sketches which did get through took ten to fifteen days to reach Philadelphia and appear in print.2’ Because of the restrictions imposed by the Spanish authorities in Cuba, Luks' illustrations necessarily were "pieced together from official government reports and rumors received from insurgents in the field. These limitations did not stop Luks and others from fabricating stories and exaggerating actual events. This practice is reflected in the captions on some of Luks’ illustrations such as 'An insurgent scout. . . overtaken by Spanish troops . fire upon him and the Bulletin artist. . . sketches him as he falls from the saddle." ” Luks' illustrations, while fresh and livelv. nonetheless show a certain comic exaggeration, recalling his earlier work tor Puck and Truth; but thev lack the authentic quality of personal experience. Possessing a viv id imagination and an enormous ego, Luks lived to boast in Cuba that he ' was the onlv man here w ho's got the sand to go out with the the fracas.25 at 806 806 Wamui Walnut » J soldiers." However, he demonstrated his tidity in the By June 1895 the Tuesday evenings at Philadelphia underwent a change with the departun' company of war correspondents Stephen Crane and of Henn and Glackens for Paris where Henri would Richard Harding Davis, who were also in Cuba to cover the uprising Along with other observe the faults of the academic svstem in France. On the occasion of their bon voyage party in �Hf life. According to Sloan, these informal weeklies at Hlenri's studio at which their participants sat around Ho smoke and to talk also "gave numbers of men who ^Rad gotten into newspaper and illustrative work the Beginning of a desire to express themselves in Hafnt."- Luks, however, never admitted that Henri ^mfluenced him in this respect. H Although Luks and Shinn did not regularly attend Hie Tuesday evenings at Henri's studio, they never Hiissed the parties. Luks became an instant success at Hiem and assumed the role of a type of mascot eager H perform at the drop of a hat. No evening would be Himplete without Luks' mimicking each man in the Hom. "0° one occasion • • • mounted on a chair atop ■table with a frying pan over a gas jet, [Luks] made' H’elsh rarebit, earning on a stream of farcical remarks Hhile a dozen of us waited our turn to be served.”--1 ■ one of Luks' favorite performances was that of a ■ugilist, which enjoyed wide currency even after his Hath. The "legend" began as a mock encounter ■aged around 1895 at one of the parties at S06 Walnut ■reet for the benefit of a photographer (Fig. 4). ■ripped to the waist, Luks crouched in a sparring ■se. Over the years he used a number of boxing Jiases such as "Chicago Whitey," "Lame-em-Luks," ■ocko-Sam," "Curtain-Comvay" and ■vlonk-the-Morgue.” H Once [Luks] tapped a light jab to Sloan's ■ shoulder and queried, "Did I ever tell vou I about the time I licked Fitzsimmons?" Sloan I then smiled, then sought the twinkle in Luks' I eyes. "Since when have they put I Fitzsimmons on a postage stamp?" Sloan B quipped.... ■ Luks wasn't really anything of a fighter. He I would often pick a fight in a saloon, say I something nasty and get things going and I then leave the place, with people who had I nothing to do with the argument left to finish I the fracas.5 feyJune 1895 the Tuesday evenings at 806 Walnut in ■liladelphia underwent a change with the departure ■ Henri and Glackens for Paris where Henri would ■serve the faults of the academic system in France. In the occasion of their bon voyage party in Philadelphia, Luks did a caricature of Glackens with rhymed text by Sloan which hung on the wall in the Press's Art Department (Fig. 5). In December 1895 Luks left Philadelphia for Cuba in the company of writer Maurice O’Leary of the Etwiing Bulletin. Employed by the same Philadelphia newspaper as a staff artist, Luks was to illustrate O'Leary's stories for publication about the Cuban revolt against Spanish rule, which has broken out in February of that same year and was a prelude to the Spanish-American War in 1898. Like the other reporters sent by American and European newspapers and magazines to cover the rebellion and thereby boost the circulation of their respective publications, Luks and O'Leary were restricted to Havana by the Spanish authorities who | censored all outgoing reports. As Luks wrote to Everett Shinn, "Half my sketches have been taken by [ officials. Consequently ... I have to smuggle them out in order to insure myself of their safe arrival." Those sketches which did get through took ten to fifteen days to reach Philadelphia and appear in print.5 Because of the restrictions imposed by the Spanish authorities in Cuba, Luks' illustrations necessarily were "pieced together from official government reports and rumors received from insurgents in the field. These limitations did not stop Luks and others from fabricating stories and exaggerating actual events. This practice is reflected in the captions on some of Luks' illustrations such as 'An insurgent scout... overtaken by Spanish troops . . . fire upon him and the Bulletin artist. . . sketches him as he falls from the saddle."'27 Luks' illustrations, while fresh and lively, nonetheless show a certain comic exaggeration, recalling his earlier work for Puck and Truth; but they lack the authentic quality of personal experience. Possessing a vivid imagination and an enormous ego, Luks lived to boast in Cuba that he "was the only man here who's got the sand to go out with the soldiers." However, he demonstrated his tidity in the company of war correspondents Stephen Crane and Richard Harding Davis, who were also in Cuba to cover the uprising. "Along with other .-.' zisthtw. . unqsu.>5 n» i.Tht heaving Htlanfit shall rodt htm ujjon its broad treacherous bosom, Spurious dinners compel him tall oft'en ti>_gase on its. uiateri; The huge jaws of Paris shall Snaf at This Tcndercat* ar mortals. But a mind full oFTtrfand a ChicKuSau* collar shall save him, Kmd Father Time shall at last bring him hom? to his friend. S - 15 J �1. Boysivith Dog, Cuba, 1896 newspapermen, they had been rickety train when an abrupt vo out far in the distance. Luks real diving under his seat, then look others unmoved. 'You fellows s challenged. I have a future.' Although Luks and his fellowspent most of their time in Have bordellos. George did paint son watercolors of street tvpes in th< extant example of this is Boys wi (Cat. no. 1). By March 1896 Luks drawing ceased to appear in the Philadelp reportedly was fired on account failure to regularly submit his w Bulletin reported b'Learv's capt following month. Luks circulate of his supposed imprisonment i in order to explain his exit from Spiggoties slammed me in the c with the rats and the Cubans, ar whether to shoot me at daw n or Luks arrived back in New Yorl 1896 wearing a linen suit and a I Cold, hungry and broke he sper park bench. The next day he joii -Veto tert herlii as an illustrator, through the newspaper's mana; Brisbane, whom he had met sev board ship enroute back to the I Europe. Luks reminded Bnsban him at that time to do illustrate livelihood instead ot existing as Luks soon became the Ucr/d s artist for his comic strip The 1 debuted in the paper in the Fall 3“ 38). The comic strip had beer staft artist. Richard Fenton Outc ot Mr. Pulitzer While single cart published in American newspaj days The fellow kid ' represei the modern comic strip and con Despite the immediact and pc caricatures and illustrations whi �newspapermen, they had been rolling along in a rickety train when an abrupt volley of gunfire burst out far in the distance. Luks reacted automatically by diving under his seat, then looked up to see the others unmoved. 'You fellows sit up there,' he challenged. 'I have a future.'"28 Although Luks and his fellow correspondents spent most of their time in Havana enjoying bars and bordellos, George did paint some good oils and watercolors of street types in the Cuban capital. An extant example of this is Boys with Dog, Cuba, 1896 (Cat. no. 1). By March 1896 Luks' drawings sent from Cuba ceased to appear in the Philadelphia Bulletin. He reportedly was fired on account of drunkenness and failure to regularly submit his work. When the Bulletin reported O'Leary's capture in Cuba the following month, Luks circulated a fabricated version of his supposed imprisonment and brush with death in order to explain his exit from Cuba: "The Spiggoties slammed me in the cooler, put me away with the rats and the Cubans, and deliberated whether to shoot me at dawn or sundown."29 Luks arrived back in New York one evening in April 1896 wearing a linen suit and a battered straw hat. Cold, hungry and broke he spent a chilly night on a park bench. The next day he joined Joseph Pulitzer's New York World as an illustrator. Luks got the job through the newspaper's managing editor, Arthur Brisbane, whom he had met several years earlier on board ship enroute back to the United States from Europe. Luks reminded Brisbane that he had advised him at that time to do illustration work to earn his livelihood instead of existing as a starving artist. Luks soon became the World's "premiere humorist artist" for his comic strip "The Yellow Kid," which debuted in the paper in the Fall of 1896 (See Cat. nos. 37, 38). The comic strip had been originated by fellow staff artist, Richard Fenton Outcault, at the direction of Mr. Pulitzer. While single cartoons had been published in American newspapers from the earliest days, "The Yellow Kid" represents the beginning of the modern comic strip and comic-strip characters. Despite the immediacy and popularity of his caricatures and illustrations which provided him with a comfortable income, around 1900 Luks began to enjoy some commercial success from the sale of his canvases. It was "at Glackens' suggestion that Luks started painting in 1898, although George would never acknowledge that such was the case."30 In 1896 Glackens had returned from his trip to Europe. Through Luks he got a job doing comic drawings for the Sunday supplement of the New York World. After about six weeks he left the World and worked exclusively for the rival Herald through September 1897?' For a time he and Luks shared a studio in an old Manhattan brownstone. The floor below them was occupied by a dealer in ladies' trimmings. The tenants' names were posted on a series of signs in the entry and callers on the artists read with pleasure: LUKS & GLACKENS FURS & FEATHERS. Glackens recorded their studio in an oil painting, The Artist Luks at Work. Luks later sold it to William Preston Harrison, who had visited George's New York studio and selected one of his paintings. When Mr. Preston mentioned that he also intended to call on Glackens and acquire one of that artist's canvases, "I have a Glackens!" Luks said, produced it and successfully concluded the sale.32 Like Glackens, Shinn also worked briefly at the New York World as a result of Hearst's raids on the staffs of rival papers. Luks' suggestion to his superiors at the World of Shinn's availability if additional pay was forthcoming served to lure him away from the Philadelphia Press. In 1900 Shinn left the World to pursue illustration work for Harper's Weekly and The Critic. One snowy night, on his way to his Manhattan studio, Shinn met Luks on a Lexington Avenue street corner. The chance encounter remained memorable for Shinn and illustrates Luks' general love of the comic. The instant we were close enough for recognition, [Luks] started one of his hilariously amusing impromptu melodramas. I braced myself against the wind and snow and felt the tears that came from laughing freeze on my cheeks. Luks, in the full flight of 17 �his exciting presentation, was frantically lashing an imaginary string of straining wallowing huskies while he held fast to a careening dog sled. Under his power of suggestion Lexington Avenue took on the endless waste of the Yukon. Northern Lights blinked from a baker's window and a passing snow plough swirled out the realism of an avalanche. Luks, with exaggerated desperation, pushed ahead, cracking his whip, answering its stinging lash with the huskies' growl of servile resentment. He rode his sled, guided it through narrow defiles, lost its security and caught up with it again. "Mush, Mush! he yelled. Suddenly he stopped, whirled about and knocked an imaginary hand from his shoulder. "What? You here, Pierre La Tooth?" Then in the patois of a Canadian woodsman, Luks hissed, "Some mistake, me fren. I am Pere Gaspan, ze mission Padre." Luks waved the snow aside and peered closer. "Liar, I shall know you for the thief you are, Pierre La Tooth, when the storm clears." Anger flashed from his eyes, there was a sudden splintering of Luks' cane across the lamp post. He staggered under a heavy blow and went to his knees, then, on his feet again, a vicious uppercut and Luks peered over the gutter's edge looking down. He shuddered, then whispered, "Two thousand feet, poor devil," then leaped across the sidewalk and pressed his nose close to a fish market's window where huge salmon flashed their silver sides. He cried, "The seal fisheries! Puget Sound. I must be getting close to the post." He then shifted his gaze to another window that held a boulder of roast beef. "Ha, at last! The stockyards. I'm on the outskirts of Chicago." Then, on his feet again, thrashing the floundering dogs, he staggered' across the sidewalk and straightened his body in a stiff salute in front of a dentist's sign where an electric bulb in a black velvet 18 cavern illuminated the gleaming whiteness of a gigantic set of false teeth, "Captain Lancaster, Sergeant Hawkins reporting." Luks then slumped in a rubbery quiver, a travesty of superhumanly sustained endeavor. Quickly he turned his back on the dentist sign and quietly stroked a mustache that seemed to have suddenly grown from his clean upper lip. Then, in another voice, precise in an English accent sharp with authority, "Sergeant Hawkins, the Northwest Mounted Police can well be proud of you. Wounded and alone you have brought back the stolen pelts." Luks staggered and clutched his side. "I'm done in, Captain Lancaster. Done ... done. . done . . . diddy done ..He sung the last and fell on his face in the gutter . ...” When Luks established himself of New York in 1896 — and prior to the time he roomed with Glackens he lived in a boarding house at 13 Charles Street in Greenwich Village. Run by a Mrs. Delanoy, it was popular with young journalist and newspaper artists like Luks. Mrs. Delanoy's daughter, Anabelle, became engaged to George, that is, until his younger brother, Will, came up for a visit during summer vacation from Baltimore where he was in his last year of medical school at Johns Hopkins University. Anabelle quickly transferred her affections to Will Luks and the two were married shortly thereafter. This precluded Will's completion of his studies and necessitated his taking a permanent position at the Northern Dispensary, a pie-wedge-shaped building at Waverly Place and Grove Street in Greenwich Village. In 1905 Will became superintendent of the Dispensary (at which Edgar Allen Poe had once been treated for a cold) and remained there for more than forty years until his retirement in 1939.’* Despite the loss of his fiancee, George maintained good relations with his brother and sister-in-la" He treated their children as his own, often taking them :• dinner at old New York gourmet establishments like Delmonico's, Brevoort's and the Holland House where he relentlessly sketched on menus and tablecloths to the annoyance of the waiters. On « 62. Street, East Side, Xeu- York. n d. �cavern illuminated the gleaming whiteness of a gigantic set of false teeth, "Captain Lancaster, Sergeant Hawkins reporting." Luks then slumped in a rubbery quiver, a travesty of superhumanly sustained endeavor. Quickly he turned his back on the dentist sign and quietly stroked a mustache that seemed to have suddenly grown from his clean upper lip. Then, in another voice, precise in an English accent sharp with authority, "Sergeant Hawkins, the Northwest Mounted Police can well be proud of you. Wounded and alone you have brought back the stolen pelts." Luks staggered and clutched his side. "I'm done in, Captain Lancaster. Done . . . done . done .. . diddy done . . ." He sung the last and fell on his face in the gutter . . . .” When Luks established himself of New York in 1896 — and prior to the time he roomed with Glackens — he lived in a boarding house at 13 Charles Street in Greenwich Village. Run by a Mrs. Delanoy, it was popular with young journalist and newspaper artists like Luks. Mrs. Delanoy's daughter, Anabelle, became engaged to George, that is, until his younger brother, Will, came up for a visit during summer vacation from Baltimore where he was in his last year of medical school at Johns Hopkins University. Anabelle quickly transferred her affections to Will Luks and the two were married shortly thereafter. This precluded Will's completion of his studies and necessitated his taking a permanent position at the Northern Dispensary, a pie-wedge-shaped building at Waverly Place and Grove Street in Greenwich Village. In 1905 Will became superintendent of the Dispensary (at which Edgar Allen Poe had once been treated for a cold) and remained there for more than forty years until his retirement in 1939.14 Despite the loss of his fiancee, George maintained good relations with his brother and sister-in-law. He treated their children as his own, often taking them to dinner at old New York gourmet establishments hke Delmonico's, Brevoort's and the Holland House where he relentlessly sketched on menus and tablecloths to the annoyance of the waiters. On wa SHI■ yU? i) i f W q/ I h ,f 1 ■■ i ji rj i 62. Street, East Side, New York, n.d. 19 �he felt he wasn't "Going any place in particular, except to hell" - Luks would mimic passers-by on the sidewalk and do humorous sketches of them based on his first impression of them. After losing his fiancee, Anabelle, to his younger brother, George rebounded and married at the turn o the century. Lois, the first of his three wives, was the daughter of one of Luks' Philadelphia newspaper colleagues; she later became Mrs. Frank Crane. Apparently George was not quite ready to give up his freewheeling bachelor ways for a respectable, settled existence. While Lois was pregnant with their son, Kent, Luks walked out on her and went to Europe in 1902 to seek a respite from the pressures of married life. In later years Kent, Luks' only child, took the name of his stepfather and had almost no contact with his natural father because of the way George had treated his mother. Luks' desire to go to Europe — chiefly France — in 1902 was reinforced by Shinn's presence in Paris. The titles of Luks' paintings serve to document his itinerary: The Louvre, Paris, Evening and the Luxembourg Gardens (Cat. nos. 3, 4). At the suggestion of Robert Henri, who had visited France several years earlier, Luks also traveled and painted along the Marne River. This is confirmed by Luks' oil, On the Marne, in the collection of the Munson-WilliamsProctor Institute in Utica, New York. This work, plus Luks' familiarity with boating pictures of La Grenouille redone by Renoir and Monet on the Seine River near Paris, later found expression in George's Holiday on the Hudson (Cleveland Museum of Art). Luks traveled through the Champagne region and went as far as Verdun in northeastern France. There he did a watercolor showing the town which during World War I became a national symbol of French resistance under the command of General Petain. (The Phillips Collection, Washington, D.C.) According to American artist, Eugene Higgins, Luks' sojourn in France in 1902-03 was not without incident. "... Luks' gusty, untamed spirit led him into all sort of incredible exploits. He and [John] Noble once brought on half of Paris' police 20 department when they decided to shoot out the electric lights in a boulevard cafe. This was .. . Luks' method of showing the Parisians what American life was like, cowboys and all."’-’ Luks used Noble as the model for his portrait, Whiskey Bill, now in the Phoenix Art Museum. According to James Huneker, Noble was a "once well-known personage in the American Parisian colony ... a great violinist and also a profound alcoholic Luks also sampled the delights of the Parisian "boulevardienes." He recorded one such encounter in a large drawing in which he is shown boldly exposing himself to two female onlookers (Cat. no. 40). Luks belonged to the generation of painters who were in Paris in the days when the Left Bank meant something. These were men who used to see Whistler and Wilde and Verlaine in the cafes; who talked all night over their absinthes; who returned to America full of ambition and bombast and intolerance and Impressionism and talent.16 Luks returned to New York from France via England in 1903, since he sent Henri an illustrated postcard inscribed: "Dear Henri. Greetings from London. The Fag Artist on the Street. George." 'The following year Luks made a brief trip to Paris, perhaps to arrange his marriage to John Noble's sister, Emma Louise, who became George's second wife when he came back to the United States from France. Luks' 1904 trip is documented by a fine little painting, Closing the Cafe, Paris. "The Gilder" in Town Topics observed that: Surely anyone with any degree of sensibility must see in . . . [this painting]. . . the kind of beauty which Keats reminded us abides in melancholy. There is something so ineffably tender and exquisite in this picture as a piece of color as to make enjoyment poignant to the point of pain. This was the Paris Conrad Warrener sought for in his quest of his youth in Leonard Merrick's story, the place where the roses of youth bloom as nowhere else. Luks and his second wife settled in a combination apartment and studio on West 56th Street in New 40. Paris Seme, c. 1902 York. On Sunday afternoons Will Luks and his v< family would come uptown for a visit via the old Sixth Avenue El. Will remained George's best an greatest critic to w horn he seriously listened. Get would change something in a painting if Will did like it. Will's critical eve derived from his multipli of artistic interests — poetrv, music and theater ■ the same time, he had a gift for painting which, i had been equally det eloped, might have made h as famous as George. "But. as Will observed in < interview in Parnassus after George's death. 1 .. painter in a family is plenty." �]ient when they decided to shoot out the lights in a boulevard cafe. This was . . . Luks' 1 of showing the Parisians what American life cowboys and all."35 Luks used Noble as the 'or his portrait, Whiskey Bill, now in the x Art Museum. According to James Huneker, vas a "once well-known personage in the an Parisian colony ... a great violinist and rofound alcoholic . . . ." also sampled the delights of the Parisian rardienes." He recorded one such encounter ;e drawing in which he is shown boldly ig himself to two female onlookers (Cat. no. <s belonged to the eration of painters who were in Paris in days when the Left Bank meant lething. These were men who used to see istler and Wilde and Verlaine in the cafes; □ talked all night over their absinthes; o returned to America full of ambition and nbast and intolerance and Impressionism I talent.56 returned to New York from France via 1 in 1903, since he sent Henri an illustrated d inscribed: "Dear Henri. Greetings from i. The Fag Artist on the Street. George."37 The ig year Luks made a brief trip to Paris, s to arrange his marriage to John Noble's mma Louise, who became George's second len he came back to the United States from Luks' 1904 trip is documented by a fine little g, Closing the Cafe, Paris. "The Gilder" in Town bserved that: ely anyone with any degree of sensibility st see in .. . [this painting] . . - the kind of uty which Keats reminded us abides in lancholy. There is something so ineffably der and exquisite in this picture as a piece olor as to make enjoyment poignant to the nt of pain. This was the Paris Conrad rrener sought for in his quest of his youth .eonard Merrick's story, the place where roses of youth bloom as nowhere else, and his second wife settled in a combination ent and studio on W'est 56th Street in New 40. Paris Scene, c. 1902 York. On Sunday afternoons Will Luks and his young family would come uptown for a visit via the old Sixth Avenue El. Will remained George's best and greatest critic to whom he seriously listened. George would change something in a painting if Will didn't like it. Will's critical eye derived from his multiplicity of artistic interests — poetry, music and theater. At the same time, he had a gift for painting which, if it had been equally developed, might have made him as famous as George. "But," as Will observed in an interview in Parnassus after George's death, "... one painter in a family is plenty.''” After his trip to Paris in 1904 George became more visible in the artistic cafe life of New York. Much of it was centered in and around Greenwich Village, which at the turn of the century had started to become a focal point for all manner of artists seeking an American renaissance. One of the most popular gathering places for the nucleus of the future "Eight" was Mouquin's, a red-plush French restaurant under the Sixth Avenue El near Twenty-Eighth Street in Manhattan.*' Mouquin's became a nightly rendezvous spot for the Henris, Sloans and Glackenses, who lived nearby 21 �and who all had relocated to New \ork from Philadelphia. Often they were joined b-. Luks, Jimmv and May Preston, or Frederic Grueger. all of the old Philadelphia gang. A mj;or attraction at Mouquin's was the lively discussions on art held almost nightlv at John Flanagan's table between critics Charles Fitzgerald and Frederick lames Gregg, both ot w hum wrote tor the Mete Led Tuning Slot and later would champion the "Fight' in print. Fitzgerald, who became Glacken's brother-in-law w as one of the first critics to recognize Luks’ talent as a painter Mouquin's also proc ed a favorite of James Huneker with whom 1 uks engaged in bouts of self-expression on art." With Julian Hawthorne. Brander Matthews and others, 1 luneker and I uks were i harter members of an informal group called " Lhe Friendly Sons of Saint Bacchus." who met at Mana's, a bohemian basement cafe located on MacDougal Street (later on West Twelfth Street) in (.reenwich Village, ’.‘. here they entertained each other with songs, poems, monologues and jokes About 1W8 Benjamin DeCasseres, acntic for the New York Herald Tribune, met Luks for the first tune at Maria's and later published bis recollet tionsof George and his sharp opinions on art gleaned from that discussion. At a table when I entered were seated some painters whom 1 knew. One whom 1 had never seen before was filminating - a somewhat handsome-faced . . fellow, with benignity ironic eyes, a comedian's mouth, a high forehead and black nmmed nose-glasses leashed to a long professorial string which dragged its length in the glass of sauterne in front of him. He caught my name when I was introduced. "Latin — eh? Where do those European guys get off to teach us any thing’ Art' — my slats! . . I can paint with a shoestring dipped in pitch and lard .... Tell th< se bimbos from across the big pond that the future of art lies right here . None of those *!#!!* *1* has got anything tor us'. 44. The Orator, c. 1920 22 �and who all had relocated to New York from Philadelphia. Often they were joined by Luks Jimmy and May Preston, or Frederic Grueger, all of the old Philadelphia gang. A major attraction at Mouquin's was the lively discussions on art held almost nightly at John Flanagan's table between critics Charles 7 Fitzgerald and Frederick James Gregg, both of who:>m wrote for the New York Evening Sun and later would champion the "Eight" in print. Fitzgerald, who became Glacken's brother-in-law, was one of the first critics to recognize Luks' talent as a painter. Mouquin's also proved a favorite of James Huneker, with whom Luks engaged in bouts of self-expression on art.41 With Julian Hawthorne, Brander Matthews, and others, Huneker and Luks were charter members of an informal group called "The Friendly Sons of Saint Bacchus," who met at Maria's, a bohemian basement cafe located on MacDougal Street (later on West Twelfth Street) in Greenwich Village, where they entertained each other with songs, poems, monologues and jokes. About 1908 Benjamin DeCasseres, a critic for the New York Herald Tribune, met Luks for the first time at Maria's and later published his recollections of George and his sharp opinions on art gleaned from that discussion. At a table when I entered were seated some painters whom I knew. One whom I had never seen before was filminating — a somewhat handsome-faced . . . fellow, with benignity ironic eyes, a comedian's mouth, a high forehead and black-rimmed nose-glasses leashed to a long professorial string which dragged its length in the glass of sauterne in front of him. He caught my name when I was introduced. "Latin — eh? Where do those European guys get off to teach us anything? .... Art! — my slats!.... I can paint with a shoestring dipped in pitch and lard .... Tell those bimbos from across the big pond that the future of art lies right here .... None of those *!#!!* *!*has got anything for us! .... Technique, did you say? My slats .... Say, listen, you *!! it's in you or it isn't!" "What phrases these bimbos from the schools use: Static, Dynamic, Abstruse, Abstract — a vaudeville team, the Catch-Phrase Quartet! . . . Man is inoculated at birth with art intelligence or he isn't.... Ha! Ha! He needs a north light? — the nance! .... Say, I can paint in a mole hole . . . ." And he peered at me again — the best-natured, the most human, the most down-to-earth face I've ever looked at. "Like Mozart, I began my art career when 1 was barely out of diapers," George admitted to me with that perfectly simple and naive egoism which makes him the delight of his friends, including 3,000 of the old school bartenders, who used to listen to George until their handle-bar mustachios grew up the sides of their faces like Virginia Creepers. Beneath all this fury there is a master craftsman, a man so consumately sure of himself that he can clown with perfect safety, a robust ego that knows there is only one George Luks . . . He loves his art more passionately than any man, working in any of the arts I have ever met. He sees everything in the world in terms of color, light, composition. He's a human brush. And he can paint the town or a canvas red at a moments notice — or both simultaneously 42 In direct competition to Mouquin's James B. Moore opened the Cafe Francis at 53 West Thirty-Fifth Street, which he advertised as "New York's Most Popular Resort of New Bohemia." Moore was an independently wealthy bachelor for whom the restaurant business was merely a hobby. Moore lured Mouquin's chef to his own establishment, which began to attract the artists — including Luks — who had previously patronized Mouqin's. About 1906 Luks did a large canvas, Ca/e Francis (Cat. no. 6), showing its proprietor with one of his "daughters," as he preferred to call his female companions. The 23 �p,l„BnS represent . seq^ •» Gl“ke“' Mtp.s,. ™™"S kX* T«S »!h Street to evening with Yeats in a watercolor, John Butler Yeats rtt Petitpas (Cat. no. 54). . . In the years between and after Luks trips to Franc in the early 1900's his paintings were included in several group shows in New York and Chicago. His canvases from the first decade of the twentieth century constitute some of his finest work for which he is justly acclaimed. In 1903 Luks showed for the first time with the Society of American Artists in the group's 25th annual exhibition held at the American Fine Arts Society Galleries on West Fifth-Seventh Street in New York. The Society, founded in 1878 to protest the lack of progressive vision by the National Academy of Design, had initially been the most vital art force in its day in America. It featured, for example, Mary Cassat and Whistler in its early exhibitions and encouraged American collectors to extend their patronage to their fellow countrymen instead of to their English, French and German contemporaries. Inclusion in the Society's annuals was important for young artists like Luks, since in the early 1900's New York had only a small number of commercial galleries where artists could exhibit and receive public notice. By the turn of the century the Society of American Artists had become more academic and conservative in its outlook and in 1906 merged with the National Academy. As a result, Luks' East Side, New York, hardly academic in style but accepted for the 1903 exhibition through member Robert Henri's influence shared the "skyhrre" with Glackens' painting of a HoXvanCreT ±d nOt the best v™g light However, Luks entry did not escape the notice of Charles Fitzgerald, art critic for the New York E-, ■t’ening Sun, who wrote: Here is the painter of corner-boys and "toughs," street urchins, ragamuffins, and all kinds of low types employed as a subject that cannot by any possibility be called low, unless indeed we apply that term to the works of God — the waters, the clouded, stormy sky of a winter's day, the drifting snow, the eternal struggle of man against the elements. In his review Fitzgerald also questioned the practice of always hanging the canvases of Luks and others in the darkest corners at exhibitions: Once more the blind leaders of the blind take refuge in their last ditch: "This is not nature as we see it." To the jury of the Society we make a present of this motto from Swift: "When a true genius appears, you may know him by this sign, that the dunces are in confederacy against him.''1’ Following the 25th annual exhibition of the Society of American Artists, Luks showed in a "very refreshing" exhibition of "Paintings by New Men" held in May, 1903 at the Colonial Club in New York. A number of the things showm, the best of them, in fact, would probably not find a place in an Academy or Society exhibition, unfortunately' for said exhibitions, and so the public should be all the more grateful for this chance to see them .... Men like Messrs. Lukes [sic.], Glackens, Lawson, Linden, Perrine, Blashki and Steichen are capable of making contributions that should be welcomed in any exhibition.*1 In 1904 Luks showed with the nucleus of the future Eight at the National Arts Club in New' York in an exhibition arranged by Robert Henri. A review, which billed them as "Six Impressionists," noted the lack of space generally' accorded these non-acader artists: Regular exhibitions must demand certain standards from w’hich they cannot derrogate at the peril of their own existences as �Charles Fitzgerald, art critic for the New York Evening Sun, who wrote: Here is the painter of corner-boys and "toughs," street urchins, ragamuffins, and all kinds of low types employed as a subject that cannot by any possibility be called low, unless indeed we apply that term to the works of God - the waters, the clouded, stormy sky of a winter's day, the drifting snow, the eternal struggle of man against the elements. In his review Fitzgerald also questioned the practice of always hanging the canvases of Luks and others in the darkest comers at exhibitions: Once more the blind leaders of the blind take refuge in their last ditch: "This is not nature as we see it." To the jury of the Society we make a present of this motto from Swift: "When a true genius appears, you may know him by this sign, that the dunces are in confederacy against him."45 Following the 25th annual exhibition of the Society of American Artists, Luks showed in a "very refreshing" exhibition of "Paintings by New Men" held in May, 1903 at the Colonial Club in New York. A number of the things shown, the best of them, in fact, would probably not find a place in an Academy or Society exhibition, unfortunately for said exhibitions, and so the public should be all the more grateful for this chance to see them .... Men like Messrs. Lukes [sic.], Glackens, Lawson, Linden, Perrine, Blashki and Steichen are capable of making contributions that should be welcomed in any exhibition.44 In 1904 Luks showed with the nucleus of the future Eight at the National Arts Club in New York in an exhibition arranged by Robert Henri. A review, which billed them as "Six Impressionists," noted the lack of space generallv accorded these non-academic artists: Regular exhibitions must demand certain standards from which they cannot derrogate at the peril of their own existences as 2 I 31. Child with a Wagon (Snow Kid), n.d‘. 25 �the committees miss. Yet this is> worktha gives a great deal of enjoyment bot who denounce it as the degeneracy of silly minds and those who regard it as the last screech of genius.45 The audacity of Luks' canvases and the rougher side of life they depicted occasioned his rejection from the Spring 1907 exhibition at the National Academy of Design. When his sole entry, Man with Dyed Mustachios, a vigorous, rough-hewn portrait, was placed on the studio easel for the jurymen s consideration Academician Kenyon Cox shouted To hell with it!" Not even the opposition of fellow Academician, Robert Henri, could reverse the vote. Luks took the whole matter in stride: "I don't look on this thing from a personal point of view ... I am trying to do things; if they don't understand them, I don't care anymore for them than I do for a bottle of turpentine. I don't propose to berate them. After all, it's a question for Father Time."16 Word quickly spread about the fate of Luks' painting, which he promptly displayed at the Macbeth Gallery in New York. "There all the other youthful outlaws foregathered to enjoy the picture and also to enjoy the discomfiture of most of Mr. Macbeth's staid customers who ventured down into the cellar [gallery] only to retire in quick confusion." About this time Luks "made a wonderful and much appreciated beau geste. He raised the price upon his pictures $1,000 each. He had not sold any, but he used gravely to tell his intimates that 'Prices were going up' and they as gravely spread to news still further about."17 Luks' rejection by the Academy and the ensuing feud between Henri and some of the conservative academicians was discussed in the New York press and national publications like Harper's Weekly 26 Only once in many years, if memory serves, has the Academy or Society accepted a picture by George Luks — one of the most original and accomplished painters in America, but still, at forty, absolutely unknown to the general art public. Once or twice he has figured in club loan exhibitions, but the man's own studio is the only place, at present, where one may see much of what he has done. Portraits, character studies, dissolute folk of the night, children, cabmen, dock rats, wise old Russian Jews sipping their coffee in dingy restaurants . . . these are some of Luks' subjects. What, then, will be the Academy's future attitude toward Luks and Henri and the ever-growing throng of new painters with inventive powers which they are not afraid to trust? Will the Academy help to shape and publish these most hopeful new elements in American art? Or will it continue hostile, and thus force this unconquerable new expression to seek or make some quicker channel?" The channel sought by The Eight — as James Huneker dubbed them — was a show at the Macbeth Gallery in 1908. It quickly became a benchmark in the history of American painting. The Macbeth Gallery was a logical choice since part of The Eight — Henri. Luks, Davies, Lawson and Prendergast — had already exhibited there. Unlike most of the handful uf private galleries in New York which at that time dealt in European imports, Macbeth's basement gallery on lower Fifth Avenue solely concerned itself with the exhibition and sale of American pictures from the dav it first opened its doors in 1892. Consequently, it "quickly became a haven for the more individual among the American painters."1'' In May 1907 The Eight set their show at Macbeth s for the following spring with a $500 guarantee plus percent of the sales. On May 15, 1907, the N?xV"' Evening Sun broke the news of the forthcoming exhibition: Fig- 6. Sketch by George Luks of ' Henri and His 8,1907/ tink on paper). Collection Mr. and Mrs. Arthur G. Altschul Eight Independent Painters to Give an Exhibition of Their Own Work Winter: A group of eight painters who have been expressing their ideas of life as they see it in quite their own manner, and who therefore have been referred to often as "the apostles of ugliness" by a larger group of brother artists who paint with a T square and plumb line, have formed themselves into a body it was announced last evening without leader president, or formal organization. �once in many years, if memory’ has the Academy or Society accepted e by George Luks — one of the most and accomplished painters in a, but still, at forty, absolutely’ m to the general art public. Once or ? has figured in club loan exhibitions, man's own studio is the only place, at , where one may see much of what he e. Portraits, character studies, e folk of the night, children, cabmen, s, wise old Russian Jews sipping their i dingy restaurants . . . these are some subjects. then, will be the Academy 's future toward Luks and Henri and the wing throng of new painters with ■e powers which they are not afraid, to 111 the Academy help to shape and these most hopeful new elements in in art? Or will it continue hostile, and ce this unconquerable new on to seek or make some quicker ?4" lel sought by The Eight — as James bbed them — was a show at the Macbeth 108. It quickly became a benchmark in the merican painting. The Macbeth Gallery 1 choice since part of The Eight — Henri. s, Lawson and Prendergast — had bited there. Unlike most of the handful of ries in New York which at that time dealt imports, Macbeth's basement gallery on \venue solely concerned itself with the id sale of American pictures from the day ;d its doors in 1892. Consequently, it :ame a haven for the more individual American painters."4' 07 The Eight set their show at Macbeth s ving spring with a 5500 guarantee pju' lesales. On May 15,1907, the Neu r' broke the news of the forthcoming a£^_ 'is -■kfcX<-<-’ij£? *?’ ^Mx, *** ...Z, Hz. 6. Sketch by George Luks of "Henri and His 8,1907," (ink cm paper; CoJlection Mr. and Mrs. Arthur G. Altschul. Eight Independent Painters to Give an Exhibition of Their Own Work Winter: A group of eight painters who have been expressing their ideas of life as they see it in quite their own manner, and who therefore have been referred to often as "the apostles of ugliness" by a larger group of brother artists who paint with a T square and plumb line, have formed themselves into a body, it was announced last evening, without leader, president, or formal organization. " Guy Pene du Bois, Henri's student and recently appointed art critic for the New York American, succinctly referred to The Eight as "a group of men who would say 'sweat' when they meant sweat, anywhere, even in the parlors of people who righteously denied the existence of perspiration." Polemics grew in the New York press as the various art critics chose sides before the opening of the exhibition at Macbeth's. As part of the preparations each of The Eight sat for a publicity portrait at Gertrude Kasebier's photo studio. Prior to the show 27 �J Luks sent Henri a humorous postcard of "The Eight (Fig. o). The Eight are depicted as a chorus. Luks ( < right) sits next to the bottle of rye whiskey, while Sloan, the group's treasurer, is shown beating a drum decorated with dollar signs.51 The exhibit of The Eight opened at the Macbeth Gallery on February 3,1908. An apprehensive William Macbeth began welcoming the first visitors to his domain as both of the 19-by-23 foot rooms rapidly filled. Soon three hundred people an hour were estimated to be filing past the sixty-three works. "The show ... is creating a sensation," observed an elated Henri. "It was packed like an Academy reception from early morning to night...Undeterred by snowy weather, crowds continued to surge through the gallery, and it was estimated that seven thousand people saw the show during its two-week run.52 Luks' work was favorably reviewed in The Script: The most expressive, if not the most impressive, group was that belonging to Mr. Luks whose revelry in strong deep hues gives to his exhibit an effect of sumptuous splendor by the side of which even his brilliant companions somewhat pale. His Macaws is of the richest dye and resembles an Eastern necklace or bracelet set with burning jewels in its most barbaric and altogether superb beauty. The Pigs and The Pet Goose combined a quaint interpretation of animal life with the same magnificence of color.53 While James Huneker, Charles Fitzgerald and Guy Pene du Bois expectedly came out in favor of The Eight, the group, as Glackens had predicted, "got an awful roasting from some of the papers." A review in Town Topics reflected the bitterness of the rival camp: Vulgarity smites one in the face at this exhibition, and I defy you to find anyone in a healthy frame of mind who, for instance wants to hang Luks's posteriors of pigs, or Glackens'sAf Mouquin’s, or John Sloan's 28 Hairdresser's Window in his living rooms or gallery, and not get disgusted two days later Critical furor over Luks' painting of the pigs prompted the pupils at the Art Students League to inset a large, comic illustration of the artist executing the portrait of a pig in the 1908 edition of the Society of American Fakirs catalogue.55 After their landmark show in New York, Sloan scheduled The Eight for month-long displays in eight other cities beginning in the Fall of 1908 — Chicago, Toledo, Detroit, Indianapolis, Cincinnati, Bridgeport, Pittsburgh and Newark. He partially reassembled the paintings from the original Macbeth show, although other pieces had to be substituted for those sold in the interim.56 The traveling show introduced the art of The Eight to audiences outside of New York. As it drew to a close in 1909, Luks and his colleagues were included in a group show of American art, which opened in March of that year at the Royal Academy of Art in Berlin and which later moved to the Art Society in Munich. Luks represented by New Jersey Peonies, which was the first time his work had been sent abroad.57 The American show had been organized by Hugo Reisinger, a German immigrant who had done well financially in the United States and who had previously brought an exhibition of contemporary German pictures to the Metropolitan Museum. Although The Eight were not homogeneous painters and they never exhibited all together again, their show at Macbeth's helped to effect an important change in America's artistic values.55 In a style of briskly-painted realism The Eight nucleus — Henri Luks, Glackens, Shinn and Sloan — demonstrated a sensitivity to ordinary' subjects unsentimentally presented and drawn from the America urban environment, which later earned them the appellation of "The Ash Can School." From the perspective of several generations The Eight emerge as spiritual forerunners of the New York School of the post-World War II era. Through their exhibit The Eight successfully challenged the power structure of the academic art exhibition in America and pointed the wav to a new �indow in his living rooms or it get disgusted two days later Luks' painting of the pigs ils at the Art Students League to : illustration of the artist executing r in the 1908 edition of the Society ; catalogue.55 rark show in New York, Sloan ht for month-long displays in eight ing in the Fall of 1908 — Chicago, dianapolis, Cincinnati, Bridgeport, wark. He partially reassembled the original Macbeth show, although i be substituted for those sold in raveling show introduced the art of nces outside of New fork, ose in 1909, Luks and his eluded in a group show of :h opened in March of that year at y of Art in Berlin and which later Society in Munich. Luks a.’ Jersey Peonies, which was the first been sent abroad/’ The American ;anized by Hugo Reisinger, a it who had done well financially in md who had previously brought an mporary German pictures to the eum. ight were not homogeneous never exhibited all together again Seth's helped to effect an important i's artistic values/ In a style of slism The Eight nucleus — Henri, hinn and Sloan — demonstrated a lary subjects unsentime-n tally iwn from the America urban ch later earned them the te Ash Can School." From the eral generations The Eight emerge nners of the New York School of the era. xhibit The Eight successfully wer structure of the academic art rica and pointed the wav to a new 7. Woman with Goose, 1907 �I direction in American painting ^^SorinXs academicians voted to replace the time-honored Hanging Committee with a single organizer. He was Harrison Morris, former director of the Pennsylvania Academy, who devoted one gallery in the 1908 exhibition to The Eight and a number of Henn s students, which less sympathetic academicians labeled "the freak wall The Eight likewise promoted liberalized exhibition opportunities for less conventional artists which, in turn, "opened the door for a much broader exchange of ideas and tastes." This was manifested in the Independent Show held in April 1910 in New York, which the New York Evening Sun heralded as "the largest opposition exhibition of paintings that has been held since the union of the National Academy and the Society of American Artists The no-jury Independent Show, the first one in New York's history at which the police had to regulate visitors' movements, was a smashing success and later became the annual showing of the Society of Independent Artists formed in 1916 and headed for three decades by John Sloan. Luks was the lone member of The Eight who did not participate in the 1910 Independent Show. Despite the pleading of his colleagues, he did not want to detract from his first one-man show held at the Macbeth Gallery from April 14-27,1910. An outgrowth of the 1910 Independent Show was the Association of American Painters and Sculptors headed by Arthur Davies. The newly-formed association, which numbered Luks and others of The Eight among its twenty-five members, had been organized to present an expanded version of the 1910 Independent Show.5’ The result was the now-famous International Exhibition of Modern Art or the art constituted a microcosm of modem art and on a broad scale introduced contemporary European especially French - art to the American public Luks was represented by six entries, among them Ten Sketches tn the Bronx Zoo and A Philosopher. The latter 30 piece was one of a relatively few works to be reproduced and sold in postcard form at the Armo>n, Show. A Philosopher was inspired by Pissarro's Self-Portrait (1873), which Luks saw at The LouVre during one of his trips to France in the early 19OO's. Nine days after the Armory Show closed Luks' one-man show opened at the Kraushaar Gallen- in New York. It marked the beginning of a decade-long association during which Luks would win some 6 important national prizes and would become an elder statesman of American art. He became affiliated with the gallery through John F. Kraushaar, who occasionally played on a scrub baseball team on Long Island for which Luks was the left fielder. The two men came to know and respect each other because neither of them had any use for affectation.w In reviewing Luks' first one-man show at Kraushaar's, New York critics observed that the "apostle of radicalism in painting" and "art's bad boy who used to frighten timid members of juries at the ' Academy of Design" had mellowed considerably and had become a "poet on canvas" who dropped his boisterous manner to depict the hearts of children.' The reviewer for The Globe noted: "Whatever Mr. Luks was, or is, or will be, one thing is certain, he is invariably entertaining and interesting, and, though you may disagree with him, or question his taste, or wish he would be a trifle more serious at times, you cannot ignore him. He is a factor in our modem art."' The following year Luks had another "stirring one-man show" at Kraushaar's, the focal point of which was the large, striking canvas, The Polo Game, a.k.a. The Stroke. It depicted an exciting moment between the American and British teams at the international polo match held at Meadow Brook, Long Island, in 1913. Although critical opinion differed on the merits of the painting, various reviewers applauded the spontaneity and draughtsmanship of the twenty preliminary­ drawings Luks made of polo ponies and their riders. Some of these sketches also appeared in the July 1911 issue of Vanity Fair and inaugurated Luks' twenty-year association with the popular monthly which published a number of his drawings and watercolors.63 5. Allen Street, �H was one of a relatively few works to be ■duced and sold in postcard form at the Arrno ■ A Philosopher was inspired by Pissarro's ■orfra/f (1873), which Luks saw at The Louvre ■a one of his trips to France in the early 1900's ■e days after the Armory Show' closed Luks' ■nan show opened at the Kraushaar Gallery in ■York. It marked the beginning of a decade-long ■iation during which Luks would win some 8 ■riant national prizes and would become an elder ■man of American art. He became affiliated with ■allery through John F. Kraushaar, w'ho ■onally played on a scrub baseball team on Long ■ for which Luks was the left fielder. The two 8 ■ame to know and respect each other because Ber of them had any use for affectation.*" ■ernewing Luks' first one-man show' at ■haar's, New' York critics observed that the ■tie of radicalism in painting" and "art's bad boy ■used to frighten timid members of juries at the ’ Bemy of Design" had mellow'ed considerably and Become a "poet on canvas" who dropped his ■rous manner to depict the hearts of children.bI ■ reviewer for The Globe noted: "Whatever Mr. ■was, or is, or wdll be, one thing is certain, he is ■ably entertaining and interesting, and, though Bnay disagree with him, or question his taste, or lhe w'ould be a trifle more serious at times, you mt ignore him. He is a factor in our modern art."' ■? following year Luks had another "stirring Inan show'" at Kraushaar's, the focal point of Bi was the large, striking canvas. The Polo Game, I. The Stroke. It depicted an exciting moment leen the American and British teams at the liational polo match held at Meadow' Brook, I Island, in 1913. Although critical opinion led on the merits of the painting, various Iwers applauded the spontaneity' and Ijhtsmanship of the twenty preliminary lings Luks made of polo ponies and their riders, r of these sketches also appeared in the July' 1914 of Vanity Fair and inaugurated Luks' ty-year association with the popular monthly i published a number of his drawings and rcolors. �I____ Fig. 7. Luks' upper Manhattan studio near High Bridge Park which he used from 1912-mid 1920's. Courtesy, LFC. 32 By the time he had his initial one-man show at the Kraushaar Gallery in 1913, George and his second wife had moved from West 56th Street to a spacious studio-residence in the upper part of Manhattan at Edgecombe Road and Jumel Place, one block east of Amsterdam and 170th Street (Fig. 7). The Luks' home was a five-minute walk in one direction to the drives along the Hudson River and in another to High Bridge Park and Washington Bridge spanning the Harlem River. Both of these sites figured prominently in Luks' work in the second decade of this century, James Huneker's Bedouins preserves one of the fewfirsthand descriptions of Luks' Jumel studio-residence: Here are domestic comfort, a north light, and plenty of models across the road in the open air, splashed by sunshine or shadowed by trees; babies, goats, nurse-girls, park loafers, policemen, lazy pedestrians, noisy boys, nice little girls with hoops and the inevitable sparrows. Rocks are in abundance. The landscape "composes" itself. And you are not surprised, when ushered into the great studio on the second floor, to be confronted by canvases registering various phases of the vibrating world hard-by. Since he moved from down-town the painter is becoming more of a plein-artiste.M Luks' Jumel studio proved popular with his niece, Lore. She liked to visit, put Hawaiian records on the phonograph and dance around the room to George's delight. At the studio he gave lessons to Edward W. Root, a quiet young man, an art collector and later professor at Hamilton College. Luks had met him after painting a portrait of his father, Elihu Root (1847-1937), Secretary of State under President Theodore Roosevelt and later one of the American lawyers who helped to set up the Permanent Court of International Justice at The Hague.65 At his Jumel studio in 1917 Luks painted the portrait of John F. Kraushaar's daughter, Antoinette, in her graduation dress (Cat. no. 14). However, the plain white expanse of the unadorned dress was too much for the artist, so from his studio corner he got a piece of old, blue cloth which he draped over Miss 26. Gloucester, Massachusetts, n.d. �e he had his initial one-man show at the Jallery in 1913, George and his second ved from West 56th Street to a spacious snce in the upper part of Manhattan at Road and Jumel Place, one block east of and 170th Street (Fig. 7). The Luks' hom inute walk in one direction to the drives idson River and in another to High and Washington Bridge spanning the r. Both of these sites figured prominentl k in the second decade of this century, leker's Bedouins preserves one of the fe ;criptions of Luks' Jumel mce: re domestic comfort, a north light, ty of models across the road in the splashed by sunshine or shadowed babies, goats, nurse-girls, park jolicemen, lazy pedestrians, noisy :e little girls with hoops and the e sparrows. Rocks are in abundance, scape "composes" itself. And you urprised, when ushered into the dio on the second floor, to be ed by canvases registering various f the vibrating world hard-by. Since d from down-town the painter is g more of a plein-artiste.64 d studio proved popular with his niece, ed to visit, put Hawaiian records on the and dance around the room to George's le studio he gave lessons to Edward W. young man, an art collector and later Hamilton College. Luks had met him j a portrait of his father, Elihu Root Secretary of State under President osevelt and later one of the American helped to set up the Permanent Court of I Justice at The Hague.65 el studio in 1917 Luks painted the hn E Kraushaar's daughter, Antoinette, ation dress (Cat. no. 14). However, the expanse of the unadorned dress was too artist, so from his studio corner he got a blue cloth which he draped over Miss 26. Gloucester, Massachusetts, n.d. 33 �w. Blue Devils on Fifth Avenue, 1917 Kraushaar and the color of which adds a great deal to the portrait." It was part of Luks' one-man show at the Kraushaar Gallery m 1918, w hich American Art News termed "the strongest and most successful of 'one-man' shows thus far of the season." The portrait was described as a". .. beautiful presentment of a young girl whom one would like know, alive and youthful emotion, yet exhaling a charm of restraint and careful breeding .... It speaks eloquently of developing womanhood, and the presence of a thoughtful, growing mind."*7 A few days after the closing of his one-man show at Kraushaar's, Luks participated in a group exhibit of "indigenous" art at the Whitney Studio (the forerunner of The Whitney Museum) where he had first showed in 1916. The pictures were done on the spot on canvases of various sizes and shapes for which the artists drew lots and then painted all at the same time. The marathon came off astonishingly well and no one disgraced himself.“ By 1918 the United States was deeply involved in World War I in Europe. The war effort at home and abroad provided sources of new iconographical material for Luks and his contemporaries, although their work in this genre constitutes only a small part of their creative output and did not change the direction of American art. Premiere among Luks' work done during World War I is Blue Devils On Fifth Avenue (Cat. no. 15). He personally witnessed the parade of this platoon of French veterans in New York on July 10,1917. They had come over to assist in the Liberty Loan Drive and did much to arouse the American fighting spirit. The Blue Devils are shown passing by the comer of 45th Street and Fifth Avenue about 9 a.m. against the background of Delmonico's Restaurant, the Harriman National Bank and the Jewish synagogue." Unlike many of the ceremonial pieces produced during World War I by Luks' contemporaries, Blue Devils transcends the propagandistic requirements of the moment and the need to spur patriotic sentiment. This was the opinion of Henry McBride who reviewed a show of paintings on war subjects held at the Kraushaar Gallery in June 1918. Most of them had been done for the ill-fated patriotic exhibition planned Duncan thoi reac hop Krai Luk that thro occa time cam "Mi To the the Sen.: the back yearL ut Krau~ha version in back. It Geo L’nc deci Loa in ! tren that repi but timi -err, the > and pres that to tl M Stat Rep state �the Kraushaar Gallery in 1918, which American Art News termed "the strongest and most successful of 'one-man' shows thus far of the season." The portrait was described as a ". . . beautiful presentment of a young girl whom one would like know, alive and youthful emotion, yet exhaling a charm of restraint and careful breeding .... It speaks eloquently of developing womanhood, and the presence of a thoughtful, growing mind.'"'7 A few days after the closing of his one-man show at Kraushaar's, Luks participated in a group exhibit of "indigenous" art at the Whitney Studio (the forerunner of The Whitney Museum) where he had first showed in 1916. The pictures were done on the spot on canvases of various sizes and shapes for which the artists drew lots and then painted all at the same time. The marathon came off astonishingly well and no one disgraced himself."1 By 1918 the United States was deeply involved in World War I in Europe. The war effort at home and abroad provided sources of new iconographical material for Luks and his contemporaries, although their work in this genre constitutes only a small part of their creative output and did not change the direction of American art. Premiere among Luks' work done during World War I is Blue Devils On Fifth Avenue (Cat. no. 15). He personally witnessed the parade of this platoon of French veterans in New York on July 10,1917. They had come over to assist in the Liberty Loan Drive and did much to arouse the American fighting spirit. The Blue Devils are shown passing by the corner of 45th Street and Fifth Avenue about 9 a.m. against the background of Delmonico's Restaurant, the Harriman National Bank and the Jewish synagogue.6’ Unlike many of the ceremonial pieces produced during World War I by Luks' contemporaries, Blue Devils transcends the propagandistic requirements of the moment and the need to spur patriotic sentiment. This was the opinion of Henry McBride who reviewed a show of paintings on war subjects held at the Kraushaar Gallery in June 1918. Most of them had been done for the ill-fated patriotic exhibition Duncan Phillips, but ■ . . which was abandoned when it was thought that the contributions had not reached as high ... a standard as had been hoped for ... . The exception in the present Kraushaar collection is provided by George Luks; [Blue Devils].... The electric feeling that seems to float from the crowd and through the crowd on especially sympathetic occasions seems to have got the artist this time, and the Blue Devils march across his canvas as though to the strains of the "Marseillaise."™ To the same exhibition at Kraushaar's Luks lent In the Service, which depicts a Red Cross nurse against the background of the American flag. The following year Luks' contribution to the Library Loan Show at Kraushaar's was Fight to Bin/, which presented a new version of Uncle Sam with a chinbeard and long hair in back. The New York Herald wrote: It was characteristically courageous of George B. Luks to evolve a new conception of Uncle Sam as one of his contributions in the decoration of Fifth Avenue for the Liberty Loan campaign. This painting, now on exhibition in the window of the Kraushaar Galleries, has evoked extraordinary expressions of opinion from the populace. Some seemed to think that the artist had gone too far in representing the old gentleman in anything but his familiar uniform, especially in war time. Of course, the object of the artist was to remind spectators that there are two sides to the character of this symbolical personage, and that he is very much of a businessman at present, seeing that he has to bestir himself that the supplies of all sorts may be kept up to the mark. Mr. Luks' Uncle Sam might be a United States Senator, a member of House of Representatives or the Governor of a Western state. That he is a person of determination 35 �e negative I uks' friendship B. rk;imn < 1871 log;, the sculptor ■. !'.!■wsulte d in Several other wartime paintings on < i h subjects done on Borglum < st.it . . - , Fail of b>|s 1 it. .. L ■ ; .. . when Luks w tote tie pivf.Hr tothe catalog of Borglum's s. ulptim ■ 1(< ,|umbi,i( n,UI>,t. , Avery I tbrary in 1 ■ biu.it. Nil When < zee husioi is 11 i... ,lln. ..., n.j. p,I)t country in MX tin ( '• hs m Aimmc.ioiganizvd some il.tMHI nil'll I' ■ • o In Ip • f. i.'.i.i ft,.. n, .s rvpubiii Prior to their depart tin th. v were t,m.p. d,,n Borglurn's est.it,• v. In tr I id v. L,. . 1 ,itmg .it the tune rhe colorful I ostume < a Pill-. .t the 1. ■ ruit 111 .pit. d Luks' t ' <■< h" tlm al < /" tin.' f I9|‘i) now in the Nt a ark Museum. At the t amp th- arli.t u,. t l.e utenant Frank Damelovsky, who bad just .iinvr 1 fmrn bit»-n. and win>se firsthand de . ripln.n . <1 < ■-, 1 - in fto ('/is hoslovak ar rm th< i<- hirm h< I Itw lol. f. ,1 tinCz<’< hii .hii'nl, Army Enlenn ■ Vluihin mi, foruwrl', in I he Phillips < oil,., tji >n and noy. in the I os Angeles County Museum Beginning in 1919 ,md < onfinuitig through »Fo• 1920 1 .uks 10p. 1 nd. 1 Ii, ■ r !,./•■ of his ■ ub;, .( nialier beyond urban *•!< :: rork to • .It 1. Ho . Maine and the coal mini rig region of \<>r tin astern Pennsylvania where he h id gio., n up I In ‘. c. a S< otia oils and waters, dor. .-. ere the pmdu, t of the summer of 1919 v. hi: h h' urge spent fishing arid hunting in the <• 1.t"rn < anadian pruvuv v They were exhibited at Kraushaar's in January 19?tar,d drew, much favorable comment, which noted the artist's entry into a new field (Fig 8; ( ritic Frederick fame:, f.regg cautioned viewers against typecasting Luks as a painter of waifs and strays m the slums. Those who were in the habit of harking back to his earlier work and discussing Mr Luks, with a sort of implication that the be st part of his career was safelv behind mm. e it.’ 18. Breaker Boy, 1921 36 F'k *. �must be evident to anybody who brings any psychological gifts to the study of the picture We should hate to have Mr. Luks' subject ask "Have you bought a bond?" and have to answer in the negative.71 Luks' friendship with Gutzon Borglum (1871-1941), the sculptor of Mount Rushmore, resulted in several' other wartime paintings on Czech subjects done on Borglum's estate near Stamford, Connecticut, in the Fall of 1918. Their friendship predated World War I when Luks wrote the preface to the catalog of Borglum's sculpture exhibit at Columbia University's Avery Library in February 1914. When Czechoslovakia became an independent country in 1918 the Czechs in America organized some 3,000 men to go help defend the new republi Prior to their departure they were encamped on Borglum's estate where Luks was visiting at the time. The colorful costume of one of the recruits inspired Luks' Czechoslovak Chieftan (1919) now in the Newark Museum. At the camp the artist met Lieutenant Frank Danielovsky, who had just arrived from Siberia and whose firsthand descriptions of service in the Czechoslovak army there furnished the basis for the Czechoslovak Army Entering Vladivostok, formerly in The Phillips Collection and now in the Los Angeles County Museum. Beginning in 1919 and continuing through the early 1920's Luks expanded the range of his subject matter beyond urban New York to Nova Scotia, Boston, Maine and the coal mining region of Northeastern Pennsylvania where he had grown up. The Nova Scotia oils and watercolors were the product of the summer of 1919 which George spent fishing and hunting in the eastern Canadian province. They were exhibited at Kraushaar's in January 1920 and drew much favorable comment, which noted the artist's entry into a new field (Fig. 8). Critic Frederick James Gregg cautioned viewers against typecasting Luks as a painter of waifs and strays in the slums. Those who were in the habit of harking back to his earlier work and discussing Mr. Luks, with a sort of implication that the best part of his career was safely behind him, will Fig. 8. George Luks in Nova Scotia, 1919. Courtesy, Kraushaar Gallery. 37 �find it necessary to recimsid.-i that conclusion. It is now dem.-ns'rat.-dbevi.nd all shadow ot doubt that he has plenty ot surprises up his sleev e for the future and before the time when he joins the ranks of American "old masters " In 1922 Luks became quite ill and had to spend some time in a sanitarium To seek relief from his illness and from the domestic problems that ended his second marriage, Luks also lived and painted in Boston in 1922 and 1923 as the guest of Mr. and Mr-. Q. A. Shaw McKean * Mrs McKean was Margaret Sargent. Luks' patron and a sculptor in her own right. She had studied sculptor with Gutzon Borglum and drawing with I uks of whom she did a bronze bust that was exhibited at the Philadelphia Academy in 1918 and later acquired by the Art Institute of Chicago.' Luks pioduced some half dozen canvases of Boston cityscapes whose titles indicate where he painted: Bullfinch - Beacon Htll. Mount Vemiai Street and Cornmotnvealth Avenue.' In connection with his Boston visit Luks ventured up to the Maine seacoast in 1922 to paint at Pond Cove on C ape Elizabeth He had learned of the area three years earlier when he tool, the ferry from nearby Portland to Nova Scotia Through hiswork at Pond (love Luks joined artists and writers like Winslow I lomer, Robert Henri and Frederick Waugh, who since the turn of the century had been discovering and appreciating the wonderful scenery of Maine. While based at a little old farmhouse in Pond Cove, Luks was interviewed bv Emma W. Moseley for the Portland newspaper She descnbed him as "the only one of his kind and it is safe to say that there will be no infringement of the copyright" In addition to his epigram-laden conversation, Luks also expressed hi­ delight with the new material the Maine seacoast and its inhabitants provided him Talk about the chalk cliffs at Cornish, talk about the "wonderful scenery " anywhere in Europe, Maine has is it over them Here you have that wonderful gray that is found onlyin such a climate as that of Maine and > -ur rocks and shores are so rugged and bold that 30. Hannaford's Cove, n.d. 38 �find it necessary to reconsider that conclusion. It is now demonstrated beyond all shadow of doubt that he has plenty of surprises up his sleeve for the future and before the time when he joins the ranks of American "old masters."77 In 1922 Luks became quite ill and had to spend some time in a sanitarium. To seek relief from his illness and from the domestic problems that ended his second marriage, Luks also lived and painted in Boston in 1922 and 1923 as the guest of Mr. and Mrs. Q. A. Shaw McKean.74 Mrs. McKean was Margaret Sargent, Luks' patron and a sculptor in her own right. She had studied sculptor with Gutzon Borglum and drawing with Luks of whom she did a bronze bust that was exhibited at the Philadelphia Academy in 1918 and later acquired by the Art Institute of Chicago.75 Luks produced some half dozen canvases of Boston cityscapes -whose titles indicate where he painted: Bullfinch Houses — Beacon Hill, Mount Vernon Street and Commonwealth Avenue.76 In connection with his Boston visit Luks ventured up to the Maine seacoast in 1922 to paint at Pond Cove on Cape Elizabeth. He had learned of the area three years earlier when he took the ferry from nearby Portland to Nova Scotia. Through his work at Pond Cove Luks joined artists and writers like Winslow Homer, Robert Henri and Frederick Waugh, who since the turn of the century' had been discovering and appreciating the wonderful scenery of Maine. While based at a little old farmhouse in Pond Cove, Luks was interviewed by' Emma W. Moseley for the Portland newspaper. She described him as "the only one of his kind and it is safe to say that there will be no infringement of the copyright." In addition to his epigram-laden conversation, Luks also expressed his delight with the new material the Maine seacoast and its inhabitants provided him: Talk about the chalk cliffs at Cornish, talk about the "v.'onderful scenery" anywhere in Europe, Maine has is it over them. Here you have that wonderful gray that is found only in such a climate as that of Maine and your rocks and shores are so rugged and bold that they make other rocks and shores seem pretty and puny in comparison; and your characters, there are real American types here — types that you find nowhere else ... I intend to paint them in all their strength and ruggedness and I shall be happy as a king for I shall find plenty of material here with which I can work.77 In October 1922 Luks showed the results of his Maine sojourn at the Kraushaar Gallery. Like his previous Nova Scotia exhibit, this one revealed his ever-varying search for material. The Christian Science Monitor wrote that: Mr. Luks, like other artists, has marveled at the conflict of the giant ledges valiantly withstanding the onslaughts of the sea, but he has, unlike the majority of his confreres, transferred to his canvases the sense of the contrasting forces and the grandeur of these Titans. Sometimes he has set his easel along the quiet shore of some cove or inlet and has transcribed, with a weather eye for color effect, some incident in the fisherman's life, as the beautiful, pale vermillion dory being dragged ashore or the burnt-sienna seaweed clinging to the exposed rocks.78 To mark a decade of Luks' association with the Kraushaar Gallery, he was given a retrospective there in January 1923 which included thirty-nine works and comprised loans from a number of private collections. In his introduction to the catalog Guy Pene du Bois noted that Luks' gusto is not. .. merely a matter of mannerism. His sledge hammer drives spikes that could be driven with no other implement. His style is an invention of necessity. The man is ... a dynamo .... And his art which appears to be an essentially masculine or manly affair has all the instinctive force of a feminine guess. The man will paint the decadent viciousness of a character like the Duchess and the virtue of a blonde girl with equal understanding .... He records the pathos as well as the joy in 39 I i �He will will force force me the eviuc.evidence v. of children .... He reality until it is impossible for those of dulle reactions to miss it.” Town and Country felt that Luks' retrospective at Kraushaar's confirmed his place in American ar history: Mr. Luks' exhibition seems a record ot Mr. Luks' enjoyment of himself. Which is merely to say that he is a man well fitted for his job. Although he is notoriously self-appreciative, it is this confidence in himself which enables him to produce a work of such sheer strength as The Wrestlers, and one of such technical affection as Lollypops. It is confidence founded on experience and much hard work. The man who can range from the monasterial attitude of The Old Dominican to the ornamental bravura of the Czechoslovak Chieftan and at the same time produce such pieces of precious painting as is found in The Little Madonna, the Boy with the Guitar [a portrait of Will and Dan Luks] and The Spielers has a right to some conviction as to his rightful place in our serious art history.“ Luks' last year with the Kraushaar Gallery was 1924. It was marked by a one-man show of twelve pieces in which the artist expressed a preference for "crabbed age and youth." The New York American opined that: Perhaps Luks likes youth and age because they seem to be what they actually are. In middle age we wear masks, but the child has nothing to conceal, and the old man cannot conceal if he would, for what he is has become written indelibly on his countenance.81 In 1925 Luks began an affiliation with the Frank K M. Rehn Gallery in New York that lasted until the artist's death eight years later. Luks' first show there comprised work he had done that same year in the anthracite coal region of Pennsylvania — one of several forays he made in the 1920's back to his childhood haunts.62 In the summer of 1925 Luks set up a temporary studio for two months in Pottsville 40 where as a boy he had worked as a drugstore clerk He produced some thirty oils, watercolors and numerous drawings which were first displayed at th Pottsville Public Library to which he donated a C notable series of drawings before the exhibit moved that November to the Rehn Gallery in New York (Cat nos. 49, 50). Luks' work presented a slice of life unfamiliar to many New York gallery goers. He considered that region of Pennsylvania to be the West of the East” with all the picturesqueness of frontier life or of the Gold Coast of the "Forty-Niners." His Breaker Boy (Cat. no. 18), included in the 1925 show, constitutes the painterly equivalent of Lewis L. Hines' photographic studies of the Pennsylvania mining region, which also date from the early 1920's. Luks culminated his work on coal mining subjects in 1927 with a large mural commissioned by Henrv Sheafer and presented as a gift to the Necho Allen Hotel in Pottsville, Pennsylvania. It hung for many­ years in the hotel's lounge until it was restored some ten years ago and transferred to the Pottsville Bank and Trust Company where it can be seen today. Consisting of a large central_panel flanked by two smaller ones, the mural depicts an eighteenth­ century lumberman, Necho Allen, who is said to have discovered coal in the anthracite region, and later-day miners going to and from work — all against the rich and luminous autumnal colors characteristic of the countryside.83 In addition to seeking new subjects in Nova Scotia Massachusetts, Maine and Pennsylvania in the 1920's, Luks also purchased a farm in the Berkshires at Old Chatham, New York. It was beautifully situated at Irish Hill on some twenty-six orchard-studded acres. Since Luks spent summers painting in the vicinity, he purchased a Ford station wagon and learned how to drive, as he proudlyrelated in a letter to his nephew, Kraemer. Two of that artist's neighbors at Old Chatham appeared in his paintings exhibited at the Twenty-Ninth Carnegie International in Pittsburgh in 1930 where they caused some excited comment. of them, Mrs. Gamely, was 110 when the artist painted her simply dressed, cradling a white �s a boy he had worked as a drugstore clerk luced some thirty oils, watercolors and us drawings which were first displayed at the e Public Library to which he donated a series of drawings before the exhibit moved /ember to the Rehn Gallery in New York (Cat 50). work presented a slice of life unfamiliar to ew York gallery goers. He considered that f Pennsylvania to be the "West of the East," the picturesqueness of frontier life or of the >ast of the "Forty-Niners." His Breaker Boy . 18), included in the 1925 show, constitutes terly equivalent of Lewis L. Hines' aphic studies of the Pennsylvania mining which also date from the early 1920's. Eliminated his work on coal mining subjects vith a large mural commissioned by Henry and presented as a gift to the Necho Allen Pottsville, Pennsylvania. It hung for many the hotel's lounge until it was restored some s ago and transferred to the Pottsville Bank ;t Company where it can be seen today, ng of a large centraLpanel flanked by two anes, the mural depicts an eighteenth­ lumberman, Necho Allen, who is said to covered coal in the anthracite region, and f miners going to and from work — all against and luminous autumnal colors characteristic luntryside.83 ition to seeking new subjects in Nova Scotia, lusetts, Maine and Pennsylvania in the .uks also purchased a farm in the Berkshires hatham, New York. It was beautifully at Irish Hill on some twenty-six ■studded acres. Since Luks spent summers ; in the vicinity, he purchased a Ford station nd learned how to drive, as he proudly n a letter to his nephew, Kraemer. f that artist's neighbors at Old Chatham d m his paintings exhibited at the Ninth Carnegie International in Pittsburgh in ere they caused some excited comment. One Mrs. Gamely, was 110 when the artist her simply dressed, cradling a white 29. Boy with Bugle, n.d. �I 1 Cockerell in her arms. Luks' other subject was Ann Pratt of Malden Bridge (Cat. no. 23), New York, an antique dealer, whom Luks described in a letter to his former student, Edward W. Root, as a great character ... a good, old fashioned New England type and collector of early 'Americana.'"81 From Ann Pratt Luks bought a large number of early American antiques before they were deemed fashionable, as well as Oriental block prints and temple jars. However, if visitors to George's New York studio expressed admiration for a particular antique, he was not above giving it to them because it saved him eventual warehouse costs. By the mid-1920's Luks was divorced from his second wife, who later became Mrs. W. V. Frankenberg and who — much to his dismay — got a number of his works in the settlement. He necessarily gave up his spacious Jumel studio-residence and moved back to midtown Manhattan. In 1927 he married Mercedes Carbonell, a handsome and intelligent Cuban girl almost forty years his junior, whom he inexplicably ignored in his last will, as did his only son, Kent. Beginning in 1920 Luks taught at the Art Students League in New York, but his classroom antics and ribald language in critiquing students' work resulted in his separation from the League four years later. Reaching back into his own artistic experiences, Luks advised his students to "Get away from copying, or, like a liar and a thief, you will be found out. Surround yourself with life, fight and revel, and learn the significance of toil. There is a beauty in a hovel or a grog shop. A child of slums will make a better painting than a drawingroom lady gone over by a beauty shop."85 In the same vein Luks felt that: If painters don't study the period they live in how will they ever show people a thousand years from now that we were people who really did things, too? .... It's up to us to show them and so we can't be too painstaking in observation .... They don't study life, some of these young fellows nowadays, they don t know what people look like. They just know their wives and the 42 Fig. 9. Photography of George Luks with his famous pince-nez. c. 1920s. Courtesy, LFC. elevator boy by sight and that's about all. They need to get out and get kicked round a bit. They need less "sophistication" and more observation of the world around them 86 After leaving the Art Student League Luks started his own school, which was located on the top floor o a dilapidated budding at 7 East 22nd Street in Nei?w York. According to an extant prospectus: The George Luks School of Painting was founded ... in response to the spontaneous demand for a virile school of Living American Art. With the present trend in art to modem forms, more serious artists and students feel a need for a center . .. [of] frank discussion of the view point and philosophy of our present day .... It is George Luks' policy to develop the individuality of the student and to give him a sound knowledge of the craft of painting, building up each student with sympathetic and wise counsel so that they see and think for themselves?7 Hastily daubed signs on cardboard pointed the w. up the dark stairs to the Luks School where the arti< taught in an informal French manner with little attempt to regulate classes, models or working hour "This pays for all my living expenses," Luks said, "and so I don't have to give a damn if my paintings sell or not."88 Colorfully attired and wearing pince-n glasses with a black ribbon, Luks strode among his students "emanating life, personality, vigor and confidence." (Fig. 9) According to Everett Shinn, "Here, in his classroom, there was offered the two opportunities that interested him most: to paint and to have an audience."*' At the end of the school year Luks arranged a shoi of his students' best work in a New York gallery. At the Anderson Galleries in May 1Q26 he anonymousl exhibited as a practical joke his own unsigned work labeled, Still Life by Crow.*’ Somewhat against his inclination, George's brother, Will, was persuaded t< view the exhibit where he purchased the still life for $15.00, although he could not find a signature on it nor could anyone in the gallery tell him the artist's name. Later on George told his brother that he had painted it and signed it for him. '• The same opinionated exuberance Luks displayed at his school continued unabated in the last years ot his life. In 1932 he won the first William A Clark Prize and Corcoran Gold Medal at the Thirteenth Exhibition of Contemporary Amencan Oil Paintings �her subject was Ann i ?3) New York, an scribed in a letter to his iot, as a "great jned New Englan ericana.’"M From Ann ber of early American ned fashionable, as id temple jars, s New York studio ticular antique, he was ause it saved him livorced from his Mrs. W. V. to his dismay-got a lement. He necessarily iio-residence and attan. In 1927 he handsome and rty years his junior, in his last will, as did it at the Art Students ssroom antics and ■dents' work resulted re four years later. Stic experiences, Luks ay from copying, or, ! found out. Surround il, and learn the auty in a hovel or a make a better dy gone overbya Fig. 9. period they live >eople a at we were i, too?.... It's owe can't be too • ■ • They don't mg fellows what people -ir wives and the Photography of George Luks with his famous pmce-n c. 1920s. Courtesy, LFC. elevator boy by sight and that's about all. They need to get out and get kicked round a bit. They need less "sophistication" and more observation of the world around them After leaving the Art Student League Luks started his own school, which was located on the top floor o dilapidated building at 7 East 22nd Street in N<lew York. According to an extant prospectus: The George Luks School of Painting was founded ... in response to the spontaneous demand for a virile school of Living American Art. With the present trend in art to modern forms, more serious artists and students feel a need for a center ... [of] frank discussion of the view point and philosophy of our present day.... It is George Luks' policy to develop the individuality of the student and to give him a sound knowledge of the craft of painting, building up each student with sympathetic and wise counsel so that they see and think for themselves.87 Hastily daubed signs on cardboard pointed the way up the dark stairs to the Luks School where the artist taught in an informal French manner with little attempt to regulate classes, models or working hours. "This pays for all my living expenses," Luks said, "and so I don't have to give a damn if my paintings sell or not."88 Colorfully attired and wearing pince-nez glasses with a black ribbon, Luks strode among his students "emanating life, personality, vigor and confidence." (Fig. 9) According to Everett Shinn, "Here, in his classroom, there was offered the two opportunities that interested him most: to paint and to have an audience."8’ At the end of the school year Luks arranged a show of his students' best work in a New York gallery. At the Anderson Galleries in May 1926 he anonymously exhibited as a practical joke his own unsigned work labeled, Still Life by Crow* Somewhat against his inclination, George's brother, Will, was persuaded to view the exhibit where he purchased the still life for $15.00, although he could not find a signature on it nor could anyone in the gallery tell him the artist's name. Later on George told his brother that he had painted it and signed it for him.” The same opinionated exuberance Luks displayed at his school continued unabated in the last years of his life. In 1932 he won the first William A. Clark Prize and Corcoran Gold Medal at the Thirteenth Exhibition of Contemporary American Oil Paintings in Washington, D.C., for his Woman with Black Cat. It harkens back to the canvases he had done in the early 1900's and depicts an old beggar woman whom he saw on the street in New York and asked to pose for him.” The Corcoran Gold Medal, the last in a long line of honors he received for his art, induced Luks to say, "I've [got] more medals than a swivel-chair Major General." All of them were awarded in this country, for he received none from abroad and was not represented in any European museum or gallery in his lifetime. This was most appropriate for an unflagging champion of American art who wished that ... every American who cares for art would fill his house with American paintings, if for nothing else to show the foreign visitor what we can do instead of boring him with the fourth rate examples of the contemporary art of his own country, as we so often do ... . No country was a success without art. That is one thing we must never forget.” While Luks' work was on display at the Corcoran Gallery in Washington, D.C., he presented an expose of art on December 21,1932, at the Artists Cooperative Market at 16 East 34th Street in New York. Although Luks had been widely advertised to paint a demonstration portrait of ballerina Doris Humphries for charity and give a lecture on "What About American Art?", Luks elected to do neither. Instead, as the Herald Tribune wrote, he "took his colleagues and their profession by the horns and shook them before a horrified audience of 500 guests with the gusto and delight of a child tearing apart his mother's most favored tapestry." Before the evening was over Luks succeeded in driving most of the audience from the hall. Luks refused to don the painter's smock offered him by Milton Gray, secretary of the Market, and plainly advised Miss Humphries to stay off the model's stand. Upon taking the platform, the artist said: I'm George Luks, and I’m a rare bird. You people stick with me and you'll have a good time .... 43 �Emil Siebem, a Greenwich Village sculptor, made a death mask of Luks prior to the simple service held for the artist at 6 p.m. on October 31 at Campbell's Funeral Church at Broadway and 66th Street in New York.’5 More than 300 attended, including fellow artists John Sloan, Ernest Lawson, William Glackens and Everett Shinn of The Eight, Jonas Lie, Leon Dabo and Jerome Myers, dealers John F. and Antoinette Kraushaar, Benjamin DeCasseres and Gene Tunney, as well as collectors, friends and a number of Luks'" former students. At the head of the flower-banked coffin Right Rev. William A. Nicholas, titular Bishop of Washington for the Holy Orthodox Church, read the brief service after which Luks' body was interred the following day in the family plot at Royersford, Pennsylvania. Luks "was buried in an embroidered artist seized him and said, eighteenth-century waistcoat which had been his You can't talk to me like that. .. I'm old pride and joy, and with him went from American art enough to be your father, but I'll lay you cold a certain quality which has not yet returned."* if you don't apologize .... You're not talking Some of Luks' last works — a series of twelve black to George Luks now, you're talking to and white oil sketches called Scenes ofRevelry in Old "Chicago Whitey," the best amateur boxer New York — were reproduced in the January 1934 and barroom fighter in America .... Don't issue of Vanity Fair. They depict some of Manhattan's make any mistake about that. I've lived and old drinking places and document the role played by I'm living. You and the rest of these the saloon in American life at the turn of the century. hypocrites are only w'aiting to die. Stay here Luks' "blithesome and boisterious sketches," which and I'll show you something. If you don't bear such colorful titles as Paddy the Pig's, Siesta Time like my talk get out, and the sooner the more in the Tub of Blood, and High-Tide in Luchow's, were of you that go the better. made as illustrations for Benjamin DeCasseres' book, When most of the scandalized audience had left O Keg, America! It contains tales of the saloons "when Luks painted a "skillful little sketch" for the benefit of Bucchus, Gambrinus and John Barleycorn walked a few adoring disciples and then sat down to chat New- York, lifesized and unshackled."" with them and to laugh at the scene he had created.” The essence of George Luks was perhaps best Luks' abruptness and plain speaking resulted in his death less than a year later in New York. Although captured by Benjamin DeCasseres in a piece, Fantasia De Luks," based on his last visit to the some newspapers romantically reported that he had artist's studio a few weeks before his death.'* suffered a heart attack during an early morning walk on October 29,1933, to observe the dawn on the Sixth He was "Lusty Luks." He was thews and Avenue El for a picture he planned to paint, Luks sinew, mentally, artistically and physically. actually died of injuries sustained in a speakeasy He was bawling, robustious, pithv, gritty. His fight. Patrolman John Ginty found him in a doonvay language smoked and crackled with all the at 1322 Sixth Avenue near 52nd Street. He was 'v ords you will find in Rabelais plus some of identified through letters found on his person and J, e most curious and exotic combinations of later verified by his attorney, Harrison Tweed Luks he lewd and blasphemous that it has ever was clad in his favorite gray suit with a short blue been my pleasure to hear. . . . overcoat, while slightly askew on his head was a large sombrero-like black fedora. I'm here in the interest of a movement that wants to introduce art to the American public .... This country has been imposed upon by French superior salesmanship. It is the victim of cheap little lawyers who become diplomats, and financiers who let their wives buy' pictures from dealers who perfume them w'ith bombast and saddle them with trash. I'm here to tell you that it's time America woke up to the realization that it is the greatest country in common sense and the least in appreciation of its own strength. When the audience refused to listen to Luks and a large-sized man called him a fakir and a braggart, the 44 He invented the most fantastic yams ... You believed him at fust and then disbelieved him; and found that he was most fascinating and companionable when you disbelieved him . . . • Luks was not a liar, he was a dramatic comedian who acted everywhere in his own interminable twenty-minute plays Each one of us is an approximation to his other self, his idea-self, his bovaryzed self. Not so with Luks. He was not split into object and subject. He was Absolute Luks. He was Luks precisely as Luks wanted to be now and in any questionable eternity of time. So he believed, so he acted in life .... Stanley L. Cuba Notes 1 Duncan Phillips, George Luks, in ex. cat.. Exhibition jfpaintin: s George Luks, November 2-29, [1926], Phillip.-. Memorial Gallery Washington, D.C. 2 James Huneker, Bedouins (Nev. York: Charles Scribner's Sons. lq20), p. W8. 3 Photocopy of birth certificate from the Lutheran Church. Williamsport, PA, courtesy Andrew KingGrugan Curator of the John Sloan Memorial Collection, Lock Haven, PA fcri* me unknown reason Luk s later changed the year of his birth to 18b?, the one generally cited in published sources about him �il Siebern, a Greenwich Village sculptor, made a ! mask of Luks prior to the simple service held e artist at 6 p.m- on October 31 at Campbell's •al Church at Broadway and 66th Street in New » More than 300 attended, including fellow : John Sloan, Ernest Lawson, William Glackens verett Shinn of The Eight, Jonas Lie, Leon Dabo srome Myers, dealers John F. and Antoinette ;haar, Benjamin DeCasseres and Gene Tunney, 11 as collectors, friends and a number of Luks' ,r students. At the head of the flower-banked Right Rev. William A. Nicholas, titular Bishop shington for the Holy Orthodox Church, read ief service after which Luks' body was interred Rowing day in the family plot at Royersford, jylvania. Luks "was buried in an embroidered ;enth-century waistcoat which had been his and joy, and with him went from American art ain quality which has not yet returned."96 ne of Luks' last works — a series of twelve black ,'hite oil sketches called Scenes of Revelry in Old 'ork—were reproduced in the January 1934 of Vanity Fair. They depict some of Manhattan's inking places and document the role played by loon in American life at the turn of the century, "blithesome and boisterious sketches," which ,uch colorful titles as Paddy the Pig's, Siesta Time Tub ofBlood, and High-Tide in Luchow's, were as illustrations for Benjamin DeCasseres' book, , America! It contains tales of the saloons "when ins, Gambrinus and John Barleycorn walked fork, lifesized and unshackled."97 essence of George Luks was perhaps best red by Benjamin DeCasseres in a piece, asia De Luks," based on his last visit to the s studio a few weeks before his death.99 He was "Lusty Luks." He was thews and new, mentally, artistically and physically, e was bawling, robustious, pithy, gritty. His nguage smoked and crackled with all the ords you will find in Rabelais plus some of e most curious and exotic combinations of e lewd and blasphemous that it has ever ‘en my pleasure to hear .... He invented the most fantastic yarns .... You believed him at first and then disbelieved him; and found that he was most fascinating and companionable when you disbelieved him .. .. Luks was not a liar; he was a dramatic comedian who acted everywhere in his own interminable twenty-minute plays Each one of us is an approximation to his other self, his idea-self, his bovaryzed self. Not so with Luks. He was not split into object and subject. He was Absolute Luks. He was Luks precisely as Luks wanted to be now and in any questionable eternity of time. So he believed, so he acted in life ... . Stanley L. Cuba I Notes 1 Duncan Phillips, George Luks, in ex. cat., Exhibition of Paintings of George Luks, November 2-29, [1926], Phillips Memorial Gallery, Washington, D.C. 2 James Huneker, Bedouins (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1920), p. 108. 3 Photocopy of birth certificate from the Lutheran Church, Williamsport, PA, courtesy Andrew King Grugan, Curator of the John Sloan Memorial Collection, Lock Haven, PA. For some unknown reason Luks later changed the year of his birth to 1867, the one generally cited in published sources about him. 4 Luks family opinions differ regarding Emil's European origins. Some recall that he was from Konigsberg (now Kaliningrad, USSR), which would account for Lithuanian being one of the languages he spoke. Others in the family maintain the Emil hailed from Gdansk. Per Arthur Lewis, a writer doing research on Luks, Emil's U.S. naturalization papers dated 1892 list Poland" as country of origin. This indicates Emil's ethnic identification, since between 1795 and 1919 the Polish state officially did not exist but was partitioned among Russia, Prussia and Austria. 5 Information courtesy Andrew K. Grugan. Nearby Lock Haven, PA is the birth place of John Sloan whose friendship with Luks began in the early 1890's when both worked as newspaper artists in Philadelphia and lasted until Luks' death in 1933. 6 Quoted in Robert B. Koslosky, "George Benjamin Luks, 1866-1933: 'The Painter of the Anthracite Region'," October 20, 1979, p. 2. At Shenandoah in 1876 George's father purchased a burial plot at the Odd Fellows' Cemetary (Cemetary Deed, Luks Family Collections; hereinafter cited as LFC.) Most of the Luks family is buried at Royerford, PA. 7Ibid„ p. 3. 8 Philip A. Cumin, "A Luks Reminiscence," New York Times, November 12,1933. 9 Information provided by Cheryl Leibold, Archivist, The Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts. 10 Cf. In Vol. I, #17, April 10, 1899, p. 7, Luks' vignette of two clowns for "Last Week at the Theatres." George's brother, Will, continued to perform in other vaudeville troupes as evidenced by a program (LFC) for the City Opera House in Watertown, NY, December3,1892, announcing his appearance on December 8 with Hamilton's Comedians in "Ermine or the Two Thieves." 11 Although various sources note that he was in Europe for a continuous ten year period, evidence indicates that these European trips lasted a year or two at most. 12 Entry 39, Student Record Book 1888/1889, Staatliche Kunstakademie, Hochscule fur Bildende Kunste, Dusseldorf; courtesy, Ingrid Kessel, Librarian, October 30,1985. According to Arthur Strawn, op. cit., Luks stayed in Dusseldorf with a distant relative, a "retired lion-tamer." This may have been his maternal uncle, Eugene Leonhard, who according to his letter to his sister, Bertha, had been employed at the Royal Court Theater in Munich. 13 New York Herald Tribune, October 30,1933. Lowenstein is Henrich Lauenstein and Jensen is Joseph Jansen (1829-1905), a landscape painter: Gambrinus may be Giovacchino Gamberini (1859?). 14 New York Times, October 30,1933. 15 Acc. 1976. 33.5 reproduced as 950 in Linda Crocker Simmons, et. al., American Drawings, Watercolors, Pastels and Collages in the Collection of the Corcoran Gallery of Art, p. 142. 16 Letter postmarked July 19,1894, to John Sloan at 806 Walnut Street, Philadelphia; courtesy, John Sloan Archives, Delaware Art Museum, Wilmington. 45 �„ •! Qipbern, a Greenwich Village sculptor, made a Emu bie . t the Simpie service held deVh X al 6Oclob" 31 at Ca"'Pb'»'> <“'SChurch at Broadway and 66th Street in New 3S£p®”j^2°„tol“lhel’'j’es „* tombast;andAmcrica I"iSp’w tbc “al^X‘“n« the artist seized him and said, rmold you can't talk to me hke tha .1 enough to be your father, bu^ y y JEJuA yon-re t^S >° "Chicago Whitey," the best amateur boxer as well as coUecto, flower.banked forrrXUH Rev William A. Nicholas, titular Bishop a few adoring disciples and then sat down to chat with them and to laugh at the scene he had seated Luks' abruptness and plain speaking resulted in his death less than a year later in New York, Although some newspapers romantically reported that he had suffered a heart attack during an early morning walk on October 29,1933, to observe the dawn on the bixth Avenue El for a picture he planned to paint, Luks actually died of injuries sustained in a speakeasy fight. Patrolman John Ginty found him in a doorway at 1322 Sixth Avenue near 52nd Street. He was identified through letters found on his person and later verified by his attorney, Harrison Tweed. Luks was clad in his favorite gray suit with a short blue overcoat, while slightly askew on his head was a large sombrero-like black fedora. 44 Each one of us is an approximation to his other self, his idea-self, his bovaryzed self. Not so with Luks. He was not split into object and subject. He was Absolute Luks. He was Luks precisely as Luks wanted to be now and in any questionable eternity of time. So he believed, so he acted in life .... Stanley L. Cuba baa bo. y« returned- SeYofThetdeplS sole of lAtonm'r Siun A°rS™ of vou that go the better. He invented the most fantastic yams .... You believed him at first and then disbelieved him; and found that he was most fascinating and companionable when you disbelieved him . . . . Luks was not a liar; he was a dramatic comedian who acted everywhere in his own interminable twenty-minute plays lorn rf the ce’nUny in the Tub of Blood, and High-Tide tn Luchow s, were made as illustrations for Benjamin^eCasseres book O'Keg, America! It contains tales of the saloons whe Bucchus, Gambrinus and John Barleycorn walked New York, lifesized and unshackled. The essence of George Luks was perhaps be Notes artist’s studio a few weeks before his death. He was "Lusty Luks." He was thews and sinew, mentally, artistically and physic y He was bawling, robustious, pithy, grit Ylanguage smoked and crackled with all tne words you will find in Rabelais plus some or the most curious and exotic combinations o the lewd and blasphemous that it has ex er been my pleasure to hear .... Washington. D.C. 2 lames Huneker. BedtHiifis (New Wk: Charles Scnbners bon. 1920). p. 108. 3 Photocopy of birth certificate from the I utheran l Burch- „ Williamsport, PA. courtesy Andrew King;GruganA ata., ■ ■ the John Sloan Memorial Collection Lock Hax en_P£R"t unknown reason Luks later changed the war o ’ 1867. the one generally cited in published sources ate 4 Luks' family Some recall th^H LSSR), which^H languages he hailed trom on Luks, ''Poland" asc-^H identification officially did r^H Prussia and A^H 5 Information c^H PA is the birth^B began in the e^B artists in Phil^H 6 Quoted in Rq^B 1S66-1933: Til 1979. p. 2. AtH bunal plot at ^B Family GiftecJiH family is buri^B 7IhJ..p. 3 8 Philip A. CurH November IZH 9 Information Pennsylvania" 10 Ct In Vol I. B clow ns for' ifl continued to H by a program" December 3. B with HamutcB 11 .Although \aB continuous tB European triB 12 Ewfry 39. SteB Hixh.xT*«V n-rl Librarian, O<1 at.. Luks st al lion-tamer.’ 1 Leonhard wl been employ I 13 N ra'^’x He J Hennch Laul landscape p J ,1859’L I 1? Acc 197b 31 lo Letter po<tiri Street PhiiaJ .Art Museum �hat blic rby :tim ives iem and a art, the old png 't id >re >re left ?nefit of hat ;ated.M id in his mgh lehad g walk ie Sixth uks sy orway and Luks lue sa EmH Siebern, a Greenwich Village sculptor, made a death mask of Luks prior to the simple service held for the artist at 6 p.m. on October 31 at Campbell's Funeral Church at Broadway and 66th Street in New York 95 More than 300 attended, including fellow artists John Sloan, Ernest Lawson, William Glackens and Everett Shinn of The Eight, Jonas Lie, Leon Dabo and Jerome Myers, dealers John F. and Antoinette Kraushaar, Benjamin DeCasseres and Gene Tunnev as well as collectors, friends and a number of Luks' former students. At the head of the flower-banked coffin Right Rev. William A. Nicholas, titular Bishop of Washington for the Holy Orthodox Church, read the brief service after which Luks' body was interred the following day in the family plot at Royersford, Pennsylvania. Luks "was buried in an embroidered eighteenth-century waistcoat which had been his pride and joy, and with him went from American art a certain quality which has not yet returned."96 Some of Luks' last works — a series of twelve black and white oil sketches called Scenes of Revelry in Old New York — were reproduced in the January 1934 issue of Vanity Fair. They depict some of Manhattan's old drinking places and document the role played by the saloon in American life at the turn of the century. Luks' "blithesome and boisterious sketches," which bear such colorful titles as Paddy the Pig's, Siesta Time in the Tub of Blood, and High-Tide in Luchow's, were made as illustrations for Benjamin DeCasseres' book, O'Keg, America! It contains tales of the saloons "when Bucchus, Gambrinus and John Barleycorn walked New York, lifesized and unshackled."97 The essence of George Luks was perhaps best captured by Benjamin DeCasseres in a piece, "Fantasia De Luks," based on his last visit to the artist's studio a few weeks before his death.93 He was "Lusty Luks." He was thews and sinew, mentally, artistically and physically. He was bawling, robustious, pithy, gritty. His language smoked and crackled with all the words you will find in Rabelais plus some of the most curious and exotic combinations of the lewd and blasphemous that it has ever been my pleasure to hear .... I He invented the most fantastic yarns .... You believed him at first and then disbelieved him; and found that he was most fascinating and companionable when you disbelieved him . . • • Luks was not a liar; he was a dramatic comedian who acted everywhere in his own interminable twenty-minute plays Each one of us is an approximation to his other self, his idea-self, his bovaryzed self. Not so with Luks. He was not split into object and subject. He was Absolute Luks. He was Luks precisely as Luks wanted to be now and in any questionable eternity of time. So he believed, so he acted in life .... Stanley L. Cuba Notes 1 Duncan Phillips, George Luks, in ex. cat., Exhibition of Paintings of George Luks, November 2-29, [1926], Phillips Memorial Gallery, Washington, D.C. 2 James Huneker, Bedouins (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1920), p. 108. 3 Photocopy of birth certificate from the Lutheran Church, Williamsport, PA, courtesy Andrew King Grugan, Curator of the John Sloan Memorial Collection, Lock Haven, PA. For some unknown reason Luks later changed the year of his birth to 1867, the one generally cited in published sources about him. 4 Luks family opinions differ regarding Emil's European origins. Some recall that he was from Konigsberg (now Kaliningrad. USSR), which would account for Lithuanian being one of the languages he spoke. Others in the family maintain the Emil hailed from Gdansk. Per Arthur Lewis, a writer doing research on Luks, Emil's U.S. naturalization papers dated 1892 list Poland" as country of origin. This indicates Emil's ethnic identification, since between 1795 and 1919 the Polish state officially did not exist but was partitioned among Russia, Prussia and Austria. 5 Information courtesy Andrew K. Grugan. Nearby Lock Haven, PA is the birth place of John Sloan whose friendship with Luks began in the early 1890's when both worked as newspaper artists in Philadelphia and lasted until Luks' death in 1933. 6 Quoted in Robert B. Koslosky, "George Benjamin Luks, 1866-1933: 'The Painter of the Anthracite Region'," October 20, 1979, p. 2, At Shenandoah in 1876 George's father purchased a burial plot at the Odd Fellows' Cemetary (Cemetary Deed, Luks Family Collections; hereinafter cited as LFC.) Most of the Luks family is buried at Royerford, PA. 7Ibid., p. 3. 8 Philip A. Cumin, "A Luks Reminiscence," New York Times, November 12, 1933. 9 Information provided by Cheryl Leibold, Archivist, The Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts. 10 Cf. In Vol. I, #17, April 10,1899, p, 7, Luks' vignette of two clowns for "Last Week at the Theatres." George's brother, Will, continued to perform in other vaudeville troupes as evidenced by a program (LFC) for the City Opera House in Watertown, NY, December 3, 1892, announcing his appearance on December 8 with Hamilton's Comedians in "Ermine or the Tw o Thieves." 11 Although various sources note that he was tn Europe for a continuous ten year period, evidence indicates that these European trips lasted a year or two at most. 12 Enin/39, Student Record Book 1888'1889, Slaatliche Kunstakademie, Hochscule fur Bildende Kunsle, Dusseldorf; courtesy, Ingrid Kessel, Librarian, October 30,1985. According to Arthur Strawn, op. cit., Luks stayed in Dusseldorf with a distant relative, a "retired lion-tamer." This may have been his maternal uncle, Eugene Leonhard, who according to his letter to his sister, Bertha, had been employed at the Royal Court Theater in Munich. 13 New York Herald Tribune, October 30, 1933. Lowenstein is Henrich Lauenstein and Jensen is Joseph Jansen (1829-1905), a landscape painter; Gambrinus may be Giovacchino Gamberini (1859?). 14 New York Tinies, October 30,1933. 15 Acc. 1976. 33.5 reproduced as 950 in Linda Crocker Simmons, et. al., American Drawings, Watercolors, Pastelsand Collages in the Collection ofthe Corcoran Gallery of Art, p. 142. 16 Letter postmarked July 19, 1894, to John Sloan at 806 Walnut Street, Philadelphia; courtesy, John Sloan Archives, Delaware Art Museum, Wilmington. 45 �17 Bruce W. Chambers, The High Museum of Art: A Bicentennial Catalogue (Atlanta: High Museum of Art, 1975), p. 76. IS Bennard B. Perlman, The Immortal Eight. American Painting from 2870-1913 (Cincinnati: North Light Eakins to the Armory Show, 1S70-1913 Press, 1979), p. 52. 19 Everett Shinn, "Life on the Press, Press,"” "Artists of the Philadelphia Press," Philadelphia Museum Bulletin, Vol. 41, November 1945, p. 9, 20 Everett Shinn on George Luks: An Unpublished Memoir," Arcftizes ofAmerican Art, Vol. 6, no. 2, April 1966, p. 9. 211Hd.,p.5. 22 Bennard B. Perlman, The Immortal Eight and its Influence, The Art Students League of New York, January 9-29,1983, p. 6. 23 John Sloan, "Memorial Tribute for William Glackens Given at the Society of Independent Artists 1939," p. 4; courtesy, John Sloan Collection, op. cit. 24 John Sloan, "Artist of the Press," Philadelphia Museum Bulletin, Vo. 41, op. cit., p. 8. 25 Perlman, The Immortal Eight, op. cit., p. 56. Luks once tried to pick a fight at James J. Corbett's bar in New York with pugilist Mike Gibbon whereupon "Gentleman Jim" himself removed Luks by the seat of his pants and deposited him in a waiting hansom cab. Recounted in "Everett Shinn on George Luks," op. at., p. 10. Luks' obituary notice in the New York Herald Tribune, op. cit., prints an unsubstantiated story that he played professional football in Philadelphia in the 1890's. 26 A total of thirty Luks illustrations appeared in the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin published in scattered issued between January 15 and March 28,1896. Luks also sent Shinn letters from Cuba illustrated with a series of sketches as restitution for his appropriation of Shinn's eight-dollar pipe and velvet case prior to George's departure. In one letter Luks depicted himself with General Garcia, who was smoking Shinn's pipe with the following caption in a balloon of smoke over the rebel leader's head, "Pass George Luks anywhere he wants to go and give him the key to Cuba." Recounted in "Shinn on Luks," op. cit., p. 27 Perlman, The Eight (1979), p. 63. 23 Ibid. 29 Ibid., p. 64. 30 Perlman, The Eight (1979), p. 77. However, Huneker in Bedouins op. -..I. p 108, opines: "I believe it was Arthur Brisbane who first ■.uggeried to. [Luks] that he should go in for painting in oils." 31 Glackens, op. cit., p. 16. ibid., pp. 16-17, 97 The museum sold the painting for funds at Sotheby's in New York on Decembers nam<-s, and hi- brought them into the < onverMU™ from “ , timiosothatthes. imagmary pt,..magesbe.am. ’S of George himself... He liked to give an imitation of a wedding. First he made the sound of a deep, rumbling organ, full of emotional quivers, wonderful to hear; and then, in the same rumbling, quivering, emotional tone, the minister’s voice began, 'Augustus Smearcase, do you take this woman ...' etc. The effect was very powerful... Another of [Luks]... favorite names was John W. Beeswax, which he employed as a sort of John Doe." 34 The following is based on the author's interview with Mrs. Lore Vanden Heuvel and Mr. & Mrs. Dan Luks, August 29,1986. "Will Luks," The New Yorker, February 15, 1936, pp. 14-15. 35 "New York Day and Night," unidentified clipping, LFC. Luks did a portrait of Eugene Higgins, which in 1978 was owned by Hirschl & Adler Gallery in New York. 36 Vanity Fair, January 1934. In Paris Luks did a portrait of Paul Verlaine, the French Symbolist poet, which Arthur E. Egner of South Orange, NJ, one of Luks' important collectors, purchased from the artist. The portrait is reproduced in the catalog of Sotheby's sale, October 21,1983, lot #289. 37 Chappellier Galleries, New York. Reproduced in Mahonri Sharp-Young's book on The Eight, p. 122. 38 "Palette and Brush" column, unidentified clipping, Kraushaar Gallery, New York. "Closing of the Cafe" was included in Luks' retrospective at the Kraushaar Gallery in 1923. 39 Marquita Villard, "Dr. Will Luks on the Luks Brothers," Vol. VI, no. iii, March 1934, p. 5. 40 The following discussion is taken from Perlman, The Eight (1962 ed.), p. 131, and Arnold T. Schwab, James Huneker: Critic of the Seven Arts (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1963), pp. 112-113. 41 Luks and Huneker so enjoyed each other's company because, like Luks, "Huneker loved human nature with the same passion as Walt Whitman. I have stood for hours with him while [like Luks] he talked to bartenders, cabbies, policemen, gamblers and porters. He was curious of everything that God had created... Life was good because it was an adventure." Benjamin DeCasseres, James Gibbons Huneker, (New York: Seven Arts Publishing Co., 1925), p. 33. 42 Benjamin DeCasseres, "The Fantastic George Luks," New York Herald Tribune (Sunday Magazine), September 10,1933. In addition to Luks, Huneker, Hawthorne and Matthews, the other charter members of the 'Friendly Sons of Saint Bacchus" were Henry James, Bob Davis, Henry Tyrrell, Rip Anthony and Ro) McCardell. 43 New York Evening Sun, April 3,1903. Fitzgerald also took exception to the placement of a Henri canvas in the Society s 1902 exhibition; cf. Perlman, ibid., p. 144. Luks exhibited The Spielers (#432) and Portrait (#213) in the Society's 27th annual in 1905, but was not included in the 1906 show. Cf. Society e* American Artists 1905 Exhibition Catalog, pp. 71 and 4n, respectively. In January 1905 Laks also showed A Child >’» - lions in the "Exhibit of American Figure Painting- Arrange- ' the Committee on Art” at the Lotos Club in New York 44 Art Notes Published in th, I-:: •;.... M 1903, p. 347. The collect;., n was formed by Mr C. C Ruthrauti Chairman of the Art Committee 45 New York Art Bulletin, Vol 111 n-> 12. January 23 19(4 p 3 In October 1904 Luks showed Portrait. Bnv with a Statti Wketeu Bill, Prize Fighter, Butcher Beu and East Side. X.-. 1,4 In the 17th Annual Exhibition of Oil Paintings and Sculpture by American Artists at the Art Institute of L hicago. the same institution which awarded him the Logan Medal in 1920 for Ohs Skinner a^ Colonel Bridau (The Phillips Colli c tion) and again in 1926 for TaPlayer (Canajoharie Library and Art Gallery). In January 19(16 Luks and Sloan were included in a "Special Exhibition of Contemporary Art" at the National Arts Club. 46 Perlman, The Eight (19o2 ed.), p. 162. 47 Henry McBride, "Luks, Once 'Outlaw Painter, Now Has Exhibition Here," N'etr York Herald. January 14 1923 48 Undated clipping [1907], p 536. courtesy the Kraushaar Gallery'. New York. 49 Unless otherwise noted, the following is based on Perlman The Eight (1962 ed.). 50 Ira Glackens, op. cil.. p. 78. 51 Sloan also did a pencil sketch. Four of the Eight (Henri Luks, Sloan and Prendergast: 15 by 11 in-he-), which i- reproduced m American Art Selections by the Chapellier Galher. [New York] undated, p. 5. 52 Quoted in Perlman. The Immortal Eight and Its Influent es. op .‘it p. 17. 53 Vol. Ill, no. 6, March 1908. p 203 In 1918 Charles F W Mielatz showed his aquatint. Woman and Mooiti s — After the Fainting Ceorge Lukes [sic], in the Third Annual Exhibition ot The Brooklyn Society of Etchers: cf. exhibition catalog Luks also did a portrait of Mielatz before World War 1. 54 Perlman, The Eight (1962 ed.), p. 179. 55 American Art at Amherst: A Summary Catalogue of the Collection at the Mead Art Gallery (Middletown [CT|: Wesleyan University Press. 1978), p. 129.' 56 Catalogue of an Exhibition of Paintings ba Eight American Artists March 5-31. 1909, Carnegie Institute. Pittsburgh, contains eight Luks' paintings (nos. 28-36): Suter Johnny, Cm'dnn oH’ic afrit Five O'clock. Pagliacci. Feeding Pigs, Girl uith Doll Cx-o:< Ittc! Cafe, Pans, and Consul General Buenz 5/ The painting is reproduced in "Paintings, Wafercolors & Drawings b\ George B. Luks," Parke-Bernet Galleries * York) auction catalog, October 24,1951. p 7. >4wriuJ» Art Vj*. Vol. VIII no. 23, March 19, 1909. P. 1. 58 The follow ing is based on the "Significance of The Eight in An Exhibition of Paintings bv The Eight, Wilkes College Sordoni Art Gallery. March 9-April 1,19/9. pp According to Perlman TheEtgh!. (1962 ed. I, p. 202. the term Ash Can School' first appeared in print in 1934 when Holger Cahill and Alfred H. Barr. Jr., employed it tn their book Art m Ami-rmi ’9 In March 1911 Da participated in th together with Ma >oi Henn student Independent bee who exhibits will E^f(l%2ed . f 60 Guy Pene du Bot no 9 May 7,193; after his brother < Kraushaar] knew honest picture putting it throuet feelings are stron nut afraid ot hisc a diplomatic eng 61' Art 's Bad Boy N March 24 1913,k 62 'Artsand Artists 63 Several ot Luks’ j Jew etl Mather. Ir. Yale University F 64 Op cil p 107. 6? Luks painted the the Macbeth Gall was sent to the S ' it has received r Mr Root's fanuh.' Ybl. \ H no. 32. J 66 Miss Kraushaar t portrait of CW 1 exhibition ot the which Luks was i X«r Ytiri Ewniny 67 'Art and Artists: Luks — aid G» and Lula Memck 15,1918 Krax.-'-a Kraushaar'- iiker 68'' Indigenous Art -x-me ot the othe MaxKuehxu Lu 1921 Mr- Whitni painters at the G< Lemoine writing Luks portraits group is a knack things ’ Quoted i 192 L p 2. 69 Luks File rile I Peril, was used a �elf... He liked to give an imitation of a he made the sound of a deep, rumbling Or J quivers, wonderful to hear; and then in th1' quivering, emotional tone, the minister's v * us Smearcase, do you take this woman ' ■ °Ke ■ery powerful. . . Another of [Luks] . fa’, /c' i W. Beeswax, which he employed as a sort of ^ ; based on the author's interview with Mrs L ■> and Mr. & Mrs. Dan Luks, August 29. 1935 Ore ’New Yorker, February' 15, 1936, pp. 1415. and Night," unidentified clipping, EEC. Luks Eugene Higgins, which in 1978 was owned bv Gallery’ in New York. ary 1934. In Paris Luks did a portrait of Paul meh Symbolist poet, which Arthur E. Egner of NJ, one of Luks' important collectors, purchased Fhe portrait is reproduced in the catalog of October 21,1983, lot #289. leries. New York. Reproduced in Mahonri look on The Eight, p. 122. ish" column, unidentified clipping. Kraushaar irk. "Closing of the Cafe" was included in Luks’ the Kraushaar Gallery in 1923. 1, "Dr. Will Luks on the Luks Brothers,' Vol. IT, 134, p. 5. iscussion is taken from Perlman. The Eight 1962 I Arnold T. Schwab, James Huneker: Critic of the ford: Stanford University Press, 1963), pp. ker so enjoyed each other's company because, leker loved human nature with die same passion n. I have stood for hours with him while [like to bartenders, cabbies, policemen, gamblers and curious of everything that God had created . ecause it was an adventure." Benjamin ics Gibbons Huneker. (New York: Seven Arts 1925), p. 33. sseres, "The Fantastic George Luks," Ner. York Sunday Magazine), September 10, 1933. In >, Huneker, Hawthorne and Matthews, the other s of the 'Friendly Sons of Saint Bacchus" were ob Davis, Henry Tyrrell, Rip Anthony and Roy ; Sun, April 3, 1903. Fitzgerald also took placement of a Henri canvas in the Society s cf. Perlman, ibid., p. 144. Luks exhibited . he hd Portrait (#213) in the Society's 27th annual in pt included in the 1906 show. Cf. Society "* f 7905 Exhibition Catalog, pp. 71 and 46, January 1905 Luks also showed A Child < yhibit of American Figure Paintings A. rrang ion Art” at the Lotos Club in New York Chairman of the Art Committee. ? ■ w. KUthrauff, ^NewYork Art Bulletin, Vol. Ill, no. 12. Ianuary'23,1904 p 3 [n October 1904 Luks showed Portrait, Boy with a Shovel Whiskey Bill. Prize Fighter, Butcher Boy and East Side, New York In the 17th Annual Exhibition of Oil Paintings and Sculpture by American Artists at the Art Institute of Chicago, the same institution which awarded him the Logan Medal in 1920 for Otis Skinner as Colonel Bridau (The Phillips Collection) and again in 1926 for The Player (Canajoharie Library and Art Gallery). In January 1908 Luks and Sloan were included in a "Special Exhibition of Contemporary Art" at the National Arts Club. 46 Perlman. The Eight (1962 ed.), p. 162. 47 Henry McBride, "Luks, Once 'Outlaw' Painter, Now Has Exhibition Here," New York Herald, January 14,1923. 48 Undated clipping [1907], p. 536, courtesy the Kraushaar Gallery, New York. 49 Unless otherwise noted, the following is based on Perlman, The Eight (1962 ed.). 50 Ira Glackens, op. cit., p. 78. 51 Sloan also did a pencil sketch, Fourofthe Eight (Henri, Luks, Sloan and Prendergast; 15 by 11 inches), which is reproduced in American Art Selections by the Chapellier Galliers [New York], undated, p. 5. 52 Quoted in Perlman, The Immortal Eight and Its Influences, op. cit., p. 17. 53 Vol. Hl. no. 6, March 1908, p. 203. In 1918 Charles F. W. Mielatz showed his aquatint. Woman and Macaws — After the Painting by George Lukes [sicj, in the Third Annual Exhibition of The Brooklyn Society of Etchers; cf. exhibition catalog. Luks also did a portrait of Mielatz before World War I. 54 Perlman. The Eight (1962 ed.), p. 179. 55 American Art at Amherst: A Summary Catalogue of the Collection at the Mead Art Gallery (Middletown [CT]: Wesleyan University Press, 1978), p. 129. 56 Catalogue ofan Exhibition of Paintings by Eight American Artists, '■larch5-31,1909, Carnegie Institute, Pittsburgh, contains eight Luks' paintings (nos. 28-36): Suter Johnny, Children of the Street, FweO'Oock, Pagliacci, Feeding Pigs, Girl with Doll, Closing Ithe) Cafe, Paris, and Consul General Buenz. 57The painting is reproduced in "Paintings, Watercolors & Drawings by George B. Luks/' Parke-Bernet Galleries (New York) auction catalog, October 24,1951, p. 7. American Art News, Vol. VIII, no. 23, March 19,1909, p. 1. 58The following is based on the "Significance of The Eight, in "An Exhibition of Paintings by The Eight," Wilkes College Sordoni Art Gallery, March 9-April 1,1979, pp. 3-4. According to Perlman, The Eight, (1962 ed.), p. 202, the term "Ash Can School" first appeared in print in 1934 when I lolger Cahill and Alfred H. Barr, Jr., employed it in their book, Art in America. 59 In March 1911 Davies, Luks and Prendergast of The Eight participated in the Rockwell Kent Independent in New York, together with Marsden Hartley, John Marin, Alfred Maurer and six Henri students. Henri himself rejected the idea of Kent's Independent, because the young artist stipulated that "no one who exhibits with us may show at the Academy." Perlman, The Eight (1962 ed.), pp. 206-207. 60 Guy Pene du Bois, "John Francis Kraushaar," Arts Weekly, Vol. I, no. 9, May 7,1932, p. 197. John took over the gallery business after his brother Charles died in 1917. Du Bois notes that "[John Kraushaar) knew an honest man when he saw one and an honest picture... He takes no new man's work without first putting it through the test [of living with it himself].... His feelings are strong. He likes and dislikes with equal fervor. He is not afraid of his own opinion and cannot invent one even to suit a diplomatic exigency." 61 "Art's Bad Boy Now a Poet a Canvas," unidentified clipping, March 24,1913; Kraushaar Scrapbook 1, p. 21. 62 "Arts and Artists," The Globe [New York], March 25,1913; ibid. 63 Several of Luks' polo drawings were also published in Frank Jewett Mather, Jr., el. al., The American Spirit in Art (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1927), p. 533. 64 Op. cit., p. 107. 65 Luks painted the portrait of Elihu Root in 1909. It was shown at the Macbeth Gallery in New York in May of that year before it was sent to the State Department in Washington, D.C., where "it has received much favorable comment. It is considered by Mr. Root's family an excellent likeness .. ." American Art News, Vol. VII, no. 32, June 12,1909, p. 3. 66 Miss Kraushaar to the author. August 1985. Luks also painted a portrait of C. W. Kraushaar that was included in the 1913 exhibition of the National Association of Portrait Paintes (of which Luks was one of the twenty-three original members). Cf. New York Evening Mail, February 6,1913. 67 "Art and Artists: Exhibition of Oils and Water Colors by George Luks," — and Commercial Advertiser [New York], January 31,1918; and Lula Merrick, "New York Art Galleries," The Spur, February 15,1918; Kraushaar Scrapbook I, pp. 90 and 93, respectively. Miss Kraushaar's likeness is #1. "Portrait" in the catalog. 68 "Indigenous Art is Shown," New York Sun, February 5,1918. Some of the other participants were Glackens, Sloan, du Bois, Max Kuehna, Luis Mora, Stuart Davis and Mahonri Young. In 1921 Mrs. Whitney arranged a show of contemporary American painters at the George Petit Gallery in Paris. Critic Jean Gabriel Lemoine writing in L'lnstransigent was particularly struck by Luks' portraits. "The national trait... [Luks] discerns in this group is a knack for 'signing up' . . . the humorous aspect of things." Quoted in the Santa Fe New Mexican, September 17, 1921, p. 2. 69 "Luks File," The Phillips Collection, Washington, D.C. Blue Devils was used as the frontispiece for A. E. Gallatin's Pictures 47 �I Painted during the Great War and is also reproduced in. Allied War Salon, intro, by A. E. Gallatin (New York: American Art Galleries, 1918). 70 to M Sun, Juno 2.1918; clipping courtesy the Gallerv, New York. Guv Pene du Bois termed Blue Devils a great rich thing of vitality... an inspirational document which „ convinced the observer of its worth almost by main force.. 71 October 13.1918; clipping courtesy the Kraushaar Gallery, New York. In April 1919 Luks traveled to Washington, D C, to paint the portrait of General Peyton Conway March (1864-1955; Cruet of Staff in World War I) for the National Portrait Foundation, .taow Art News. Vol. XVII, no. 29, April 26,1919, p. 5. The portrait is reproduced in "The Kirby Collection of Historical Paintings Located at Lafayette College, Easton, Pennsylvania," n.d., p. 41. General March was an alumnus of Lafayette College. 72 ' George Luks Shows Work of a Year," New York Herald, January 11.1920. 73 His sanitarium stay is noted in a letter dated March 27,1923, from Homer Saint-Gaudens, Director of Fine Arts at the Carnegie Institute in Pittsburgh, to Dwight Clark in Washington, D.C., regarding the possible loan of Sulking Boy from Duncan Phillips, since the artist was too sick to send Saint-Gaudens his picture, Cages. Letter in Luks File, The Phillips Collection, Washington, D.C. 74 This was not Luks' first contact with Boston, for in 1921 he had exhibited with fellow honorary members of the Boston Art Club — Kroll, Lie, Hassam, Beal, Henri and Lawson. Cf. Boston Evening Transcript, November 30,1921. 75 Katherine K. Crosby, "Painting by Margaret Sargent, Boston Artist, to be Shown in New York Soon ...," ibid., December 20, 1929: "Seeing some of... [Mrs. Sargent's] earlier work, George Luks remarked on their quality of color and line and urged upon her the career of a painter." Mrs. Sargent's drawing of Luks was reproduced in ibid., c. 1923; undated clipping courtesy the Kraushaar Gallery. In 1926 she had a one-woman show at Kraushaar's. 76 They are reproduced in Cary, George Luks, op. cit., pp. 35, 39 and 43 respectively. 77 George Luks, Noted Artist and Philosopher, Says Maine Leads Them All in Scenery," unidentified clipping from Portland, Maine, newspaper; courtesy the Kraushaar Gallery. 73 "George Luks and his New Marines — a Rubens Sketch," October 9,1922. 79 "Retrospective Exhibition of Paintings by George Luks," C. W. Art GaIleries- 680 Fifth Avenue, New York, January 80 February 1923 (?), Kraushaar Scrapbook I, p. 219. 1,1 Ex. cat., Recent Paintings, Water-Colors and Drawings Done in the Anthracite Coal Regions of Pennsylvania by George Luks," I rank Y. M. Pehn Galleries, New York, November 7-28 197S' IALLA, Vol. 242, No. 13, September 28,1979, pp. 1338 & 1393' 48 One of Luks' Most Famous," Pottsville Republican, March 19. 1970 p 16. The center panel of the mural measures 9 x7> 2' While the two flanking panels are 7'x40 84 Letter courtesy LFC. The following is largely based on interviews with members of the Luks family and on an unidentified clipping, "Luks Pictures Tell of Rural Contacts, ' LFC. 85 Some of Luks' antics are described in Glackens, op. tit., p. ioy 86 Helen McCloy, "Color and George Luks," Parnassus, Vol. VI, 111, March 1934. 87 Prospectus, LFC. 88 Strawn, op. cit., p. 34. 89 "Shinn on Luks," op. cit., p. 6. 90 The following is based on The New Yorker, July 24, 1926, and on Mariquita Villard, op. cit., p. 4. 91 Will half suspected that George had painted the still life — one of the relatively few he produced — because he "noticed it hadn't been touched up like the rest... I imagined him in class just showing 'em how to paint a still-life, picking up somebody’s handy wet brushes and without stopping to mix fresh paint, simply wiping them off on the canvas and producing this thing in about five minutes." Villard, p. 4. 92 Dorothy W. Phillips, A Catalogue of the Collection of American Paintings in The Corcoran Gallery ofArt (Washington, D.C.: The Corcoran Gallery of Art, 1973; Vol. 2, Painters Bom from 1850 to 1910). 93 Parnassus, op. cit., March 1934, p. 3. 94 "Luks Speaks Up," The Art Digest, Vol. VII, No. 7, lanuary 1, 1933, pp. 12 & 29. 95 The Luks death mask whose present location is unknown is reproduced in the January 1934 issue of Vanity Fair. Cf., too. "Friend Makes Death Mask of Luks," New York Im mol, October 30.1933. 96 The foregoing is based on Glackens, op. cit., p. 101; Schwab, op. cit., p. 112; obits dated October 30, 1933, in the New York Times and the New York World Telegram; Dorothy Graflv, "American Art Parade. George Luks: Paint's Bad Bov," unidentified clipping, LFC. 97 "Luks' Last Work," The Art Digest, April 1,1934. p. 12. These twelve sketches are reproduced in "The Old Swinging Door.’ Nugget, February 1958, pp. 21-23. These sketches were later acquired by Renfield Ltd., a Manhattan Liquor importing firm, which in 1958 planned a traveling show of them: cf. Time September 4,1950, p. 49. An inveterate tavern-goer and the champion seidel-holder of his time, Luks illustrated the right and wrong way to quaff beer in the Neu1 Wrk American. March 22.1933. See also, Norman Klein, "Purist Thumbs Down Art ot Seidel 'Side-Wheeling'," New ¥trk Evening Post. March IS I0** 98 Panorama. May 1934, p. 7. gf 9 �BE ■ 3 ■ '•I- George Luks: An American Ar c "2; 20. j nree l.y Sergeants, 1925 50 With characteristic egotism, Luks once said, "Like Mozart, I began my art career when I was barely out of my diapers."’ He was fond of saying that an artist was born, not taught and you either had it in you or you didn't. George Luks was a natural artist — his talent came easily to him. Luks made pictures from the time he was a young boy when he reportedly painted everything he could get his hands on. These early impulses to draw whenever he could and on any improvised surface with any available implement continued throughout his life. Later, as a teenager in New Jersey, he put his work to more purposeful results while working as a clerk in a drugstore. When the proprietor w as out he would sketch the customers who came in st > he could show her who had called. Luks was also a practical man. Everett Shinn remembered that Luks drew continuously using anything within his reach — to the dismay of waiters when he used tablecloths, menus and napkins. The masses of sketches which cluttered his studio were a visual diary of his daily routine. Drawing was as easy for him as writing was for others. "He chuckled as he worked, winked and drew an audience about his flying pencil point He was ambidexterous and once demonstrated this to a friend on the staff of the Neu' York World by drawing an illustration for " the Yellow Kid with both hands simultaneously: While h building u page draw barrel afte margin in signs Bar reaching t and down more barr mere serai good enol When the shifted hr right ham Kid Later, Forbe in Luks' style him from wor that when an on his gift am Although Luk prolific, he !a« accept formal continuous w A hinderan the elaborate fantastic stori and more He �George Luks: An American Artist With characteristic egotism, Luks once said, “Like Mozart, I began my art career when I was barely out of my diapers."’ He was fond of saying that an artist was bom, not taught and you either had it in you or vou didn't. George Luks was a natural artist — his talent came easily to him. Luks made pictures from the time he was a young boy when he reportedly painted everything he could get his hands on. These early impulses to draw whenever he could and on any improvised surface with any available implement continued throughout his life. Later, as a teenager in New Jersey, he put his work to more purposeful results while working as a clerk in a drugstore. When the proprietor was out he would sketch the customers who came in so he could show her who had called. Luks was also a practical man. Everett Shinn remembered that Luks drew continuously using anything within his reach — to the dismay of waiters when he used tablecloths, menus and napkins. The masses of sketches which duttered his studio were a visual diary of his daily routine. Drawing was as easy for him as writing was for others. “He chuckled as he worked, winked and drew an audience about his flying pencil point."2 He was ambidexterous and once demonstrated this to a friend on the staff of the New York World by drawing an illustration for "the Yellow Kid" with both hands simultaneously: While his right hand was busily engaged building up one of the characters in the full page drawing, his left hand drew accurately barrel after barrel piled high up the left margin in pyrdmidal form labeled with dollar signs. Barrel upon barrel piled higher reaching the top edge of the paper. Then over and down as his arms crossed while still more barrels fell on the right margin. Not mere scratches of his pencil but any of them good enough for a Bock Beer advertisement. When the barrels could fall no further he shifted his hand and signed his name as the right hand traced a plaid vest on the Yellow Kid.3 Later, Forbes Watson observed that one of the flaws in Luks' style was that his natural gift discouraged him from working toward improvement. Watson felt that when an artist's talent came too easily he relied on his gift and fell short of achieving his best work.1 Although Luks was not a lazy painter, indeed he was prolific, he lacked the patience and discipline to accept formal training, feeling instead that continuous work would be his teacher. A hinderance in any study of Luks' life and work is the elaborate screen he built around himself with fantastic stories of being a boxer, pro-football player, and more. He was an artist who liked to strike poses. 51 �A rep„rt.. once noted the. h» »Peeeh "sp.rkles »M> Baron Munchausen in Luks. German tale-teller who to town in past centuries. He needed but a word, a hint, a memory, a name, and he was off, riding on a twinkle in his eye to some adventure that was made out of the legend-patterned Luks-cloth . . . Dramatic in his dress, bearing, and manner of speech, he strode around New York wearing a broad-brimmed black hat, a stray curl of hair dangling on his forehead, and a pince-nez with a black ribbon perched on his nose. In short, he enjoyed playing to the crowds both in the studio and out. Again, Forbes Watson noted that a younger artist often feels the need to hide his insecurity behind a pose, but that by maturity an artist should drop the charade so it will not pull energy away from his work.7 George Luks never quit being an actor and therefore opened himself up to the criticism that his popularity was due in part to his character role. He so immensely enjoyed the egotism of his act that he risked making his art secondary. However, while the work of an artist of weaker ability would fade after his death and likewise after the end of his "performance," Luks' work has continued to stand in quality. While his personality might have put at risk his being taken seriously as an artist, it was also responsible for the incredible dynamism and emotion communicated through his work. "In Luks' work is the same spirit that flowers forth from the speech of a great preacher and the stage presence of a great actor."8 Luks' character was the source of his arts' strength. Similarly, Luks responded to character in his subject matter. Like Sloan and Henri, he was bored by the typically placid interiors, still-lifes, and whnSCapel°f the ImPressi°nists and academicians vho were his contemporaries. Instead, he looked for people and p aces that had what he called "edge " In particular he looked for people who could express an individual view of life and so subjected everyOnpll met to an intense visual analysis. “His keen' earth-level eyes took in everything. He looked Vn, and down in an eye-shot. He caricatured you in h Up brain instantly. You were a busted bubble, and he knew that you knew that he knew it..He wanted to portray the immense comedy and tragedy of life ° with as much primitive energy as he could find in himself and in his subjects. When he found an imaEe that moved him he responded with his best work As John Sloan said, “His finest works were produced bv strong emotion driving the paint before it to the end his heart desired... In all this Luks avoided the pitfalls of trite sentimentality. His pictures are never dependent on anecdote because they tell a story that is as global as it is specific. His subjects manage to be both straightforward and complex, blunt and subtle in their psychological revelations. They have the ability to grasp the viewer at first glance yet maintain interest beyond the first impact. As one critic noted: He sees life and paints it. It is not a life without vulgarity, it may be, but it is the vulgarity of ordinary mankind . .. sane and healthy and beautiful for all those who can see beauty in what is generally classified as ugliness." Today, however, his subjects and those of the rest of the so-called “Ash Can School," do not shock us. We have since seen the bitter social satire of artists like Jack Levine and Paul Cadmus and by comparison can recognize the underlying optimism and gentle humor in the work of Luks, Sloan, and Bellows, which their contemporary' audiences could not. Once Luks began painting he quickly fell into a style which would change very' little over the next thirty-five odd years. He was not an artist who, like Arthur B. Davies, went through a sequence of stylistic experimentation and change. A general > exception to be discussed later in this essay is that Luks later canvases became brighter in palette an more substantially defined in form. (Compare-.ai nos. 7 and 23.) This overall continuity is deceptive, however, because Luks did have stylistic variations in his "1 5 i �■w of life and so subjected evervo nse visual analysis. “His keen * he es took in everything. He looked v m eye-shot. He caricatured you ?? UP y You were a busted bubble, and fi S i knew that he knew it. . ."’ He wae immense comedy and tragedy Of primitive energy as he could find inS i his subjects. When he found an im m he responded with his best Work^ d, "His finest works were produced b $ n driving the paint before it to the pn/ ■ed .Q iks avoided the pitfalls of trite : His pictures are never dependent on use they tell a story that is as global as it subjects manage to be both d and complex, blunt and subtle in gical revelations. They have the ability ewer at first glance yet maintain d the first impact. As one critic noted: life and paints it. It is not a life ilgarity, it may be, but it is the if ordinary mankind . . . sane and d beautiful for all those who can in what is generally classified as ver, his subjects and those of the rest of Ash Can School," do not shock us. We r the bitter social satire of artists like d Paul Cadmus and by comparison can mderlying optimism and gentle humor Luks, Sloan, and Bellows, which their audiences could not. egan painting he quickly fell into a mid change very little over the next years. He was not an artist who, like es, went through a sequence of mentation and change. A gener ! discussed later in this essay is t a vases became brighter in palette a ally defined in form. (Compare c i 8. Beggar Woman in Moonlight, 1907 nntinuity is deceptive, however, lid have stylistic variations in 53 �I I However, these appear to be the results of stimuli generated from the subject matter rather than from a conscious reaction to new aesthetic theories or painterly techniques. In his portrait of Antoinette Kraushaar (cat. no. 14) his brush work has the same civilized flourish that characterized the portraits of John Singer Sargent or William Merrit Chase because his subject is the personification of youthful innocence and delicacy. In contrast, the roughly drawn areas of color and mosaic-like treatment of form in Allen Street (cat. no. 5) are appropriate to the optical movement evoked by a bustling street scene. When it suited his purpose, Luks experimented with style. In 1910 a review'er for the New York Evening Post noted that: George Luks is nothing if not versatile. Such a raw and drastic study as "The Wrestlers" would cause a shudder at every tea-pouring in Manhattan. On the other hand, long-haired lecturers will some day pounce upon the Whistlerian mystery and loveliness of the "Little Gray Girl" ... He makes all methods [of paint] his as he needs them.. ,12 Driven by an urgent need to make images of life around him, Luks believed that the artist was a "sensitized plate, gathering impressions from an environment, from the voice of a people and a place and giving them out again ..He never intended his work to be a social commentary; like Sloan he felt that was not the role of an artist. He sought out the bums and street characters because they were real to him and provided a more vibrant subject than any other. Above all he wanted his work to truthfully reflect life so that subsequent generations would be moved. Luks had essentially no formal training in art. In fact, after lasting only one month at the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts (PAFA) in Philadelphia in 1884, it seemed that he had given up the visual arts in favor of the theater. He teamed up with his brother Will (who later became a physician) and toured Pennsylvania and New Jersey’ as the minstrel act, "Buzzey and Anstock." 54 Later, when Luks won the Temple Gold Medal at the PAFA in 1918, he poignantly recalled in an acceptance letter to the then secretary, John Meyers, that Anshutz had been a great teacher. ' This must have been a polite lie or a convenient fabrication since Luks could not have had much exposure to Anshutz in a month of evening classes at the Academy. In another light, though, the statement could have been an acknowledgement of Anshutz's indirect impact on his style through Henri. Certainly there is much of Anshutz in Luks' work — the dark palette, painterly technique, and emotional introspection —but this ' came to Luks second-hand from his Philadelphia comrades and first-hand from his own interaction with the paintings of the Dutch masters. In 1888, four years after his brief stay at the PAFA, Luks tried once more to study art, this time at the Staatliche Kunstakademie in Dusseldorf, Germany. But it appears that Luks' temperament was completely unsuited to the regimen of the academy Both in Philadelphia and Dusseldorf, Luks was enrolled in beginners' classes which consisted of copying from antique plaster casts, a tedious course of study necessary to develop good draftsmanship and familiarity with the human figure but which had nothing to do with creativity'. Luks lacked the discipline and the patience to follow through. However, Luks is not entirely' to blame: the academic program also had its critics. James Huneker later noted that the instruction at Dusseldorf would have stifled the creative impulses even of a Manet! In the late nineteenth century in Germany Luks would have encountered the prevailing style of academic genre painting also popular in the United States. However, he would have also seen the more realistic paintings of a new school whose followers painted anecdotal scenes of the petit-bourgeois which had comic and sometimes moral overtures. The proponents of these realistic vingnettes of everyday life were in direct contrast to the "official" style which dealt in historic generalities, favoring heroic legend above ordinary’ life. This conflict foreshadows Luk? ow n dissension with the academic communitv of his own country in 1907. 52. Red Bam, Berkshire Hills, c. 1930 �er, when Luks won the Temple Gold Medal at XFA in 1918, he poignantly recalled in an lance letter to the then secretary, John Meyers inshutz had been a great teacher.» This must been a polite lie or a convenient fabrication sin could not have had much exposure to Anshutz & lonth of evening classes at the Academy. In er light, though, the statement could have been mowledgement of Anshutz's indirect impact on de through Henri. Certainly there is much of itz in Luks' work — the dark palette, painterly ique, and emotional introspection — but this 7 to Luks second-hand from his Philadelphia des and first-hand from his own interaction he paintings of the Dutch masters. 388, four years after his brief stay at the PAFA, ried once more to study art, this time at the che Kunstakademie in Dusseldorf, Germany, ippears that Luks' temperament was etely unsuited to the regimen of the academy, r Philadelphia and Dusseldorf, Luks was ;d in beginners' classes which consisted of g from antique plaster casts, a tedious course ly necessary to develop good draftsmanship niliarity with the human figure but which had g to do with creativity. Luks lacked the ine and the patience to follow through. •er, Luks is not entirely to blame: the academic m also had its critics. James Huneker later hat the instruction at Dusseldorf would have the creative impulses even of a Manet! e late nineteenth century in Germany Luks have encountered the prevailing style of lie genre painting also popular in the United However, he would have also seen the more : paintings of a new school whose followers 1 anecdotal scenes of the petit-bourgeois which nic and sometimes moral overtures. The ents of these realistic vingnettes of everyday e in direct contrast to the "official" style which historic generalities, favoring heroic legend, ordinary life. This conflict foreshadows Luks tension with the academic community of his untry in 1907. I. V I J 52. Red Bam, Berkshire Hills, c. 1930 55 �27. Laughing Nude, n.d. Luks used hi* tin;. "n this rintj subsequent trips) r< I. ., ■• -il.->f other art><ls and learn his technique the^e eloquent examples- Know mg I uks' pa-Montorsketchme it would seem likely that he made studies from those canvases which parti .tiLirly interested him Though no sketchbooks have survived, a photograph ot a painting made bv 1 uk- UterGvvj * T‘ir bi'vitc Murgaref has survived to prove that Luk'- did indeed copy the old masters Although he complaim d .if disappointment in the work ot many ot art history* great artist* he later talked about those who had impressed him, foremost among these was the Bukhman. Frans Hals (1581/5-16(>6). I uks w a* e xtremely fond of telling people that there weo- only two great artist* otthe world — himself and Fran* Hals' Hals, like Luk* in his later year*, waspnmank a protraitist 1 Io was j, live it a time v. hen Hutch artists were beginning to paint genre scenes subjects taken from ordinary life. In fact, the subjects thoM'n by the artists of the " Ash (. an' school were verv similar to those of the Duh h I ittle Mastets in their century. As one of the first artists of Europe to paint direr th on the canvas without elaborate underpainting or preparation, I lai's brushwork sparkled with spontaneity loose, lush, and painterly He attempted to capture a partic ular moment through expressions which would ordinarily pas* in an instant (Fig. ]<)).< onsequently, the particular effects and impressions of the exact moment in which he looked from sitter to canvas were of utmost importance and were captured spontaneously. His subjects are apparitions of real life with whom we can interact even now. The same quality is an important park of Luks' work. Two late canvases, Laughing Xudc (cat. no. 27) and 7he Hy Weight (cat. no I1*) are good examples. Hals also shunned an elaborate backdrop or stage set for his sitters. Instead, he used a plain roughly painted background (which w as usually dark; and relied on his subjects' personality to create interest therefore his canvases do not have a ' story une but are sagacious character studies and lively �Luks used his time in Europe (both on this and subsequent trips) to look at the work of other artists and learn his techniques from these eloquent examples. Knowing Luks' passion for sketching it would seem likely that he made studies from those canvases which particularly interested him. Though no sketchbooks have survived, a photograph of a painting made by Luks after Goya's The Infanta Margaret has survived to prove that Luks did indeed copy the old masters.15 Although he complained of disappointment in the work of many of art history's great artists, he later talked about those who had impressed him; foremost among these was the Dutchman, Frans Hals (1581/5-1666). Luks was extremely fond of telling people that there were only two great artists of the world — himself and Frans Hals! Hals, like Luks in his later years, was primarily a protraitist. He was active at a time when Dutch artists were beginning to paint genre scenes — subjects taken from ordinary life. In fact, the subjects chosen by the artists of the "Ash Can" school were very similar to those of the Dutch Little Masters in their century. As one of the first artists of Europe to paint directly on the canvas without elaborate underpainting or preparation, Hal's brushwork sparkled with spontaneity — loose, lush, and painterly. He attempted to capture a particular moment through expressions which would ordinarily pass in an instant (Fig. 10). Consequently, the particular effects and impressions of the exact moment in which he looked from sitter to canvas were of utmost importance and were captured spontaneously. His subjects are apparitions of real life with whom we can interact even now. The same quality is an important park of Luks' work. Two late canvases, Laughing Nude (cat. no, 27) and The Fly Weight (cat. no. 19) are good I F'g- 10. Frans Hals, Portrait of a Gentleman, c. 1650 1652 (oil on canvas). Courtesy, National Gallery of Art, Widener Collection. �nunn’h’giH- lheg. . mtimateconfronnrn. expression.!1 nii”o I ■ •-. . ,._ ue JJ’Pr,"'e ,tu' ‘‘ ' ■ must be said I uks ,k_ ejptured m G wnp-. n i . ■ .. ..Irn.,.n„.l|;tlji lessons culled from. VMofhardbva through t»»v expn • • .■ md >i>.- .;.-.p, his shoulders | uks also looked t th. I (t Rembrandt v in , (1606 6^) whose subb I e intr wpe< m, as those of Hals were < ■. ,rs,| [Vcpite the dazzling pv rotes hush, Hals fell short of his greater < onti mporarv in th.- area of ptychokigK al insight Luks' paintings sornbmt the animation of I lais w ith the deep, r sympathy toward human nature of Rembrandt I ills' portraits of ■.!.■->< h >• t,-,.. su, f, JS in M' ’hl i. ,it - 8) nil.. tthe limited palette .md dr.Hii.ifi. . biari m uro I. hruque of Rembrandt I be li ',iio i>t the bvggarwoman steps forward to '.t-p.ir.ifi In r , Jl Io-<i> .i ru.ndi-sc ript background, the triiui al1 d'-h.id-m , .,-,t bv her crippled figure j rovidin,. ti'e .uh hot and .en-. i if griHind 1 he l,i' I i-t f'.s l>;roi.ind detail eliminates peri phi tai di .11sh tun r • .md ‘he of ten detrimental, sentimentalizing eft. ■ > .. Ie a.ibln bir.g a srenano tori Illg the rib' erver n . • orc. entr.ite oi. the solitary ton e of the figun . hi f bi. p liu'Hig ttie rraltsm ut I lais and the psyr hologl< al it. .■ 'e m ,ruit k< Hibiar.dt combine to evoke an image wbn h isdtost to ;.>• When viewi-d by the audien. cs oi the painting was deemed ugly by the majonty of society who were used to the romantized, and therefore prettified versions of peasant' is depa led f". the then popular Italian s< hcxil Guy I’ene du Boe. - et forth an inten stmg theerry '•'•'hen he c. | J masters of the I >ut< L Baroque rather those of theItalian. As du Bois pointed out, they are toff flamfx.yant - the term du Bi >is felt also epitomized Luks. Holland, however; was a republic and ftaiy was an aristocracy. Therefore thi dvriamK technique of Italian masters, • reated tor an ' extravagant arist<xaracy/’ appears hollow when i ompared v.> the 2. Gramps, c. 1900 58 �monologues. The genius of Hals is his ability to create ■intimate confrontations" and capture "the minute expressional movements by which, in everyday life we appraise the man across from us.",f The same ' must be said of Luks. The old gentleman Luks captured in Gramps (cat. no. 2) can communicate the lessons culled from an entire lifetime of hard living through the expression of his eyes and the slope of his shoulders. Luks also looked at the work at Rembrandt van Ryn (1600-69) whose subjects were often as introspective as those of Hals were extroverted. Despite the dazzling pyrotechnics of his brush, Hals fell short of his greater contemporary in the area of psychological insight. Luks’ paintings combine the animation of Hals with the deeper sympathy toward human nature of Rembrandt. Luks' portraits of street characters, such as Beggarawnazi in Moonlight (cat. no. 8), reflect the limited palette and dramatic, chiaroscuro technique cf Rembrandt. The figure of the beggarwoman steps forward to separate herself from a nondescript background, the truncated shadow cast by her crippled figure providing the only anchor and sense of ground. The lack of background detail eliminates peripheral distractions and the often detrimental, sentimentalizing effects of establishing a scenario, forcing the observer to concentrate on the solitary force of the figure. In this painting the realism of Hals and the psychological investigation of Rembrandt combine to evoke an image which is close to life. IVhen viewed by the audiences of 1907, the painting • as deemed ugly by the majority of society who were used to the romantized, and therefore prettified, versions of peasants as depicted by the then popular Italian school. Guy Pene du Bois set forth an interesting theory •■hen he explained why Luks was moved by the masters cf the Dutch Baroque rather those of the Italian. As du Bois pointed out, they are both camboyant — the term du Bois felt also epitomized Luks. Holland, however, was a republic and Italy was “U aristocracy. Therefore the dynamic technique of Italian masters, created for an "extravagant tocaracy," appears hollow when compared to the class T tL'e Dutch, inspired by the middle . purely stylistic, a thing which takes no account of economy in language or of simplicity in idea, a thing made for a sophisticated upper class requiring the bizarre to pull it out of its boredom. The republican brand of flamboyance, you will find it in Swift, and in Sterne's "Tristram Shandy, is fatter, richer and more fluid. No stylistic ruffles are added to the body of the dress unless they may be shown to have a definite economic utility.17 Another artist in whom Luks found inspiration during his several trips to Europe was Francisco Goya (1746-1828). The carefully composed, deeply disturbing psychological portraits of this Spanish master make those of Frans Hals look superficial. Goya's sitters are exposed in a tragic/comic manner that makes them epical. In portraits like Ann of Malden Bridge (cat. no. 23), Luks has evoked this same element by combining pathos with absurdity. The huge woman sits in her Sunday best, grinning before an unseen audience, "so true to a strongly accentuated personality eloquent of shrewd sophistication, as to verge upon the surcharged truth of caricature."’8 Luks' work championed the basic goodness of human nature even when he sometimes revealed its frailties, whereas the cynicism of Goya pointed to the cold, dreary banality of the human condition. The balance Luks achieved in his combined attitudes of sincere optimism and stark realism reinforced his style and kept it from degenerating to the production of weak and sentimental images. Goya's work deeply inspired that of the Frenchman Edouard Manet (1832-83), a true poet of modem life, who in turn influenced Henri and his circle. Though Luks does not mention him, there are similarities in their work. Manet is now the subject of controversy among scholars who are debating the amount of symbolic content in his work. Manet, like Goya, used subjects from life around him to create universal equivalents. Though the sitters come from modern 59 �8 23. Ann ofMalden Bridge, 1930 60 France, they too take on a heroic quality This characteristic is responsible in part tor the eloquence with which the subjects of Manet and Luks speak to modern audience. F Manet's brushwork w as not as loose and heavily weighted with paint as some ot his contemporaries His compositions were carefully arranged and his sitters deliberately posed. He was an artist of contrasts in his use of rich darks against brilliant lights, bold areas of color against sections of duller tone. He worked with strong sure masses of color to create a stark, frontal and distinctly two-dimensional image. He was not interested in the tricks of perspective and shading to create a convincing, three-dimensional illusion. Nor did he care to render each minute and insignificant detail of a subject Instead he selected elements for their pictorial properties and their symbolic relevance to the subject. This is also an important factor in Luks' work. In summary', Luks' work embodies Hals' painterly technique and subject matter drawn from everyday life (usually embued with a Rabelasian character); from Rembrandt he learned the impact of dramatic lighting and the versatility of a limited palette; Goya taught him to look beyond the surface for a more complex psychological impact; and Manet taught hi to be direct and forceful with form and color and to think about the universal in the specific. This leaves only one other artist whom Luks often talked about as someone whose work he always like — Pierre Auguste Renoir (1841-1919). It would have helped if Luks had been one to elaborate in this case because a comparison between the canvases of thesi two artists is difficult. Renoir painted life around hii to be sure, but with a shimmerv, often pastel palette which has little to do with Luks. The brush stroke, typically Impressionist, is flickering and light while that of Luks is heavy and bold albeit painterly Renoir's subjects were of the middle class and reflected a secure, contented, and almost always, leisurely lifestvle (although Renoir himself was quit poor). The people Luks choose to paint were the idiosyncratic, often wretched characters who reflected the uneasiness of the Industrial age The �France, they too take on a heroic quality. This characteristic is responsible in part for the eloquence with which the subjects of Manet and Luks speak to a modern audience. Manet's brushwork was not as loose and heavily weighted with paint as some of his contemporaries His compositions were carefully arranged and his sitters deliberately posed. He was an artist of contrasts in his use of rich darks against brilliant lights, bold areas of color against sections of duller tone. He worked with strong sure masses of color to create a stark, frontal and distinctly two-dimensional image. He was not interested in the tricks of perspective and shading to create a convincing, three-dimensional illusion. Nor did he care to render each minute and insignificant detail of a subject. Instead he selected elements for their pictorial properties and their symbolic relevance to the subject. Ibis is also an important factor in Luks' work. In summary’, Luks' work embodies Hals' painterly technique and subject matter drawn from everyday life (usually embued with a Rabelasian character); from Rembrandt he learned the impact of dramatic lighting and the versatility of a limited palette; Goya taught him to look beyond the surface for a more complex psychological impact; and Manet taught him to be direct and forceful with form and color and to think about the universal in the specific. This leaves only one other artist whom Luks often talked about as someone whose work he always liked — Pierre Auguste Renoir (1841-1919). It would have helped if Luks had been one to elaborate in this case, because a comparison between the canvases of these two artists is difficult. Renoir painted life around him, to be sure, but with a shimmery, often pastel palette which has little to do with Luks. The brush stroke, typically Impressionist, is flickering and light while that of Luks is heavy and bold albeit painterly. Renoir's subjects were of the middle class and reflected a secure, contented, and almost always, leisurely lifestyle (although Renoir himself was quite poor). The people Luks choose to paint were the II Fig. 11. William Glackens, Chez Mouquin, 1905 (oil on canvas). Courtesy, The Art Institute of Chicago, Friends of American Art Collection. �I common link between the two men's images could be and fellow painter. Glackens was one who encouraged Luks to paint and would have s enthusiasms with the other artist. Interesting y, a. painting by Luks which can be compared to Renoir is The Cafe Francis (cat. no. 6) which in turn has been called a response to Glackens' earlier canvas of another New York night spot, Chez Mouquin, 1905 (The Art Institute of Chicago, fig. 11). The two restaurants were rivals for the patronage of New York's artistic set. . . Both canvases show a well-dressed couple enjoying an evening's frivolity, a subject reflective of the cafe-concert theme so popular with the French Impressionists. Other Impressionist devices Luks employed are the brushwork in the woman s fur piece and bodice which dissolves into flickering touches of luminous paint and the figure of a man to the far right cut off by the edge of the canvas so he seems to intrude upon the scene like an unwanted observer (an element used frequently by Lautrec and Degas). Luks' palette, as usual, tends more to the monochromatic than either Glackens or Renoir with the brilliant exception of the scarlet and pink plume of the woman's hat. Another Impressionist subject is that of Pavlova's First Appearance in New York (cat. no. 10) which shows none of that movement's techniques, even as translated by Glackens and Everett Shinn in their theater pictures. The figure of Pavlova is a diminuitive sketch on the darkened stage which conveys none of the drama of a spectacular debut. The scene is recorded in an ordinary manner as if through the eyes of a newspaper reporter. (Luks' years as a newspaper artist and illustrator are discussed in a separate essay in this catalog, therefore commentary on them here will be restricted to a cursory examination of their impact on Luks as a painter.) The results of his early years of work for various newspapers in Philadelphia and New York are 62 obvious. They accentuated his powers of observati and made him aware of necessary and unnecessary detail. He learned to work quickly and accurately ' whether from pressure on the scene or under deadline at the office. His impatient nature was compatible with this. In both his news illustrations and his comic drawings, Luks learned to adopt a generic style which was flexible according to subject. In fact he scoffed at artists who felt that commercial work would taint their style: I have utterly no patience with the fellows whose "style is ruined" if they must make drawings for newspapers or advertisements, whose "art is prostituted" if they must use it to get daily bread. Any style that can be hurt, any art that can be smirched by such experience is not worth keeping clean. Making commercial drawings, and especially doing newspaper work, gives an artist unlimited experience, teaches him life, brings him out. It is doesn't, there was nothing to bring out, that's all.1’ Another important effect of the newspaper years was one for which the seeds had already been planted in Luks' childhood. Luks' compassionate empathy for the common man and even for the underdog, instilled in him by his parents, was further developed during these years. He brought a humanist approach to the streets when recording his daily news assignments and later used it when he chose his subjects for easel painting. Further, Luks was a lover of action. He enjoyed the excitement and turmoil of the streets and was bored by any subject that was refined and therefore non-emotional. If there were not enough action, then Luks would often provide it either by getting involved at the scene or by enhancing the details later. His need for drama made him well suited to become a reporter/illustrator and subsequently a keen observer of life through his paintings. „ f°ur artist/reporters who were a part of the Philadelphia Five," Luks, Everett Shinn, John Sloaiin William Glackens, had what many of them considered to be their most important artistic trainin? b- The Cafe Francis, c. 1906 �; They accentuated his powers of observation de him aware of necessary and unnecessary de learned to work quickly and accurately r from pressure on the scene or under e at the office. His impatient nature was ible with this. h his news illustrations and his comic gs, Luks learned to adopt a generic style vas flexible according to subject. In fact he at artists who felt that commercial work aint their style: iaVe utterly no patience with the fellows >se "style is ruined" if they must make wings for newspapers or advertisements, 3se "art is prostituted" if they must use it et daily bread. Any style that can be hurt, art that can be smirched by such erience is not worth keeping clean. dng commercial drawings, and especially ig newspaper work, gives an artist mited experience, teaches him life, brings out. It is doesn't, there was nothing to gout, that's all." let important effect of the newspaper years : for which the seeds had already been in Luks' childhood. Luks' compassionate y for the common man and even for the >g, instilled in him by his parents, was further ed during these years. He brought a st approach to the streets when recording his ws assignments and later used it when he s subjects for easel painting. :r, Luks was a lover of action. He enjoyed the ent and turmoil of the streets and was bored ubject that was refined and therefore otional. If there were not enough action, then >uld often provide it either by getting 1 at the scene or by enhancing the details s need for drama made him well suited to a reporter/illustrator and subsequently a server of life through his paintings. iur artist/reporters who were a part of the elphia Five," Luks, Everett Shinn, John Sloan, Glackens, had what many of them ■ed to be their most important artistic training o- The Cafe Francis, c. 1906 �14. Portrait of Antoinette Kraushaar, 1917 64 in the early years tocythw Philadelphia Pre»- VI'.c v got together again at Sloan’s studio when ’ t hed from the model and painted. I lenri the fifth member w ho sometimes joined thee itb. rings. and Sloan encouraged their friends to o IP1| life Wlth truth and emotional perception as it m.untested itself m ordinary scenes and common people This was something that Sloan and the others had learned first-hand through the newspapers. Luks |omed the evenings at 806 Walnut Street after Henn had Lett for Europe and Sloan had taken over the apartment, so his contact with the older artist and chansmatic teacher was indirect. Sources give three people who first encouraged L.uks to paint Robot t I lenri. William t,l,i. kens, and Arthur Brisbane (managing editor of the lurk World). Henri's influence came through Sloan and the others after Luks (oined the studio group in Philadelphia in 1894 n I le ugh Luk > did not attend regularly, this w<i his first contact with a group of serious young painters, and as .uch it must have had an effect. Glackens shared a studio bnefly with Luks when the latter returned from ( uba and settled in New York. Brisbane hired him at that time and may have seen his talent as a painter and encouraged him to pursue it. Luks never ai knowledged a debt to Henri in his art As Sloan noted later, this may have been because Henri's influence on Lui wu-. more indirect than with the others in the group They were men of similar spirit in many ways Both had strong personalities and enjoyed being the focus of attention. I lenri was the more serious and had a charismatic presence that made him an extremely effective teacher. Luks disliked ponderou-, "art talk; he preferred making art to talking about it. * Henri and Luks were passionate humanitarians When Henri spoke of painting from the heart first and organizing with the mind second. Luks agreed, do him, art was for communicating the human condition with a basic sense of optimism and sympathy. Later, when Luks spoke of having contributed to the making of a 'truly American art, it a a with Of who Hem relat man "ultr tosli Impr Luks thev in ar with W1 Spin exan H I fig. ria) mfi had �I in the early years together at the art rooms of the Philadelphia Press. After hours, they got together again at Sloan's studio where they sketched from the model and painted. Henn, the fifth member who sometimes joined their gatherings, and Sloan encouraged their friends to paint life with truth and emotional perception as it manifested itself in ordinary scenes and common people. This was something that Sloan and the others had learned first-hand through the newspapers. Luks joined the evenings at 806 Walnut Street after Henri had left for Europe and Sloan had taken over the apartment, so his contact with the older artist and charismatic teacher was indirect. Sources give three people who first encouraged Luks to paint — Robert Henri, William Glackens, and Arthur Brisbane (managing editor of the New York World). Henri's influence came through Sloan and the others after Luks joined the studio group in Philadelphia in 1894-5. Though Luks did not attend regularly, this was his first contact with a group of serious young painters, and as such it must have had an effect. Glackens shared a studio briefly with Luks when the latter returned from Cuba and settled in New York. Brisbane hired him at that time and may have seen his talent as a painter and encouraged him to pursue it. Luks never acknowledged a debt to Henri in his art. As Sloan noted later, this may have been because Henri's influence on Luks was more indirect than with the others in the group.2" They were men of similar spirit in many ways. Both had strong personalities and enjoyed being the focus of attention. Henri was the more serious and had a charismatic presence that made him an extremely effective teacher. Luks disliked ponderous "art talk; he preferred making art to talking about it. Henri and Luks were passionate humanitarians. When Henri spoke of painting from the heart first and organizing with the mind second, Luks agreed. To him, art was for communicating the human condition with a basic sense of optimism and sympathy. Later, when Luks spoke of having contributed to the making of a "truly American art, b™1^' “ With w?f ,au the "PhiladelPhia Five" Luks was the one ho throughout his life most consistently followed Henn s ideas. Sloan began to work with the relationship of line and mass in a non-traditional manner as a concession to what he called the u tra-moderns;" Shinn's later work was given over to slick formula; Glackens was always more the Impressionist, both in palette and subject. Although uks and 1 lenri considered themselves rebels, and they were to a certain extent, their art was also based in art history and came from a tradition that began with the Dutch masters. When Henri spoke about technique in The Art Spirit, many of Luks' canvases can be evoked as examples: Insist then, on the beauty of form and color to be obtained from the composition of the largest masses, the four or five masses which cover your canvas. Let these above all things have fine shapes, have line colors. Let them be as meaningful of your subjects as they possibly can be.21 When later you come to the painting of the features of the face, consider well the feature's part in the relation to the idea you have to express. It will not be so much a question of painting that nose as it will be painting the expression of that nose. All the features are concerned in one expression which manifests the state of mind or the condition of the sitter. Work with great speed. Have your energies alert, up and active. Finish as quickly as you can. There is no virtue in delaying .... Do it all in one sitting if you can. In one minute if you can.21 Henri's portrait of a young Irish boy, Cori Laughing (fig 12) is an excellent example of this last directive. It is also a portrait similar in spirit to those of Luks and, in fact, to those of Frans Hals. Interestingly, Henri made the portrait in Haarlem, Holland where Hals had worked in the seventeenth century. 65 �In 1*2 1 uk- pamtc. older m.in -adv kit. ot -hurt, active bru-b _ 4 v irtuoso perform ri ■ ,.;1, . expression is stern vet " .4,;> himself in the act <<t an. ' ■ i,.t!i•, ,rp Shoulders and collar .if > ..i,, ;.r.vii u large shapes to suggest form rather than dexnbe’ detail. Ilenri returned the >•< -ihir,, ■>: G c.ni.hn^ | „yxportrait two vi arslatei m what i, ,< v tx-cn one of his subjei t's favorite positions standing ma dramatic full length p •-■ . • irniga p mUer - sm.x i or dressing robe (tin • m • r. <• • .ils a. < jt ,lnd tie underneath), right ells.w w ting on mantle. I. fl ---- hand holding a cigarette, right ftiot thrust forward 19. The Fly Weight, 1925 (fig. 13). 1 uks' i liIi i i ii- hairline with a center lock Oiltrageoil lv »tilled s - it thrusts up and nut like a rock's r omb, frame the h-.ilun-. ot an elfin raconteur. I le seems to be pausing between stories, perhaps c aught in a rare m inu nt ot li.ft ning to siinierme else while worl ing >>n his i»wt oration It is difficult to say when I uks Is g.inti take painting seriously At sixteen lie knee, enough ut technique to mimic tin - bu< oli< l.indst ape of the 1 ludson River School but In v. > not vet thinking of creating his own imagi s 1 hs mother a- an amateur painter pnividing 1 uk- with an early knowledge oi materials whii h, < oupled w ith a natural talent, made creating images easy. I he first signs ot 1 uks'd.-■.eloping per-onal -tde appear in 1889 when he -.,a . in I nndon with ho father's family and painted l.t>ndi<n Hu- Driver (Memorial Art Gallery of I . . • 3 Rixhester! whir h already exhibits Luk s' mature strength as a portraitist and his inte rest in personality. The image of the good-natured driver as captured by L uks was later described as ''florid, assertive, rake-h. friend!. • ■ • |a| symbol of a now vanished London. Tht critic went on to talk about Luk' style "enriched bv his distinc five sympathy with 'p iwerful •jra-ducated persons,' a vast brood hovering unseen behind this picturesque representative and lending mass support h> his image, a brood to which Luks never has ‘'tome indifferent." A sketch of the :abt " ■ '• F» �In 1902 Luks painted Henri's portrait following the older man's advice for technique * The face is a mass of short, active brush strokes left unblended and raw a virtuoso performance in paint. Henri's Expression is stern yet introspective as if Luks caught himself in the act of analyzing a student's work. Shoulders and collar are roughly mapped in using large shapes to suggest form rather than describe detail. Henri returned the compliment by painting Luks' portrait two years later in what must have been one of his subject's favorite positions — standing in a dramatic, full-length pose, wearing a painter's smock or dressing robe (the neck reveals a coat and tie underneath), right elbow resting on a mantle, left hand holding a cigarette, right foot thrust forward (fig. 13). Luks' characteristic hairline, with a center lock outrageously curled so it thrusts up and out like a cock's comb, frames the features of an elfin raconteur. He seems to be pausing between stories, perhaps caught in a rare moment of listening to someone else while working on his next oration. It is difficult to say when Luks began to take painting seriously. At sixteen he knew enough of technique to mimic the bucolic landscape of the Hudson River School but he was not yet thinking of creating his own images.25 His mother was an amateur painter providing Luks with an early knowledge of materials which, coupled with a natural talent, made creating images easy. The first signs of Luks' developing personal style appear in 1889 when he was in London with his father's family and painted London Bus Driver (Memorial Art Gallery of the University of Rochester) which already exhibits Luks' mature strength as a portraitist and his interest in personality. The image of the good-natured driver as captured by Luks was later described as "florid, assertive, rakish, friendly • ■ • [a] symbol of a now vanished London." The critic went on to talk about Luks' style "enriched by his distinctive sympathy with 'powerful uneducated persons,' a vast brood hovering unseen behind this picturesque representative and lending mass support to his image; a brood to which Luks never has become indifferent."26 A sketch of the cabby, Man with Fig. 12. Robert Henri, Cori Laughing, 1907 (oil on canvas). Courtesy, Berry-Hill Galleries, Inc. �Basket (cat. no. 39) shows a less self-assured side o the driver's personality perhaps because he has stepped down from the comfortable perch of his rig. Among Luks' earliest paintings were those made in Cuba where he had been sent to cover that country s rebellion against Spain. Apparently unable to go on assignment where the battles were being fought, e filled his time by making oil sketches and watercolors of Cuban peasants. There are no landscapes or even cityscapes from this period, further emphasizing Luks' interest in people and the stories they had to tell. The dating of Luks' European and Cuban pictures is complicated by the fact that he often made watercolors after sketches (and oils after watercolors) several years following the original experience. Therefore paintings such as Boys with Dog, Cuba 1896 (cat. no. 1), although an accurate record of Cuban life, may have been painted later in Luks' New York studio. The rough, hurried handling of the paint and the "stop action" poses of the two boys and their dog all indicate a painting made in situ. But Luks had been trained to remember detail and recall emotion from a few pencil scrawls in a notebook, all of which he later reassembled on canvas. Luks' move to New York in 1896 was a new beginning which included an increased interest in easel painting as opposed to illustration. He continued the latter to support himself but gradually withdrew as soon as his canvases began to sell. Some of his earliest canvases reflect the philosophy of the Ash Can School. When Luks went back to Europe in 1902 and made oil sketches of Parisian cafes and gardens (cat. no. 4) he used the dark palette of the "Black Gang" for subjects associated with the bright pastels and primary colors of the Impressionists. His brushwork, though an unrefined shorthand, was also not the abbreviated dot-and-dash method of Monet and his followers. Returning to the United States Luks painted some of his finest city scenes in the decade between 1900 and 1910. The Butcher Cat, 1901 (The Art Institute of Chicago) makes use of rich earth tones for the overall image, punctuated by the bright green of wagon slats 68 and the deep red bellies of slaughtered hogs. Buildings and people in the background are indicated bv rectangular marks and the texture of opposing brush strokes. Hester Street, 1905 (The Brooklyn Museum) and Allen Street, c. 1905 (cat. no. 5) are rougher and more schematic than any of Sloan's paintings of similar subjects. Sloan paid more attention to detail and spent more time on the modelling of his figures. The same year, 1905, Luks created The Spielers (Addison Gallery of American Art, Phillips Academy), a painting of two dancing street urchins which has become one of his most popular works (fig. 14). It was chosen by Alexander Eliot, a critic for Time magazine, when he was asked in 1952 to name his ten favorite American paintings of the twentieth century. An uncanny representation of a specific moment of childish exhuberance, Everett Shinn called it Luks' "masterpiece of gamin' life" — a work even Frans Hals would have to saluteP When is was exhibited in 1908 at the National Arts Club it was described as follows: . . . the color warm, bright bodices, dingy skirts, boots down at the heel, mouths distended in the unbridled laughter that from time immemorial has heralded youth, red hair and yellow hair flying, and all about these joyous dancers, embracing them, caressing them, a dim floating atmosphere lending to the total effect a mystery not to be found in the work of other men ... ,3 By 1904 the last member of the "Philadelphia Five," John Sloan, had moved to New York. With Henri now a member of the National Academy and a respected teacher, the friends were optimistic about their future. These were the years leading up to the storm of 1907 resulting from the academic jury's rejection of Luks paintings and the subsequent formation of The Eight" and the "Independents" as alternate groups through which artists could organize non-juried exhibitions. As noted by a later critic, the original Ash Can chool was relatively mild despite the great public mss made over their inappropriate subject matter. ey were dreamers, Impressionists, poets, and �and the deep red bellies of slaughtered hogs. mX and thedexLe o/oppXg*^ brush strokes. Hester Street, 1905 (The Brooklyn 8 Museum) and Allen Street, c. 1905 (cat. no. 5) are rougher and more schematic than any of Sloan's paintings of similar subjects. Sloan paid more attention to detail and spent more time on the modelling of his figures. The same year, 1905, Luks created The Spielers (Addison Gallery of American Art, Phillips Academy), a painting of two dancing street urchins which has become one of his most popular works (fig. 14). It was chosen by Alexander Ehot, a critic for Time magazine, when he was asked in 1952 to name ais ten favorite American paintings of the twentieth zentury. An uncanny representation of a specific noment of childish exhuberance, Everett Shinn railed it Luks' "masterpiece of gamin' life" — a work wen Frans Hals would have to salute!27 When is was exhibited in 1908 at the National Arts Club it was lescribed as follows: ... the color warm, bright bodices, dingy skirts, boots down at the heel, mouths distended in the unbridled laughter that from time immemorial has heralded youth, red hair and yellow hair flying, and all about these joyous dancers, embracing them, caressing them, a dim floating atmosphere lending to the total effect a mystery not to be found in the work of other men . .. By 1904 the last member of the "Philadelphia Five," )hn Sloan, had moved to New York. With Henri now member of the National Academy and a respected 'acher, the friends were optimistic about their iture. These were the years leading up to the storm ' 1907 resulting from the academic jury's rejection of aks' paintings and the subsequent formation of the Eight" and the "Independents" as alternate oups through which artists could organize m-juried exhibitions. As noted by a later critic, the original Ash Can bool was relatively mild despite the great public ss made over their inappropriate subject matter, bey were dreamers, Impressionists, poets, and Fig. 14. George Luks. The Spielers, 1905 (oil on canvas). Courtesy, the Addison Gallery of American Art, Phillips Academy. �22. The Polka Dot Dress, 1927 eocid painters. Liketm- ry, wo, tse. Inct in fhe evenings at local bar, and restaurants A record of these nights is shown in Luks watervoiog /ohn Butler Yeats at Petitpa^' (cat.no S. >.m-.Iso painted Wats a -charming conversationalist, artist, and philosopher." who w as th, ».,rh, of the Irish poet V\ B. Yeats. I’etitpas’ w as a pi-ision and restaurant run bv three French sisters on West Twenty-ninth Street where Yeats staved and gathered around him a crowd of "young poets, painter,, write rs and actor, who eagerly enjoyed his talk Sloan and his group encouraged Romany Marie, the "gypsy queen" of < ireenwnh Village and former business manager of the Ferrer Art School to open a cafe to accommodate the artists, which she did Luk,, who enjoyed his drinking, was thrown out of this establishment for rowdy behaviiir his first visit there He was allowed to return only after promising good behavior. Marie later complained that artists have since become too "grimly literary" and that Sloan's group had "found gaiety and even humor in the worst of our slums." Luks saw his world through the lens ut his belief in humanity. He cast a soft, sympathetic light on his subjects rather than holding them up to a harsh, hare light bulb so as to shock the rest of humanity George I .uks' art was an expression of a robust love of life f hs work affirmed hi, enjoyment of the world and his delight in translating it into paint. 1 lum.mity was the center of his art, fie was interested m men and women more than he was in his own emotions. A spontaneous human sympathy pervaded everything he did, and gave esen his meanest subjects a warmth and glow that were entirely personal He loved character more than formal beauty, and enjoyed painting the least conventional aspects of the life around him, finding something picturesque in the crudest and commonest themes. A pioneer of realism in this country he helped to introduce into the somewhat genteel art world of his youth a more frank and masculine attitude tow ards lite 1 ■J! I.-. j?' to p'.'J Mt tl 30 u ob FK* an SO v,. or lit > .■ -a! a! co A th i’. sy �$ •_ nOd painters."20 Like the Impressionists, they met in fhe evenings at local bars and restaurants. A record of hese nights is shown in Luks' watercolor, John Butler Petitpas' (cat. no. 54). Sloan also painted Yeats "charming conversationalist, artist, and philosopher," who was the father of the Irish poet W. g Yeats. Petitpas' was a pension and restaurant run gv three French sisters on West Twenty-ninth Street here Yeats stayed and gathered around him a crowd of "young poets, painters, writers and actors who eagerly enjoyed his talk."30 ‘Sloan and his group encouraged Romany Marie, the "gyPsy queen" of Greenwich Village and former business manager of the Ferrer Art School, to open a cafe to accommodate the artists, which she did. Luks, who enjoyed his drinking, was thrown out of this establishment for rowdy behavior his first visit there. He was allowed to return only after promising good behavior. Marie later complained that artists have since become too "grimly literary" and that Sloan's group had "found gaiety and even humor in the worst of our slums."” Luks saw his world through the lens of his belief in humanity. He cast a soft, sympathetic light on his subjects rather than holding them up to a harsh, bare lightbulb so as to shock the rest of humanity. George Luks' art was an expression of a robust love of life. His work affirmed his enjoyment of the world and his delight in translating it into paint. Humanity was the center of his art; he was interested in men and women more than he was in his own emotions. A spontaneous human sympathy pervaded everything he did, and gave even his meanest subjects a warmth and glow that were entirely personal. He loved character more than formal beauty, and enjoyed painting the least conventional aspects of the life around him, finding something picturesque in the crudest and commonest themes. A pioneer of realism in this country, he helped to introduce into the somewhat genteel art world of his youth a more frank and masculine attitude towards life.32 aS'.S.™"* Lnkc I si™ h.d with the n y an arfet had for Showing his work The. ProP°nents of the Academy felt Luks' subjects to be.inappropriate for easel painting, while Luks' painted his gutsy, American topics because he felt it urn , urd t0 follow the academicians in recreating Millet s peasants in the middle of New York City the result is doomed to failure."33 Mistakenly accused of being socialist painters, none of the Ash Can School chose their subjects because they felt an obligation to society — "The idea that art is propaganda and should serve the contemporary generation is a fallacy."54 They painted what they saw around them because it was real and it was something they knew about, not because they wanted to promote a certain social cause. More than once they stated that their intention was to put real life back into art. Even before the highly publicized dismissal of his canvas from the National Academy's exhibition in the fall of 1907, Luks had been accustomed to rejection.” Maurice Prendergast wrote to a patron in 1904 about a Luks which had been removed from the competition, remarking upon its "superiority over a Sargent which was accepted."36 When Luks' canvases were accepted they were hung near the ceiling where they could neither by well lit nor easily seen. Guy Pene du Bois provided this summation of the jury system and Luks' relationship to it: Art is too generally confused with artisanship by the conception that it is made in three parts of good taste .... This is true to a nearly intolerable extent in the prize-winning examples, and in their case is an evidence which cannot be taken lightly, for prizes are usually awarded by a consensus of opinion. George Luks begins by having the bad taste of the braggard and goes on with a mad ■ I �extravagance in untempered garrulousness and the impertinence, quite unconsidered on his part, to exhibit canvases fat in form and luscious in color to a people accustomed to the cramped works of painters with whom good taste is a dominating idol.37 In 1905 Luks began a canvas which he told Sloan would "vindicate Henri in his fight for my work on the National Academy juries."® But he refused to include The Wrestlers (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, fig. 15) in the famous Macbeth show of 1908, which would have provided a perfect occasion for Luks retort to the Academy. Luks intended the ambitious canvas to demonstrate his knowledge of anatomy, the lack of which he had been criticized for earlier. The challenging, straight-on view from the mat of two contorted and entangled bodies does display a knowledge of human masculature and an accurate sense of perspective. However, when the painting was finally shown in 1915 at the Kraushaar Gallery, the disturbing reality of the powerful scene overwhelmed audiences to a point where Luks' triumphant technical abilities were overlooked and his point missed. Guy Pene du Bois pinpointed the cause for objection when he noted that this was not a classical, idealized painting of two athletes engaged in a battle over good and evil: "The conqueror in this bout will not stand up and crow. His great strength will be exhausted for the moment.3’ Luks first tried to exhibit The Wrestlers in London at the Anglo-American Exposition of 1914. A polite letter from the chairman, Hugo Reisinger explained why he would rather it not be included: While I admit that this picture represents you splendidly and while I agree with you that it is one of the finest things you ever did, I feel somewhat timid about exhibiting it in London, where, you know, they are not as far advanced in art as we or the German or the French are. Would it not under the circumstances be better if you would give smaller pictures, which will be less startling to the English people than your "Wrestlers" surely would be. 72 Should you, however, after due consideration, think the "Wrestlers" should be shown, I am quite willing to do so.4 Luks has been called a "guts" painter, not only because of his gritty subject matter and vigorous painting style but also because he resisted formal training. His dismay with traditional art and instruction was that it lacked life, but Luks understood the formal aspects of composition and the foundation of his paintings was solid draughtsmanship and sound modeling. Shinn wrote that you could turn a canvas by Luks on its head and its "color alone will free your mind to evolve fantasies in the rush of those sweeping color blends."41 The decision to have a show at the Macbeth Gallei!ry in 1908 was made after Luks' Man with Dyed Mustachios (whereabouts unknown) was one of the works by colleagues and students of Henri rejected from the National Academy's exhibition of 1907. The "Philadelphia Five" — Henri, Luks, Sloan, Shinn, and Glackens — invited Maurice Prendergast, Arthur B. Davies, and Ernest Lawson to join them. The fun and camaraderie shared during the planning for the show is reflected in Luks' postcard to Henri showing their mentor as a conductor with Sloan providing percussion and the others forming a chorus (fig. 6). Luks is seated next to a jug of rye. Luks exhibited six paintings at Macbeth's: Street Scene, Macaws, The Duchess, Pigs (a.k.a. Feeding the Pigs, cat. no. 9), The Pet Goose (a.k.a. Woman with Goose, cat. no. 7), and Mammy Groody. In Feeding the Pigs, Luks noted that he "was an allegorist for once in my life," meaning, perhaps, that the consumers of art were no better than these rotund barnyard animals.47 An accurate picture of the surprisingly provincial, critical attitude prevailing at the time is provided by the fact that audiences were as disturbed by the "vulgarity" of Glackens' Chez Mouquin, a pleasant cafe-concert theme, and Sloan's humorous street scene, Hairdresser's Window, as they were by Luks' painting of pigs' posteriors.43 Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney purchased four paintings from the exhibition, including Woman with Goose by Luks. The painting in reminiscent of Rembrandt both in character and technique. Three Fig. 15. George Luks, The Wrestlers, 1905 (oil on canvas; Courtesy, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Charles Henn Hayden Fund. �ledgarr5Ss°n Ite uncons’ae , ifeSK rCTd*e ambitious Kes display a Le and an accuse [when the painjng |eKraushaarGallenLerful scene fe‘e"SS»4 I Rois pinpointed th .. Ved that thisengaged was not Lo athletes (The conqueror in L His great strength tiers in London at Vofl9U.Apoite IReisinger explained deluded: Iturerepresents (agree with you lings you ever did, It exhibiting it in I they are not as I the German or cumstances be aller pictures, o the English s" surely would Should you, however, after due consideration, think the "Wrestlers" should be shown, I am quite willing to do so.*> Luks has been called a guts painter, not only because of his gritty subject matter and vigorous painting style but also because he resisted formal Lining His dismay with traditional art and instruction was that it lacked life, but Luks understood the formal aspects of composition and the foundation of his paintings was solid draughtsmanship and sound modeling. Shinn wrote that you could turn a canvas by Luks on its head and its "color alone will free your mind to evolve fantasies in the rush of those sweeping color blends."41 The decision to have a show at the Macbeth Gallery in 1908 was made after Luks' Matt with Dyed Mustachios (whereabouts unknown) was one of the works by colleagues and students of Henri rejected from the National Academy's exhibition of 1907. The "Philadelphia Five" — Henri, Luks, Sloan, Shinn, and Slackens — invited Maurice Prendergast, Arthur B. Davies, and Ernest Lawson to join them. The fun and camaraderie shared during the planning for the show is reflected in Luks' postcard to Henri showing their mentor as a conductor with Sloan providing percussion and the others forming a chorus (fig. 6). Luks is seated next to a jug of rye. Luks exhibited six paintings at Macbeth's: Street Scene, Macaws, The Duchess, Pigs (a.k.a. Feeding the Pigs, cat. no. 9), The Pet Goose (a.k.a. Woman with Goose, cat. no. 7), and Mammy Groody. In Feeding the Pigs, Luks noted that he "was an allegorist for once in my life," meaning, perhaps, that the consumers of art were no better than these rotund barnyard animals.47 An accurate picture of the surprisingly provincial, critical attitude prevailing at the time is provided by the fact that audiences were as disturbed by the "vulgarity" of Glackens' Chez Moutjuin, a pleasant cafe-concert theme, and Sloan s humorous street scene, Hairdresser's Window, as they were by Luks' painting of pigs' posteriors.” Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney purchased four paintings from the exhibition, including Woman with Goose by Luks. The painting in reminiscent of Rembrandt both in character and technique. Three F'g. 15. George Luks, The Wrestlers, 1905 (oil on canvas). Courtesy, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Charles Henri Hayden Fund. �16. Trout Fishing, 1919 thewrmklea arm s,, net gcnrsi’ which *^1 cy ' .n _• m the u, ,,y. t.t perelbovs and in the o.•,.,.. J water dish .Economy '■’.!■-J. s. surprising amount "i. • J ' ; < ;ui demonstrating Luks ■" .-puun , subject — a feeble old ,„d _ without coy sentimt iiiabty. A quality much talked about in Luks work, both bv himself and later critics is the ,i,pv. t a "Americanism." What c > tic d<„ this teon mean when applied to ait' Ih.it it is not derived from European sourc es' li! . favorite artist was the Dutchman. Frans H.il 1 hat the ■■ub|e-,i matter is purely American’ I hr. Would apply too generally to many groups ol artists by the time of the earlv 1900s. The i ritic Arm on b'.l, mi raised these questions in 1920 when there were numerous other jrf movements beginning t<> call themselves ' truly American."’' I or I uks it must have meant the >pmt of democratic humanism, as defined earlier, but it also had to do with a c ertain amount ol ianket Doodle bravado, pride, and forthrightness. As early as IbtHloiowritic c citing for Hi.- B.h • nun identified the com ept of Americans ni in tin work j live young artists inc hiding I.uk ., Shinn, and dar kens by commenting th.it the ' sincerity and ac tuality'that Messrs Gki'kens, Shinn and Luks impose in the vibrant ■ a positions of the masses ut hie arc- truly' American in their original,tv and treatment The obviousness • if a native .: rt i-. -urelv beginning be recognized."* I le attributed this in part to the fact that artists were beginning to rid themselves ot foreign dominance and talk about an Amencan Sc hool ot Art in which the influence nt Europe - and especially of Paris would no longer be the automatic ticket to success. An article written in 1907 during the National Academy's annual exhibition — for which Luks' canvases had not been accepted - remarked that the exhibition suffered from the artist\ absence and praised him, as the title of the arte le states An American Painter of Great Originality and Force' It went on to quote Luks: �hrieht spots in an otherwise darkened canvas show the wrinkled and smiling face of an old woman her net goose which she carries with care in the crook of her elbow, and, in the lower left corner, the goose's ,eater dish. Economy of information still relays a surprising amount of emotion and detail while again demonstrating Luks' ability to paint a picturesque subject — a feeble old woman and her cherished pet without coy sentimentality. A quality much talked about in Luks' work, both by himself and later critics, is the aspect of ■'Americanism." What exactly does this term mean when applied to art? That it is not derived from European sources? — Luks' favorite artist was the Dutchman, Frans Hals. That the subject matter is purely American? ■— This would apply too generally to many groups of artists by the time of the early 1900s. The critic Ameen Rihani raised these questions in 1920 when there were numerous other art movements beginning to call themselves "truly American.''41 For Luks it must have meant the spirit of democratic humanism, as defined earlier, but it also had to do with a certain amount of "Yankee Doodle" bravado, pride, and forthrightness. As early as 1900 one critic writing for The Bookman identified the concept of Americanism in the work of five young artists including Luks, Shinn, and Glackens by commenting that the "sincerity and actuality that Messrs. Glackens, Shinn and Luks impose in the vibrant expositions of the masses of life are truly American in their originality and treatment. The obviousness of a native art is surely beginning to be recognized."45 He attributed this in part to the fact that artists were beginning to rid themselves of foreign dominance and talk about an American School of Art in which the influence of Europe — and especially of Paris — would no longer be the automatic ticket to success. An article written in 1907 during the National Academy's annual exhibition — for which Luks' canvases had not been accepted — remarked that the exhibition suffered from the artist's absence and praised him, as the title of the article states, "An American Painter of Great Originality and Force." It 'venton to quote Luks: siiO-p°T a"' Luks is American. He believes A Xi ly' p®ss.ior,ately in the future of America and American art. "Our young woTklns? pJTse should stayat home and wo k,nstead of going abroad Letthem go to Europe if they must to study the originals of great masters not otherwise aCCeSiAm e t0 them' but let them work here ■ • • • What need of going to other lands in quest of subjects to paint? In a single city block, a mile of New Jersey or New England, a 1 ittsburgh factory, or a single Western landscape, the true artist will find enough material for a lifetime, enough to fill a hundred years."46 On the occasion of Luks' first one-man show in 1910 at the Macbeth Gallery, the comparison between Luks, the American," and artists of European derivation came up again: Luks is a reflection of our American life as it is today, crude, vehement, inconsiderate though not without tenderness at times. Yet the people who buy pictures can not see it that way .... They want an art for their drawing rooms, daintily and knowingly made. They do not want to be reminded of the bitterness of life, and have not yet learned to see beauty in the common and the modern — in the expression of vulgar and vagrom life. Better than anyone Luks has discerned this inadequacy of our art and he has painted it in a dozen pictures — pictures so powerful and true that I can not believe the world will willingly let them die.47 At the meeting of the Association of American Artists in May, 1914, three members of "The Eight." Luks, Sloan, and Henri, resigned over issues raised by the famous Armory Show of 1913. Among other things, Luks and his associates felt that the group should not have sponsored an exhibition of international art at a time when the three felt it was important to establish an American school. To them it had reinforced the notion that an artist must take his lessons from Europe and that collectors should continue buying the work of modern European 75 �artists. Eventually, this widened the rift between the realist painters of the Henn circle and Steiglitz’s modernists who were clearly linked to European abstraction. 21. Coal Miner. 1926 Luks worked from a model whenever he could arrange it. He once brough an entire fruit cart and its vendor into his studio to paint what he called "the Great Experiment." One of Luks' favorite stories was when a truck driver from the Art Institute of Chicago showed up at his door to pick up a painting for exhibition. Luks, having forgotten about the show, invited the truck driver to have a seat and quickly dashed off his portrait which was then carted off wet to Illinois. Luks boasted that the canvas won the Logan Medal but the painting which was given that award was Of is Skinner in "The Honor of The Family " (The Phillips Collection) thereby neatly disproving Luks' fabricated, though colorful, version of the incident. Nonetheless, in an article by the Herald Tribune in 1932, Luks repeated the story and it was published under the headline, "Sit Down Mug.' “ Luks w'ent back to his boyhood home in Pennsylvania during the early and late 1920s, where he drew prodigiously from local models. However, a revealing article in the Pottsville paper told how Luks had borrowed clothes from a miner but the sitter for some of the sketches was actuallv a janitor from the public library'. A reason for this was not given but it must be that Luks liked the janitor's face and thought it looked more like that of a miner than other available models. Therefore we know that Luks was capable of manipulating his images to fit his own preconception. Coal Miner(cat. no. 21)and its preliminary' sketch (cat. no. 49) are two of the works he completed in Pottsville. W hen James Huneker visited the artist's studio on Jumel Place near High Bridge Park he noted that there was a profusion of models right outside the oor. Luks often painted the nannies and their wards n°’ ’n bright sunlit colors. He also painted e drab industrialism of Roundhouses at High Bridge IMunson-Williams-Procter Institute, Utica) in an ?. mospheric, Whistlerian manner which, in the dawn *ght, transformed the pinks and greys of billowing Stm pm 1 of l stu she kt wit I fill, im: ini av th W In ba de �rtists. Eventually, this widened the rift between the realist painters of the Henri circle and Steiglitz's modernists who were clearly linked to European abstraction. Luks worked from a model whenever he could arrange it. He once brough an entire fruit cart and its vendor into his studio to paint what he called "the Great Experiment." One of Luks' favorite stories was when a truck driver from the Art Institute of Chicago showed up at his door to pick up a painting for exhibition. Luks, having forgotten about the show, invited the truck driver to have a seat and quickly ' dashed off his portrait which was then carted off wet to Illinois. Luks boasted that the canvas won the Logan Medal but the painting which was given that award was Otis Skinner in "The Honor of The Family" (The Phillips Collection) thereby neatly disproving Luks' fabricated, though colorful, version of the incident. Nonetheless, in an article by the Herald Tribune in 1932, Luks repeated the story and it was published under the headline, "Sit Down Mug.''48 Luks went back to his boyhood home in Pennsylvania during the early and late 1920s, where he drew prodigiously from local models. However, a revealing article in the Pottsville paper told how Luks had borrowed clothes from a miner but the sitter for some of the sketches was actually a janitor from the public library. A reason for this was not given but it must be that Luks liked the janitor's face and thought it looked more like that of a miner than other available models. Therefore we know that Luks was capable of manipulating his images to fit his own preconception. Coal Miner (cat. no. 21) and its preliminary sketch (cat. no. 49) are two of the works he completed in Pottsville. When James Huneker visited the artist's studio on Jumel Place near High Bridge Park he noted that there was a profusion of models right outside the door. Luks often painted the nannies and their wards teat. no. 41) in bright sunlit colors. He also painted the drab industrialism of Roundhouses at High Bridge tMunson-Williams-Procter Institute, Utica) in an atmospheric, Whistlerian manner which, in the dawn ‘'?ht, transformed the pinks and greys of billowing pow. lnt° 3 romantic evocation of technology's studio' is nr Kn Old hag Luks invited his shmX thp r brutally revealmg portraits is both iron P1S? Of the City's lower dass- The htle with svm symPathe«c - the portrait is done with sympathy and compassion. fiiiZTS als° Painted from the copius sketchbooks he tied everyday, a more convenient method if less immediate. A critic for Harper's Weekly wrote: Who else joins so closely the observation of his themes with realization in note-book and on canvas? Mr. Luks get his material first-hand. In the crooked and the dark streets, in the bright sunlight of a windswept Hudson River dock, in the drawing-rooms, in theatres, everywhere he goes, this artist never tires of studying living creatures and their surroundings. His powers as a draughtsman are something more than remarkable, as his sketch-books and his paintings testify. His pictures are the personification of creative energy, tempered to the mood of the subject.... Humor, keen analysis, fearless good nature and a genuine tenderness on occasion help make George Luks' painting about as vital an art as one can imagine.4’ When a reporter for the Portland Evening Express interviewed Luks in his studio in 1922, she came away and wrote, "He talks in headlines and works in the same breezy, energetic, forceful, manner."50 Watching Luks work was like taking in a stage show. In fact, he was glad to perform both on an impromptu basis and, later, on the lecture circuit. Many people described the way he worked: [he] took a broad and lust[y] swing at the canvas with his brush. The canvas quivered, as if life had been breathed into it, and the homunculus of paint seemed to breathfe].51 He painted with broad, sure strokes, holding the brushes in his left hand, dancing and jumping about the canvas while it quivered under his thrusts. To him terms like �Fig. 16. George Luks, George Bellows Painting a Landscape, 1925 (pencil drawing). Courtesy, Mead Art Museum, Amherst College. Gift of Anne Bellows Kearney and Jean Bellows Booth. "dynamic symmetry" were bunk. So were school and theories of art. Either one could paint or one couldn't; that was all.52 A portrait of Luks in action (whereabout unknown) by one of his students, A. Z. Kruse, shows him lunging toward the easel, legs spread wide, with his left hand raised and armed with a brush. Clenched in his right hand are more brushes. His distinctive, broad brimmed hat suggests the costume of a rugged frontiersman fighting for survival. Kruse's painting was made for the Golden Jubilee of the Art Student's League in 1925, an event at which Luks was asked to paint a model dressed as a Hawaiian dancer for an audience of about five hundred people.53 Luks' sketch of George Bellows at work in 1925 (fig. 16) looks much like a self-portrait. 78 Luks' early disgust with rigid academic formulae was reflected in his work. He attacked the canvas in anv way he could get the desired results. His famous statement regarding process and theory was often repeated: "Art my slats! I can paint with a shoestring dipped in pitch and lard .... Technique did you say? Mv slats! Say, listen you - it's in you or it isn't. Who taught Shakespeare technique? Guts! Life! Life! That's my technique."54 Luks' great strength was this sense of spontaneity and a good, natural eye for formal elements such as color and composition. Sometimes insecure despite his bravado, Luks got his spectators to participate in the work. "He asks your opinion continually — 'Don't you like that line? Out she comes!' He puts another in — 'Like that?"' Pene du Bois frequently watched Luks paint and noted that he could be indecisive in his work style, perhaps due to his lack of schooled discipline and dependance on artistic "inspiration." He will go to a great canvas with an enormous brush loaded with color and make and unmake numberless starts in one day. He will fight himself; wipe out a moment of timidity with a house painter's brush or the boast of a Gascon. Human, all too human. He will be sloppy' and he will be strong. A magnificent picture will be born in his studio one day and a puerile one the next. His worst is the worst of all bad pictures: mighty strokes brushed around a non-existent structure, a braggard's castle in Spain.5" Shinn disagreed that Luks' canvases ever lacked structure even when they were hastily executed or overworked. But he also acknowledged that sometimes Luks could fail: he "could make very bad pictures .... However, there were no signs of the amateur even in these unworthy products, for dexterity was there without a purpose."57 Luks believed that by working too long on a canvas you could kill the life in it. He once said that Leonardo was not a great artist because "any man who takes twelve years to paint a picture is cuckoo. But he did not always take his own advice, therefore, an unfinished canvas by Luks can often be a w ork of tremendous power and beauty'. Society Ludii (cat. no. �earlv disgust with rigid academic formulae ected in his work. He attacked the canvas in , he could get the desired results. His famous nt regarding process and theory' was often d: "Art my slats! I can paint with a shoestring in pitch and lard .... Technique did you say? ;! Say, listen you — it's in you or it isn't. Who Shakespeare technique? Guts! Life! Life! iy technique."51 Luks' great strength was this spontaneity and a good, natural eye for dements such as color and composition. times insecure despite his bravado, Luks got tators to participate in the work. "He asks inion continually — 'Don't you like that line? comes!' He puts another in — 'Like that?'"55 iu Bois frequently watched Luks paint and tat he could be indecisive in his work style, ; due to his lack of schooled discipline and ance on artistic "inspiration." e will go to a great canvas with an rmous brush loaded with color and make unmake numberless starts in one day. He fight himself; wipe out a moment of dity with a house painter's brush or the st of a Gascon. Human, all too human. will be sloppy and he will be strong. A piificent picture will be bom in his studio day and a puerile one the next. His worst le worst of all bad pictures: mighty kes brushed around a non-existent dure, abraggard's castle in Spain.” i disagreed that Luks' canvases ever lacked e even when they were hastily executed or rked. But he also acknowledged that ties Luks could fail: he "could make very' bad > ■ •.. However, there were no signs of the r even in these unworthy products, for y was there without a purpose."37 believed that by working too long on a canvas ild kill the life in it. He once said that io was not a great artist because "any man ;es twelve years to paint a picture is cuckoo, lid not always take his own advice, therefore, nished canvas by Luks can often be a work of dous power and beauty. Society Lady (cat. no. 24. Society Lady, c. 1932 �i4) is a late painting which Luk m.o not have been "ntirely finished with a* ■tHr..-t -cned rr.,_ r)v> ensation of color — vi\ id i Sue c Id ar-d red - ;a;.j on in wide. strong bru'-r it. k-.-> :s remarkable modern. One notices individual points, the deep sockets ot her eyes, the delicate tracery of her fingers ihe abstract pattern of wrinkled cloth across her rib cage, and the impetuous mark with bisects her nght elbow. The painting is fresh, powerful, and monumental. James Huneker may have been exaggerating v. hen he said that Luks seldom finished a <anvas but did note seeing hundreds of half-begun paintings stowe away in Luks' studio near High Bridge Park. He [Luks] displays an infernal impatience, that chief sin of heresiarchs . . And the corollary' of impatience i haste in execution.” Anther writer shed a more positive light on the disorder of Luks' studio by describing it as ‘‘not a decorative imse en bccne, but a mental workshop where the anvil is hot and the sparks fly ' ‘ Luks would have accepted this account as high praise not only because he would have liked the comparison to rugged, menial labor, but because he thought the impeccably decorated studios of society painters like William Merritt Chase and Ke nyon Cox ridiculous When Luks stopped teaching at the Art Student League, he began to take students privately in his studio and later developed the George Luks School Art. He taught in the "French, informal manner wit no attempt to regulate classes, models, or working hours"'-' Student paid for the opportunitv to paint ir Luks' studio, watch him work, and accept his criticism. Luks was an enthusiastic instructor in part becaus it gave him the opportunity to paint in front of an audience — a situation he thrived upon. Often his criticism or instruction would be in the form of a demonstration on the student's own canvas "He seizes a brush from a timid hand and with a broad svv ish' puts life and art on an otherwise pallid canvas." - Shinn recorded a comic instance when he '■ atched Luks, "his long handled paintbrush held ■ arm's length, dart[ing] and parr|ying] hkea tencmg 01' about to touch up the features of a student s �,n is a late painting which Luks may not have been tirelv finished with as it is not signed. The raw Lnsation of color - vivid blue, gold, and red - laid n in wide, strong brush strokes is remarkably modern. One notices individual points, the deep sockets of her eyes, the delicate tracery of her fingers the abstract pattern of wrinkled cloth across her rib ge and the impetuous mark with bisects her right elhn'v. The painting is fresh, powerful, and monumental. James Huneker may have been exaggerating when he said that Luks seldom finished a canvas but did note seeing hundreds of half-begun paintings stowed away in Luks' studio near High Bridge Park. "He [Luks] displays an infernal impatience, that chief sin ofheresiarchs .... And the corollary of impatience is haste in execution."5’ Anther writer shed a more positive light on the disorder of Luks' studio by describing it as "not a decorative mise en scene, but a mental workshop where the anvil is hot and the sparks fly"60 Luks would have accepted this account as high praise not only because he would have liked the comparison to rugged, menial labor, but because he thought the impeccably decorated studios of society painters like William Merritt Chase and Kenyon Cox ridiculous. When Luks stopped teaching at the Art Student League, he began to take students privately in his studio and later developed the George Luks School of Art. He taught in the "French, informal manner, with no attempt to regulate classes, models, or working hours."61 Student paid for the opportunity to paint in Luks' studio, watch him work, and accept his criticism. Luks was an enthusiastic instructor in part because it gave him the opportunity to paint in front of an audience — a situation he thrived upon. Often his criticism or instruction would be in the form of a demonstration on the student's own canvas: "He seizes a brush from a timid hand and with a broad swish' puts life and art on an otherwise pallid canvas."62 Shinn recorded a comic instance when he patched Luks, "his long handled paintbrush, held at 5 length, dart[ing] and parr[ying] like a fencing navel "yenSg'lshe snipped b 6 ent instead t0 *e canvas/'Son, always star?n^-bHCk ten feet from the impatiencebelShT WaS * reSult of his own you were noT Hp tn v \atI°U Were born t0 Paint or having non i’ H ‘ k students because he loved teUoS ' k°^d him and s‘ncerely wanted to wanted h 7 he feIt ab°Ut art He lived art and - tn ndtr’S aw ~ not )ust hlS Pamtir>gs but his ideas the weak1^ * qU‘te P°SsibIe that a number of the weaker canvases attributed to Luks, which show h>s gemus ln the face but nothing of his hand in the rest of the picture, are products of his classroom demonstrations. So far this discussion has concerned George Luks as a oil painter because that is how he is better known. But he also worked in watercolors and produced some of his finest work in this medium."1 His early watercolors were no more than cartoon line drawings, such as an episode for the "Yellow Kid" (cat. nos. 37, 38) which was executed in pen and ink and filled in later, color-book style. When he made the gradual transition from newspaper work to easel painting, he continued to use watercolor as a sketching medium. Several watercolors from his early travels in Spain, France, and Cuba indicate that he was comfortable with producing finished images in this medium before he became involved with oils. (See Havana, Cuba, 1896, The Brooklyn Museum; and Verdun, France, 1902, The Phillips Collection as examples.) Luks became a member of the American Watercolor Society in 1911 with this first exhibition there. The first award Luks ever received in any medium was the Hudnut Award for Watercolors for On the Marne, (whereabouts unknown) an impressionistic work dated 1902 65 By 1918, when Luks was exhibiting at the Kraushaar Gallery in New York, he mounted a show with sixteen watercolors and fourteen oils, further indicating his seriousness about the medium. �41. Highbridge Park, c. 1912 Luks' watercolors were often made after penal sketches which had been done in situ. Th* watercolors themselves might later become an oi painting as in the case of Holiday m the Hudson (T Cleveland Museum) and Mu/tanoy City (whereab unknown). In watercolor, Luks took every advantage of th versatility of the medium. They could be atmosp with a dark, subdued palette as in Daughter of the Mines (cat. no. 48) or tightly controlled and high] colored as in Highbridge Park (cat. no. 41) which shows the influence of Maurice Prendergast. As Talcott remarks in his thesis on the watercolors: In his watercolors Luks was an experimenter. He worked with the clear washes of tradition, with opaque colors, anc these combined with pastels and with ink. h technique he ranged from pseudo-oil to expressive, two-dimensional patterns of the most modem simplicity.1* Again, Luks seemed to let his subject speak to h and dictate technique. It is appropriate to the su that Daughter of the Mines should be executed in washes of earth tones, creating a mood of stublx reliability' and dreary realism. In this he used a traditional oil technique of laying down dark col first and building forms with an overlay of bngh highlights. He may have been looking at the watercolors of such masters as Winslow Homer (1836-1910) and Thomas Eakins (1844-1916) whc used a more traditional approach. More cheerful subjects like the nursemaids of Highbridge Park were more suited to an airy, staccato-brush technique using dashes of pure c in a mosaic-like effect. These, like those of Prendergast, create a rich, two-dimensional des which is modern in feeling. Luks, more than hi; fellow member of The Eight, was apt to interject passages of wash to indicate three-dimensional He would also go back into a watercolor after it dried and add stronger daubs of color over the original strokes, again to create depth. I i c,ritic f°r ^6 Christian Science Monitor noted uks watercolors of Maine were summary ’oppressions "dashed down with repertonal zes �I i Luks' watercolors were often made after pencil -ketches which had been done in situ. The watercolors themselves might later become an oil painting as in the case of Holiday on the Hudson (The Cleveland Museum) and Mahanoy City (whereabouts unknotr n). In watercolor, Luks took every advantage of the versatility of the medium. They could be atmospheric with a dark, subdued palette as in Daughter of the Mines (cat. no. 48) or tightly controlled and highly colored as in Highbridge Park (cat. no. 41) which shows the influence of Maurice Prendergast. As Talcott remarks in his thesis on the watercolors: In his watercolors Luks was an experimenter. He worked with the clear washes of tradition, with opaque colors, and these combined with pastels and with ink. In technique he ranged from pseudo-oil to expressive, two-dimensional patterns of the most modern simplicity.66 Again, Luks seemed to let his subject speak to him and dictate technique. It is appropriate to the subject that Daughter of the Mines should be executed in -washes of earth tones, creating a mood of stubborn reliability' and dreary realism. In this he used a traditional oil technique of laying down dark colors first and building forms with an overlay of brighter highlights. He may have been looking at the watercolors of such masters as Winslow Homer (1836-1910) and Thomas Eakins (1844-1916) who also used a more traditional approach. More cheerful subjects like the nursemaids of Highbridge Park were more suited to an airy, staccato-brush technique using dashes of pure color in a mosaic-like effect. These, like those of Prendergast, create a rich, two-dimensional design which is modem in feeling. Luks, more than his fellow member of The Eight, was apt to interject a few passages of wash to indicate three-dimensional form. He would also go back into a watercolor after it had dried and add stronger daubs of color over the -riginal strokes, again to create depth. , A critic for the Christian Science Monitor noted that -u^s’ watercolors of Maine were summary mpressions "dashed down with repertorial zest and ^ChieoHhp316 thePainter's happiest vein."67 whereof* reas°uns for the success of the over-workfaCt that he COuld not The transit evenwhen he went back into them, serious ± enCy °f the medium did not allow any SDOn^anen IPaUi^S S° 376 fresh and Y sornptim US Luks at his best. His insecurity, which mes marred his oils, could not affect these. As ^ anonymous critic for The New York Times noted hen he compared the watercolors of Luks to those t the Fauvist painter, Maurice Vlaminck, "the lighter medium invites a franker color and a livelier touch."68 Luks produced both oils and watercolors of Nova bcotia. A review in the New York Tribune called them souvenirs of Nova Scotia, reflecting their ability to recreate the feeling of his subject but perhaps also noting that they have less of an emphatic statement than the city scenes and portraits. However, the vitality and piercing depth of color in these pieces make them among the strongest of Luks' images. "There is zest in the subject and there is zest in Mr. Luks' impression of it.6’ (See cat. nos. 16, 42, 44). Critics often used the word "impression" in discussing Luks' work. This is not to link him with the Impressionist school except in the respect that both were interested in registering the momentary. This goes back to Henri and to Hals who felt that the emotion of an instant was expressive of the whole. In his portraits and his landscapes Luks sought to maintain spontaneity. The critics disagree about Luks, as they do with any artist — only more vehemently. They argue about whether his images are sentimental or if they always narrowly avoid this pitfail of the emotional painter; about whether his paintings are too crudely made to have any subtlety or if their finest aspect is their lack of "polish;" about his character and its positive and negative impacts on his work. One writer said, "He prays ... as well as profanes; but he never drools."70 Another felt that "[Luks �11. Jack and Russell Burke, 1911-c. 1923 overtones though that aspect e. •/ ., - ch y , ;,.r often played upon by other artists Luks rejected anv element of tenderness in these personae because he did not feel any. Instead he rch admiration for the elemental reality of their lives and. in part, for their simplicity and directness. Yet in some of his portraits, especially of children, he sometimes came too close to the heart strings for some critics' comfort. As his work matured, he was able to combine the raw strength of his character studies with a compelling sense of tenderness. On the occasion of his first one-man show at Kraushaar's in 1913, a critic wrote: Without wishing to deprive Mr. Luks of any of his laurels as a comedian, for they are well deserved, or to mitigate the terrors his name is still supposed to strike among the "standpatters" in art, it may nevertheless be submitted that he has set a standard in his latest exhibition that even the most fragile members of the American Water Color Society could scarcely call violent. Without losing his enviable vigor, or perhaps it might be better called his latent strength, Luks has attained here in several of his figure subjects something profoundlv loving and delicate something possible only to the really strong, whose powers are under full control. Guy Pene du Bois admired Luks' work for its feminine as well as masculine quality. By this he meant the artist's intuition and penetrating understanding of personality; his ability to capture decadence in one sitter and innocence in another "He will go, like Dickens, from Bill Sykes to Little Nell." And as an anonymous critic wrote, Mr Luks may be uneven . . . but when the thing comes off as he sees it, he steps right into the front rank of American painting."7’ Two artist critics were the hardest on Luks in this respect. Du Bois and Shinn felt that in his single-minded vision of life Luks sometimes missed. "[His] figures either exist tremendously as people, or do not exist at all. Luks' technique w as once most succinctly described as painting "as though he were still engaged in the charge of the Rough Riders up San Juan Hill." At first glance the results are bold and ba r c- H •j, tl n h o . r I �! overtones though that aspect of their character is often played upon by other artists. Luks rejected any element of tenderness in these personae because he aid not feel any. Instead he felt admiration for the elemental reality of their lives and, in part, for their simplicity and directness. Yet in some of his portraits, especially of children, he sometimes came too close to the heart strings for some critics' comfort. As his work matured, he was able to combine the raw strength of his character studies with a compelling sense of tenderness. On the occasion of his first one-man show at Kraushaar's in 1913, a critic wrote: Without wishing to deprive Mr. Luks of any of his laurels as a comedian, for they are well deserved, or to mitigate the terrors his name is still supposed to strike among the "standpatters’’ in art, it may nevertheless be submitted that he has set a standard in his latest exhibition that even the most fragile members of the American Water Color Society could scarcely call violent. Without losing his enviable vigor, or perhaps it might be better called his latent strength, Luks has attained here in several of his figure subjects something profoundly loving and delicate, something possible only to the really strong, whose powers are under full control.72 GuvPene du Bois admired Luks' work for its feminine as well as masculine quality. By this he meant the artist's intuition and penetrating understanding of personality'; his ability to capture decadence in one sitter and innocence in another. "He will go, like Dickens, from Bill Sykes to Little Nell.'"3 And as an anonymous critic wrote, "Mr. Luks may be uneven . .. but when the thing comes off as he sees it, he steps right into the front rank of American painting.''74 Two artist/critics were the hardest on Luks in this respect. Du Bois and Shinn felt that in his single-minded vision of life Luks sometimes missed. "[His] figures either exist tremendously as people, or do not exist at all."'' Luks' technique was once most succinctly -■escribed as painting "as though he were still engaged in the charge of the Rough Riders up San -!uan Hill."7’ At first glance the results are bold and °ne so,metimes makes the mistake of thinking hey can be absorbed during one encounter. ha la anomer look (and they always draw the viewer emotion^ TeVeal subtletV and depth in both form and Contemporary critics sometimes felt that Luks did not offer enough information to the viewer. "He dots no i s and underlines no feature. In faces only the eyes detain him and this is the defect of his quality. His brush gliding scornfully over the nonessential does miss now and then the quintessential."77 For those who can look beyond faces that are sometimes mask-like and bodies which, when scrutinized, are not always anatomically accurate, the artist's ability to minimize detail and emphasize form is the essence of Luks' brilliance. When interviewed on this sixty-fifth birthday, Luks looked confidently to the future and said that artists produce their best work after sixty. Though the statement smacks of Luks’ love of boast and bombast, he had often remarked to friends that he would be a late bloomer. "A man's just out of school at sixty .... All the solid and enduring work in art is done by men who have lived long enough to master their metier and life itself .... I'm just getting started."78 The statement tells us that Luks felt his late work to be at least as good if not much better than his early work. Although he was an artist who developed a style quickly and did not alter it much throughout his active life, some changes do occur in the later work. His forms became simpler and more solid while his palette became brighter, more varied and less mottled, forcing the overall effect to become bolder and, in a sense, quite modern. Technically, his style became more compact and controlled as he tightened both his brushwork and his compositional structure. ,„dS21 image Ann oflMden Bridge,1W i“n?«uss,ll Burke (eat. no. 11). begun in 1911 and altered in 1923, shows theselaterstylistic , through its transformation. The original 85 I ! �one little boy. The rem ' . r,,, and addition of a table with truit v. i’.ackgmund and strip of ochre flooring under tr ;- met accentuates fl two figures as the focal point and creates a solid spa< in which they can exist. Ecb- .-.rd Root. who bought the painting described it tr It shows an exceptionally well sustained feeling for the physical and mental liveliness of small boys, for analogies of rich, intense color and for sharp contrasts of atmosphenc values skillfully employed to appeal to our tactile sense of mass. It is a successful work by an artist who fails too often for lack of due reflection, and its success may be attnbuted in part to the fact that it is a repainting and in part to the fact that it represents a conjunction of lively spiritual, vital and formal motives with a lively, vigorous and expressive artistic temperament Elizabeth Cary noted that his later paintings evok restrained emotion which has a great sense of poi and deliberate dignity which comes with maturity. The pictures he paints today [1931j show the ebullience and directness of a young mind . . . yet their essential likeness lies in the quality to be found only in a mind that has been young a long time; a quality of sustained taste, of preferences at once flexible and stable." Oddly enough, the series of paintings that Luks was working on when he died was a group of twel canvases showing New York pubs and restaurants painted with a palette reduced to black, grew whit< and brown. In this and in their anecdotal subject matter — one shows a gentleman being soundly booted out the swinging doors of "Casey's Hole in the Wall" — they are a throwback to the days of hit newspaper illustrations. Like many of his fellow members of the Philadelphia Five,” but especially like Henn, Luk railed against modernist painting This former rad spoke up against the new ideas in painting not because of their newness but because he thought mem to be cold and lifeless Luks felt that America artists did not need abstract and abstruse terms to �r- one little boy. The removal of this element and the addition of a table with fruit in the background and a strip of ochre flooring under their feet accentuates the two figures as the focal point and creates a solid space in which they can exist. Edward Root, who bought the painting described it thusly: It shows an exceptionally well sustained feeling for the physical and mental liveliness of small boys, for analogies of rich, intense color and for sharp contrasts of atmospheric values skillfully employed to appeal to our tactile sense of mass. It is a successful work by an artist who fails too often for lack of due reflection, and its success may be attributed in part to the fact that it is a repainting and in part to the fact that it represents a conjunction of lively spiritual, vital and formal motives with a lively, vigorous and expressive artistic temperament.7’ Elizabeth Cary noted that his later paintings evoke a restrained emotion which has a great sense of poise and deliberate dignity which comes with maturity. The pictures he paints today [1931] show the ebullience and directness of a young mind... yet their essential likeness lies in the quality to be found only in a mind that has been young a long time; a quality of sustained taste, of preferences at once flexible and stable.80 Oddly enough, the series of paintings that Luks was working on when he died was a group of twelve canvases showing New York pubs and restaurants painted with a palette reduced to black, grey, white, and brown. In this and in their anecdotal subject matter — one shows a gentleman being soundly booted out the swinging doors of "Casey's Hole in the Wall" — they are a throwback to the days of his newspaper illustrations. Like many of his fellow members of the Philadelphia Five," but especially like Henri, Luks railed against modernist painting. This former radical jpoke up against the new ideas in painting not because of their newness but because he thought them to be cold and lifeless. Luks felt that American “ttists did not need abstract and abstruse terms to communicate their ideas. The preponderance of new isms created many late-night discussions on the nature of art and its communicative powers. Luks never tolerated "art talk;" he wanted action. To him, the amount of theory involved in Modernism detracted from the work itself; artists were distracted by their ideas and this in turn hindered their imaging making, so Luks believed. He once said that "Modernism and mediocrity are synonomous." Like many of this time, he believed that the new art was an art of the educated elite and not of the people. "[Luks] cannot play with intellectual abstractions. He will force the evidence of reality until it is impossible for those of duller reactions to miss it."81 As in many progressions from one period in art to the next, it is ironical that the new who become the old often criticize the next generation in the same way that they themselves had been criticized. When "The Eight" had their showing at the Macbeth Gallery, critics screamed that the artists did not paint nature as it was. Their technique was too bold and painterly; their canvases did not look finished. Some people had real difficulty making out the subject matter. Just as Luks had difficulty looking at Matisse, Dove, or O'Keefe. - Judith H. O'Toole �Notes: 1 Benjamin DeCasseres, "The Fantastic George Luks," New York Herald Tribune. September 10, 1933. 2 "Everett Shinn on George Luks: An Unpublished Memoir, “Archives ofAmerican Art Journal, April, 1966, p. 2. 3 Ibid, p. 14. 4 Forbes Watson, "George Luks: Artist and 'Character , Arts, January, 1935, p. 24. 5 Emma Mosley, (Interview with George Luks), Portland Evening Express, August, 1922. 6 Benjamin DeCasseres quoted in Catalog ofan Exhibition of the Work of George Benjamin Luks, a memorial exhibition held at The Newark Museum, October 30,1934 to January 6,1935, p. 12. 7 Watson, op. cit., p. 23. 8 William B. McCormick, "George Luks, Agitator," Arts and Decoration, July, 1914, p. 334. 9 DeCasseres, Newark catalog, op. cit., p. 12. 10 John Sloan quoted in a flyer for an exhibition at ACA galleries, 1967. 11 Sadakachi Hartman, editor, "An Estimate of George Luks," The Stylus, p. 11. 12 Quoted by Ira Glackens in "Little Old George Luks," George Luks 1866-1933, Museum of Art, Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute (Utica, New York), 1973, p. 7. 13 Guy Pene du Bois, "George B. Luks and Flamboyance," New York American, March, 1904, p. 110. 14 Joseph S. Trovato, "About the Exhibition," Museum of Art, Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute, op. cit., p. 14. 15 Photograph file, Kraushaar Gallery. Luks went to Spain on a subsequent trip to Europe in 1892. 16 Gardner's Art Through the Ages (Fifth Edition), New York, 1970, p. 582. 17 Du Bois, op. cit., p. 107. 18 Elizabeth Luther Cary, George Luks (New York: Whitney Museum of American Art), n.d., p. 11. 19 "A Luks Reminiscence," The New York Tinies, November 12,1933 (LFC). 20 John Sloan, "Artists of the Press," Artists of the Philadelphia Press (Philadelphia Museum of Art, 1945), p. 8. 21 Robert Henri, The Art Spirit (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1923), p. 22. 22 Ibid, p. 23. 23 Ibid, p. 26. 24 Portrait of Robert Henri, 1902, oil on canvas, 24 x 18 inches. Sheldon Memorial Art Gallery, University of Nebraska — Lincoln, Gift of Mrs. Olga N. Sheldon. 25 Bennard B. Perlman, The Immortal Eight (Connecticut- North Light Publishers) 1979, p. 77. 88 26 Cary, op. cit., p. 9. 27 Shinn, op. cit., p. 2. 28 Cary, op. cit., P- 8. 29 James W. Lane, "From the Ashcan into the Incinerator," Art Nett’S, January 1, 1942, p. 13. 30 Note attached to John Sloan's painting, Yeats at Petitpas, 1910. The Cocoran Gallery of Art. Henri thought Yeats was the best British portraitist of the Victorian era. Sloan painted the portrait from memory after Yeats' death. 31 Helen Worden, "Romany Marie says Artists of Today are too Realistic," World Telegram, (undated clipping, LFC). 32 Lloyd Goodrich quoted in the Newark catalog, op. cit., p. 12. 33 John Spargo, "George Luks, An American Painter of Great Originality and Force," The Craftsman, September, 1907, p. 6012. 34 John Sloan's unpublished diary (50-23), Sloan Archives, Delaware Art Museum. 35 Shinn, op. cit., p. 10. 36 Letter from Maurice Prendergast to Mrs. Oliver Williams, Archives of American Art, Esther Williams Papers. 37 Du Bois, op. cit., p. 110. 38 Sloan diary quoted in Perlman, op. cit., p. 175. 39 Du Bois, op. cit., p. 115. 40 Letter dated March 11, 1914, Courtesy Kraushaar Gallery. 41 Shinn, op. cit., p. 10. 42 De Casseres, op. cit., n.p. 43 Anonymous review in Town Topics (1908) quoted in "Brooklyn Revives Memories of 'The Eight'," Art Digest, vol. 18, Dec. 1, 1943, p. 12. 44 Ameen Rihani, "Luks and Bellows/American Painting, Part 111," The International Studio, August, 1920, p. 23- 24. 45 "IV. The Typists: McCarter, Yohn, Glackens, Shinn and Luks, "The Bookman, Vol. CXI, no. 3, pp. 250-251. 46 John Spargo, "George Luks, an American Painter of Great Originality and Force, Whose Art Relates to All the Experiences 1907ln,ereStS°f L'fe" Tl'eCraftS’nan' VoL XH' no‘6' 5ePtember’ 47 "An Assessment of George Luks," The Stylus, Vol. 1, no. 1, December 1909, p. 12. 48 Herald Tribune, August 14,1932, LFC. 49 Undated clipping, Harper's Weekly, HLFC. 50 Mosley, op. cit., n.p. 51 Herald Tribune, August 14,1932, LFC, 52 Art Digest, vo.. VII, no. 4. 53 Art Digest, November 15,1933. 54 ACA, Danenberg. 55 De Casseres, op. cit., n.p. 56 Du Bois, op. cit., p. 113. 57 Shinn, op. cit., p. 12. 58 DeCasseres, .’p Ctl n y 59 James Huneker. fW.e.Y 19201. p 1,11 60 Catherine Beach Ely, M (New York Frederic F. -i I 61 "Luks, the American Frar September 3, 1932, p. 19 t ; -. .. 62 Ibid. 63 Shinn, op. cit. p 6. 64 For a thorough discussion 01 i •■■ks uer: .|..rc,ce Ralph Clayes Talcott. "The Watero-lore w George Luk- unpunished master s thesis. The I ennsvlvama State I me er-it v i 197ii| 65 Arthur Egner dated this work has .-d on one of Luks trips k, Europe. Luks clipping file. Mu-eumot Art Munson-W'illiams-Proctor Institute, Utica New York 66 Talcott, op. cit.. p. 4. 67 "George Luks and his Nev Mannes - a Rubens Sketch, Christian Science Monitor. October u, 1922. 68 New York Times Maguciur, November 5. 1925, LFC. 69 "Exhibitions by Some Artists W ho Think tor Themselves- A Type ot Ambiguous Veracnv" N«t >i»rt Irihune January II 1920. 70 Rihani. op. cit.. p. 26. 71 Hartman, op. cit., p. 11 72 "Art's Bad Boy Now a Poet on (linvaC (unmarked rlippinei March 24, 1913. C ourtesy KraushaarGalk-n 73 Du Bois, op. cit.. p. 118. 74 Unmarked clipping, LFC. 75 Du Bois quoted in the Newark catakig. v; p 13 76 Bruce Chambers, The High Museum ef Art A Birenlennial Catakig 1975, p. 76. 77 Cary, op. cit., p. 77. 78 Herald Tribune August 14, 1932. LFC . 79 Edward Root papers. Lncatalogued. Muns n-Willunw-Proct ’r Institute. 80 Cary, op. cit., p. 74. 81 Du Bois, op, cit., p 13. �16 Cary,op. cit.. p. 9. 17 Shinn, op. cit., p. 2. B Can; op. cit.. p- 8. >9 lames W. Lane, "From the Ashcan into the Incinerator,” Art News, January 1,1942, p. 13. 10 Note attached to John Sloan's painting, Yeats at Petitpas, 1910, The Cocoran Gallen' of Art. Henri thought Yeats was the best British portraitist of the Victorian era. Sloan painted the portrait from memory after Yeats' death. 1 Helen Worden, "Romany Marie says Artists of Todav are too Realistic." World Telegram, (undated clipping, LFC). 2 Uoyd Goodrich quoted in the Newark catalog, op. cit., p. 12. 3 John Spargo, "George Luks, An American Painter of Great Originality and Force,” The Craftsman, September, 1907, p. 6012. ! lohn Sloan's unpublished diary (50-23), Sloan Archives, Delaware Art Museum. 5 Shinn, op. cit., p. 10. 6 Letter from Maurice Prendergast to Mrs. Oliver Williams. Archives of American Art, Esther Williams Papers. 7 Du Bois, op. at., p. 110. 8 Sloan diary quoted in Perlman, op. cit., p. 175. 9 Du Bois, op. cit., p. 115. 0 Letter dated March 11,1914, Courtesy Kraushaar Gallery’. 1 Shinn, op. cit., p. 10. 2 DeCasseres, op. cit., n.p. 3 Anonymous review in Tfarn Topics (1908) quoted in "Brooklyn Revives Memories of 'The Eight'," Art Digest, vol. 18, Dec. 1, 1943, p. 12. 1 Ameen Rihani, "Luks and Bellows-American Painting, Part III," The International Studio, August, 1920, p. 23- 24. 5 "IV. The Typists: McCarter, Yohn, Glackens, Shinn and Luks, ‘The Bookman, Vol. CXI, no. 3, pp. 250-251. ’ John Spargo. "George Luks, an American Painter of Great Originality and Force, Whose Art Relates to All the Experiences and Interests of Life," The Craftsman, Vol. XII, no. 6, September, 1907. n.p. ' "An Assessment of George Luks." The Stylus. Vol. J, no. 1, December 1909. p. 12. ’ Herald Tribune, August 14,1932, LFC. ’ Undated dipping. Harper's Weekly. HLFC. ) Mosley, op. cit. n.p. Herald Tribune. August 14,1932, LFC. !.4ri Digest, vo.. VII, no. 4. I Ari Digest, November 15,1933. I ACA, Danenberg. ! DeCasseres.op. ri/.,np. 1 Du Bois, op cit, p. 113. Shinn, op. cit.. p. 12. 58 DeCasseres, ep. cit., n.p. 59 James Huneker, Bedouins, (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1920), p- n0Ml Catherine Beach Ely, Modem Tendancies in American Paintin "X. (New York: Frederic Fairchild Sherman, 1925), p. 87. 61 "Luks, the American Frans Hals," The Literary Digest, (,2 Ihii. 63 Shinn, op. cit., p. 6. Fora thorough discussion of Luks' watercolors see: Ralph Claves Talcott, "The Watercolors of George Luks," unpublished master’s thesis, The Pennsylvania State University (1970). 65 Arthur Egner dated this work based on one of Luks’ trips to Europe. Luks clipping file, Museum of Art, Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute, Utica, New York. 66 Talcott, op. cit., p. 4. 67 "George Luks and his New Marines — a Rubens Sketch,” Christian Science Monitor, October 9,1922. NcwYorkTimes Magazine, Novembers, 1925, LFC. 69 "Exhibitions by Some Artists Who Think for Themselves: A Type of Ambiguous Veracity," New York Tribune, January 11, 1920. 70 Rihani, op. cit., p. 26. 71 Hartman, op. cit., p. 11. 72 "Art's Bad Boy Now a Poet on Canvas," (unmarked clipping), March 24,1913. Courtesy Kraushaar Gallery. 73 Du Bois, op. cit., p. 118. 74 Unmarked clipping, LFC. 75 Du Bois quoted in the Newark catalog, op. cit., p. 13. 76 Bruce Chambers, The High Museum of Art: A Bicentennial Catalog, 1975, p. 76. 77 Cary, op. cit., p. T1. 78 Herald Tribune, August 14,1932, LFC. 79 Edward Root papers, Uncatalogued, Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute. 80 Car)', op. cit., p. 74. 81 Du Bois, op. cit., p. 13. -A 61. The Bridge, n.d. 89 �I George Luks Artist/Reporter/Illustrator George Luks' place in the history of American art is defined by his paintings of the early decades of this century — paintings which depicted the look of the urban world in which he lived. It was the force of these paintings that made his contribution to the exhibition of " The Fight" so vital Mis early career, however, was that of an illustrator and cartoonist, and the majority of graphic work that he produced during his lifetime was aimed for publication Through Luks' graphic works we can see the evolution of his style and subjec t matter. As he learned to communicate a theme with increasing economy of pen stroke or lithographic crayon, his characteristic boldness of gesture emerged — a gesture which translated similarly into paint on his canvases. The illustration assignments he received necessitated careful observation of individuals a- well as the identifying look of different ethnic or class groups. I he choice of everyday subject matter was further strengthened by Robert Henri's influence on Luks and his Philadelphia realist friends Sloan, Glackens and Shinn. Henri exhorted them to paint the people and scenes from the America they knew Luks' first published works appeared in Puck in 1B91, and in Truth in the following year. 1891-92 alv> marked Luks' debut as a book illustrator when he produced some tentative, undistinguished drawings t(?accompany James L. ford's novel. Dr. DmI s 36. Circus Scene, 1895 90 Lu >.» >Inv r -ari’. -'..k > jrk I’is J<!h life. ! as :r stru hd'.i pw uWT Tun 25.. com r.a inte attit sutf dep �George Luks Artist/Reporter/Illustrator rI George Luks' place in the history of American art is defined by his paintings of the early decades of this century — paintings which depicted the look of the urban world in which he lived. It was the force of these paintings that made his contribution to the exhibition of "The Eight" so vital. His early career, however, was that of an illustrator and cartoonist, and the majority of graphic work that he produced during his lifetime was aimed for publication. Through Luks' graphic works we can see the evolution of his style and subject matter. As he learned to communicate a theme with increasing economy of pen stroke or lithographic crayon, his characteristic boldness of gesture emerged — a gesture which translated similarly into paint on his canvases. The illustration assignments he received necessitated careful observation of individuals as well as the identifying look of different ethnic or class groups. The choice of everyday subject matter was further strengthened by Robert Henri's influence on Luks and his Philadelphia realist friends: Sloan, Slackens and Shinn. Henri exhorted them to paint the people and scenes from the America they knew. , Luks' first published works appeared in Puck in 1891, and in Truth in the following year. 1891-92 also marked Luks' debut as a book illustrator, when he produced some tentative, undistinguished drawings *'J accompany James L. Ford's novel, Dr. Dodd's xnool. Luks' illustrations for Puck and Truth consisted mainly of pen-and-ink cartoons, usually caricatured m s y ez depicting humorous vignettes of city life, or even occasionally current political or social themes, he founder of Puck, Joseph Keppler, was himself a cartoonist, whose satirical lithographs undoubtedly influenced Luks style during his brief career as a political cartoonist at the end of the decade. Luks' early cartoons give little hint of the mature Luks' style, and are similar in manner to countless other cartoonists' work in humorous journals of the period. It is possible, however, to detect Luks' characteristic delight in farcical situations, which he enacted in real life as well as in his work. In "Practical Reciprocity" (Puck, July 1, 1891), Luks shows the two main figures, as they appear in the fifth frame, in a vaudeville-like strut, victoriously leaving a saloon from which they have just finagled a free lunch. Perhaps the dramatic poses and gestures of the cartoon derive from Luks' own early stage experience. A Truth cartoon, "The Turning Down of Jack the Hair-Clipper" (September 25,1893) (Cat. no. 34) also makes use of exaggerated comic poses. Neither we nor the criminal "hair-clipper" are immediately aware of the snake intertwined in the proposed victim's braid, but the attitudes and facial expressions of the characters are sufficient to express the humorous effects. Occasional depictions of street urchins in these illustrations �presage their later appearance in Luks' "Yellow Kid cartoons for the New York World. In 1894, Luks began work as an artist-reporter for the Philadelphia Press. It was there he met Everett Shinn, who had been working for the Press since the previous fall; the two men became friends, and shared living quarters. They also met John Sloan and William Glackens, similarly employed by Philadelphia newspapers. Actually, all four artists worked for the Press in 1895, although not at the same time. Nevertheless, they assembled in the Press art department, along with other artist-reporter friends, in a convivial atmosphere of discussion and amicable rivalry that helped develop their artistic ideas and training. Robert Henri's Thursday evening social gatherings at his studio provided a further gathering place, as well as inspiration, for the young artists. The job of artist-reporter was a function of the 1890's when various newspapers, following the New York World's lead, began to employ artists to illustrate news stories. They served in the role that newspaper photographs were soon to supplant; by the end of the 1890's, the halftone process had been developed to a point which enabled the newspapers to use photographic reproductions instead of the earlier photoengraving method. Artist-reporters were sent out on assignments to cover newsworthy events, and to make a pictorial record, usually on the scene. Typical stories illustrated included fires, accidents caused by streetcars, runaway horses, or bicyclists, and criminal trials. Of necessity, the artists had to make rapid sketches, noting only the essentials of episode and setting. Back at the newspaper the drawing would be completed, with most of the details put in from memory. Such work trained the artists to observe quickly, to execute the drawing rapidly and spontaneously, and to retain mental images for further use. Luks' early newspaper illustrations, unfortunately, are difficult to attribute. The Philadelphia papers, as well as others, favored an anonymous, generalized style of drawing. Because an illustration was often started by one artist and finished by another, or even worked on in sections by several artists, it was deemed most practical to surpress individualized 92 stylistic mannerisms, and for artists to work as similarly to each other as possible.1 The Press to have preferred their artists not to sign theirv. ork. In 1895 Luks moved to the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin; the drawings he produced for that publication are signed, and to some extent, notorious. The Bulletin sent him to Cuba in December of 1895, along with reporter Maurice O'Leary, to cover the Cuban rebellion — a series of events leading to the Spanish-American War. Luks was assigned to supply drawings to accompany O'Leary's written accounts, and did in fact send back thirty drawings which were published by the Bulletin between January and March of 1896. The illustrations, though sometimes crudely done, have a sense of on-the-scene veracity, vitality and drama. Captions further suggest that the drawings were eyewitness accounts of events. "In Hot Pursuit of a Scout" is a particularly vivid image, in which Luks depicts a Cuban revolutionary shot off his horse by Spanish troops. Horse, falling rider, and shadows provide dynamic diagonal compositional elements. The legend underneath the illustration reads in part: "'The Bulletin' artist in Cuba sketches him as he falls from the saddle." Only one of Luks' Cuban illustrations was acknowledged as being based on an insurgent's battlefield sketch; all the other captions imply or state outright that Luks made the drawings from life. The truth seems to be, however, that Luks based the illustrations on verbal accounts of the events, or drew from his imagination. Luks clouded the issue by embellishing on his Cuban experiences in recounting them to his friends. He told of an occasion when he and other war correspondents, including Stephen Crane and Richard Harding Davis, were riding a train through Cuba. When gunfire broke out, Luks supposedly ducked under the seat, saying to the others, "You fellows sit up there, I have a future." Luks knew how to tell a good story, but in fact neither Crane nor Davis was in Cuba at that time. Davis, a correspondent for the New York Journal, did not arrive there until January of 1897, accompanied by illustrator Frederick Remington; and Stephen Crane, on assignment for McClure's, went to Cuba in 1898. �Sh-listic mannerisms, and for artists to work as similarly to each other as possible. The Press seems to have preferred their artists not to sign their work. In 1895 Luks moved to the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin; the drawings he produced for that publication are signed, and to some extent., notorious. The Bulletin sent him to Cuba in December of 1895, along with reporter Maurice O'Leary, to cover the Cuban rebellion — a series of events leading to the Spanish-American War. Luks was assigned to ° supply drawings to accompany O’Lean-'s written accounts, and did in fact send back thirty drawings which were published by the Bulletin between January and .March of 1896. The illustrations, though sometimes crudely done, have a sense of on-the-scene veracity, vitality and drama. Captions further suggest that the drawings were eyewitness accounts of events. "In Hot Pursuit of a Scout" is a particularly vivid image, in which Luks depicts a Cuban revolutionary shot off his horse bv Spanish troops. Horse, falling rider, and shadows provide dynamic diagonal compositional elements. The legend underneath the illustration reads in part: '"The Bulletin' artist in Cuba sketches him as he falls from the saddle." Only one of Luks' Cuban illustrations was acknowledged as being based on an insurgent's battlefield sketch; all the other captions imply or state outright that Luks made the drawings from life. The truth seems to be, however, that Luks based the illustrations on verbal accounts of the events, or drew from his imagination. Luks clouded the issue by embellishing on his Cuban experiences in recounting them to his friends. He told of an occasion when he and other war correspondents, including Stephen Crane and Richard Harding Davis, were riding a train through Cuba. When gunfire broke out, Luks supposedly ducked under the seat, saving to the others. 'You fellows sit up there, I have a future."Luks knew how to tell a good story, but in fact neither Crane nor Davis was in Cuba at that time. Davis, a correspondent for the New York Journal, did not amve there until January’ of 1897, accompanied by ustrator Frederick Remington; and Stephen Crane, on assignment for ?4cC/u re s, went to Cuba in 1898. Truth 34. The Turning Down ofJack the Hair-Clipper, 1893 THE 1 URNINC DOWN OF JACK THE HAIR-CLIPPER 93 �37. New Year’s Celebration in Hogan's Alley, 1896 I uks himself was back in Ai k ri . ;b Aprii l)f 18% having been fired by the B e : Another of [ Cuban stories told how he disguised hitn^lf as a dcK in order to elude Cuban spies, and ran through the h Havana streets, holding his draw mgs in his mouth like a bone. As Guy Pene du B. -is put it, His tales an Arabian Nights naturalized in America." iears after his return to the United states Luks told triends that he had actually been confined to Havana, along with other correspondents, and that he had made his drawings in Havana saloons [f Luks was fabricating his news illustrations, he was not alone in this practice. The Cuban situation provided precious material for use in the circulation rivalry between newspapers. Many publishers, like William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer, encouraged reporters and artists to create exaggerated and misleading accounts and illustrations, aimed at capturing the public’s imagination.* Luks probably was fired by the Bulletin for irregularities in completing his assignments, but he dramatized the departure, stating that he had been imprisoned by the Spanish, and had barelv escaped with his life. By April of 1896, he had been hired as an illustrator by Arthur Brisbane, the New York Vtorld managing editor. His first assignments for the were pictures accompanying news stones, and singl cartoons. Subject matter included incidents from the Cuban rebellion, as well as other current events. By the fall, Luks had pretty much left news illustration behind him as he turned his energies to the Sunday comic supplement of the World. Although Luks' cartoons form the bulk of his illustrative oeuvre, they are often passed over quickb by art critics and historians. This is due in part because his paintings brought him greater fame. an< in part because his most famous cartoon senes, the Yellow Kid," was drawn as an imitation of, and in competition with, the original "Yellow Kid." created by Richard F. Outcault for the World. More properly entitled Hogan's Alley, the series dealt with slum children. The hero, a street urchin, almost imanabl appeared in a nightshirt. When the Wcn'J purchase; four-color rotary' press, the foreman wanted to test �.VIW vrEKl-Y------------ ' A hL»,V. Luks himself was back in America by April of 1896 having been fired by the Bulletin. Another of Luks'' Cuban stories told how he disguised himself as a dog inorder to elude Cuban spies, and ran through the Havana streets, holding his drawings in his mouth like a bone. As Guy Pene du Bois put it, "His tales are Arabian Nights naturalized in America."3 Years after his return to the United States, Luks told friends that he had actually been confined to Havana, along with other correspondents, and that he had made his drawings in Havana saloons. If Luks was fabricating his news illustrations, he was not alone in this practice. The Cuban situation provided precious material for use in the circulation rivalry between newspapers. Many publishers, like William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer, encouraged reporters and artists to create exaggerated and misleading accounts and illustrations, aimed at capturing the public's imagination.4 Luks probably was fired by the Bulletin for irregularities in completing his assignments, but he dramatized the departure, stating that he had been imprisoned by the Spanish, and had barely escaped with his life.5 By April of 1896, he had been hired as an illustrator by Arthur Brisbane, the New York World's managing editor. His first assignments for the World were pictures accompanying news stories, and single cartoons. Subject matter included incidents from the Cuban rebellion, as well as other current events. By the fall, Luks had pretty much left news illustration behind him as he turned his energies to the Sunday comic supplement of the World. Although Luks' cartoons form the bulk of his illustrative oeuvre, they are often passed over quickly by art critics and historians. This is due in part because his paintings brought him greater fame, and in part because his most famous cartoon series, the fellow Kid," was drawn as an imitation of, and in competition with, the original "Yellow Kid,” created Richard E Outcault for the World. More properly entitled Hogan's Alley, the series dealt with slum children. The hero, a street urchin, almost invariably appeared in a nightshirt. When the World purchased a four-color rotary press, the foreman wanted to test She "£ V'dye ?n tsuitab’y enW space, and chose helped m vn'5h hlrt' The result was the hue that kpe the Car£toon character famous, and the kind i' °TjVer ^ter ye^0w* was ohen used as a verbalS^^ Because of the enormous popularity of "The Yellow MU, the cartoon became a pawn in circulation battle: !S between World publisher Pulitzer and Hearst, publisher of the New York Journal. Hearst had no scruples about stealing personnel from Pulitzer, and lured away the World's Sunday supplement staff, who returned to the World when Pulitzer offered them more money. Hearst promptly made a counter offer, and the staff went over to the Journal. Outcault brought Hogan's Alley with him, so that the comic strip now appeared in the Journal. Pulitzer, undaunted, assigned George Luks to continue the series in the World, as if no interruption had occurred. The resulting two "Yellow Kids" became part of lawsuits, but despite the litigation, both "Yellow Kids" continued to flourish. Other papers referred to the World and the Journal as "Yellow Kid journals," and soon dropped "kid" from the phrase, so that "yellow journalism" came into common parlance, referring to the competitive sensationalism of the press.6 There was virtually no stylistic difference between the two versions of the cartoon. Luks was able to duplicate Outcault's manner exactly. The humor depended partly on the caricatured figures, and partly on the verbal massages spread throughout the drawing. Almost all the verbal style was done in the dialect of the streets, replete with the misspellings we would expect of the semi-literate. When Luks took over the World's version of the "Yellow Kid," he added two characters to those invented by Outcault: these were the young twin brothers " Alex" and "George." He was to use them later, in other cartoons. "New Year s glebrahon m Hogan's Alley" (December 27,1896}(Cat. no 3J the scene in a cascade of humanity set against an ALLE'i 95 �Fig. 17. George Luks, Advantages of Life in New York, illustration for The Verdict, February 13,1899. Courtesy, the Library of Congress. 13/*. ADVANTAGES OF LIFE IN NEW YORK The Gnntr: 1 Qn S,, N.> Eixrml began on June 27,1897. "Mose" appeared concurrently with the "Yellow Kid," and after Luks stopped drawing the "Kid," in December of 1897, "tylose" continued under variations of title until April of 1898. "Mose," unlike the "Yellow Kid," was the inhabitant of a rural setting. The comic aspects depended on stock negro characterizations derived from vaudeville and the popular fiction of the dav In addition to the big chicken "Mose," other characters included "Uncle Remus" and the "Kalsomine family-" (In an analagous rivalry to that of the two "Yellow Kids" of Luks' and Outcault's, "L'ilMose" was created for the New York Herald by Outcault in 1901, seemingly in imitation of Luks' series.) The ethnic caricatures that are employed in the "Mose" series occasionally appeared in the "Yellow Kid" also, extending to various minorities. The stereotypical images used by Luks should not be perceived as personal insensitivity on his part, but rather as an indication of his participation in the commonly held attitudes of his time. In Luks' comic series, themes of poverty and lower-class life were expressed in a manner made palatable to the public. The "Yellow Kid," incredibly popular, generally utilized as background realistically drawn tenement slums. It is interesting that when similar depictions appeared in the paintings of "The Eight," they were not as easily acceptable to the art public. It was left to the popular arts such as comic strips, magazine illustrations, movies and theater, to show the seamier sides of American life. Such subject matter violated notions of what fine art should depict. Luks left the World in 1899 to become the chief cartoonist for The Verdict. The Verdict was a weekly periodical backed by Oliver H. P. Belmont, and edited by Alfred Henri Lewis. It was a highly political, democratic, satirical paper, whose cartoons mirrowed its editorial policy. In its brief existence (1898-1900), the magazine fought against the power of the trusts in general, attacking with special vigor the Vanderbilt interests, and Cleveland, McKinley, and Mark Hanna. Luks' new position proved to be a showcase as well as a catalyst for his graphic abilities. Hie irdfcf's large format allowed generous scope for the ull page color cartoons which illustrated the front and bad centerfc rich hue savage; January pen-am lithogrs emerge descrip and pal caricah are eve approp cartooi Thei corpul showii his ear percei’ politic of the news) previc style c aagg finds pearsubse unfor perpt dollai done in sei On trans prod trollc Crip| sinis built ares ewe ske’a En& the I �■aa. Rhk-e. ten CENTS. W FEBRUARY i i, ><*■»■> f OF LIFT IN NEW YORK S» N* I V,n., Evjinuts lr heean on June 27, 1897. "Mose" appeared concurrently with the "Yellow Kid," and after Luks stopped drawing the Kid," in December of 1897 "Mose" continued under variations of title until April f 1898. "Mose," unlike the "Yellow Kid," was the inhabitant of a rural setting. The comic aspects depended on stock negro characterizations derived from vaudeville and the popular fiction of the day In addition to the big chicken "Mose," other characters included "Uncle Remus" and the "Kalsomine family-" (In an analagous rivalry to that of the two "Yellow Kids" of Luks' and Outcault's, "L'il Mose" was created for the New York Herald by Outcault in 1901, seemingly in imitation of Luks' series.) The ethnic caricatures that are employed in the "Mose" series occasionally appeared in the "Yellow Kid" also, extending to various minorities. The stereotypical images used by Luks should not be perceived as personal insensitivity on his part, but rather as an indication of his participation in the commonly held attitudes of his time. In Luks' comic series, themes of poverty and lower-class life were expressed in a manner made palatable to the public. The "Yellow' Kid," incredibly popular, generally utilized as background realistically drawn tenement slums. It is interesting that when similar depictions appeared in the paintings of "The Eight," they were not as easily acceptable to the art public. It was left to the popular arts such as comic strips, magazine illustrations, movies and theater, to show the seamier sides of American life. Such subject matter violated notions of what fine art should depict. Luks left the World in 1899 to become the chief cartoonist for The Verdict. The Verdict was a weekly periodical backed by Oliver H. P. Belmont, and edited by Alfred Henri Lewis. It was a highly political, democratic, satirical paper, whose cartoons mirrowed its editorial policy. In its brief existence (1898-1900), the magazine fought against the power of the trusts in general, attacking with special vigor the Vanderbilt interests, and Cleveland, McKinley, and Mark Hanna. Luks' new position proved to be a showcase ’swell as a catalyst for his graphic abilities. The 'edict's large format allowed generous scope for the all page color cartoons which illustrated the front centerfold °VTherihWe11 aS the double page rich hues whJh iisuXeJh?™^58 USed produced savage satires T nVc enhanced even the most January 2 to OctoberhOm !SS=~S~'~ descriptive ’ P°WerfuI 8raPhic Bold and patches of -< ' "i W'th fine'y hatched areas caricaturedI P flatcolor' Backgrounds to are even sensh^5 °rCn reallst,caliy depicted and apP^°Pr’nte settings^The'overal^effect'o'Hhe61 corpulent form of political boss Mark Hanna/ showing him as ape-like, with dollar signs adorning his earlobe and thumb. From such images we can percewe some of the formative influences on Luks' political cartoon style. Needless to say, he was aware of the work of contemporary editorial cartoonists on newspaper and magazine staffs. As mentioned previously, he had also encountered the lithographic style of Joseph Keppler while working for Puck. Luks' exaggeration of the grossness of Mark Hanna’s body finds its most famous antecedents in Philipon's pear-shaped Louis Philippe and Daumier's subsequent lithographs emphasizing that monarch's unfortunate form. The over-fed politician type was perpetuated in America with Thomas Nast's dollar-emblazoned, obese "Boss" Tweed caricatures, done for Harper's. Echos of Daumier and Nast turn up in several of The Verdict cartoons. One of The Verdict's "crusades" dealt with transportation problems in New York City, and Luks produced three cartoons on the subject of the perils of trolley cars. "The Annual Parade of the Trolley Cripple Club" (The Verdict, March 30,1899) presents a sinister burlesque. Against a realistic backdrop of city buildings, crowds swarm around trolley cars. People are swathed in bandages; some use crutches, or wear eyepatches. The trolley motormen are grinning skeletons. The nightmarish, teeming scene has an Fnsor-like Quality. "How the Police Facilitate Traffic at She^Broadway Crossings" (The Verdict, Feb. 6,1899) 97 �45. Polo. A Few Motion Pictures by Ceorge Luks, 1922 98 shows a policeman giving mixed and confusing signals to the traffic. Three horse cabs and a trollev are involved in collisions. The bodies of a cab drive and a pedestrian lie under one cab; another victim feet appear at the low er left edge of the lithograph ■phe rotund policeman has a jolly, grinning countenance, which adds a particularly macabre effect. The top of the print is filled with a melee of drivers hauling back on the reins in an effort to pu up their horses and avert further disaster. The thir the traffic cartoons appeared on the cover of The Verdict (Feb. 13,1899) (Fig. 17). In this version a Broadway streetcar has run over a man, whose ne dismembered corpse lies across the tracks. The coroner and several top-hatted colleagues discuss incident, while a policeman, an urchin, and passers-by look on. The trolley conductor grins unconcernedly. The caption reads: "Advantages < Life in New York: The Coroner: I can see no exten evidence of injury." The anti-trust cartoons usually incorporate port of the leaders of finance and industry, as for exam Havemeyer, Morgan, Rockefeller, Whitney and Vanderbilt, as well as Hanna and McKinley. Seld< flattering, these depictions show Luks' ability to capture the essence of a portrait likeness with a fe strokes of the crayon. By the time Luks left The Verdict, he was gaining success as a painter. His career turned in that direction, and he left full-time illustration behind him. From time to time, however, he published s notable examples of his graphic skill. One such occasion occurred when the publishing firm of Frederick J. Quinby of Boston decided to product illustrated American edition of the novels of Cha Paul de Kock, a somewhat racy French novelist popular during the nineteenth century. The Quinby Company commissioned William Glackens to undertake the project, which compn a series of fifty volumes. Because of the extent of job, Glackens invited his friends to share the woi and Luks, Shinn, John Sloan, James Preston and Frederick R. Gruger all participated. Invoked in problems, the publisher never finished the anticipated edition, but several volumes were �hre- In George Luk- shows a policeman giving mixed and confusing Canals to the traffic. Three horse cabs and a trolley are involved in collisions. The bodies of a cab driver and a pedestrian lie under one cab; another victim's feet appear at the lower left edge of the lithograph. The rotund policeman has a jolly, grinning countenance, which adds a particularly macabre effect. The top of the print is filled with a melee of cab drivers hauling back on the reins in an effort to pull up their horses and avert further disaster. The third of the traffic cartoons appeared on the cover of The Verdict (Feb. 13,1899) (Fig. 17). In this version a Broadway streetcar has run over a man, whose neatly dismembered corpse lies across the tracks. The coroner and several top-hatted colleagues discuss the inadent, while a policeman, an urchin, and passers-by look on. The trolley conductor grins unconcernedly. The caption reads: "Advantages of Life in New York: The Coroner: I can see no external evidence of injury." The anti-trust cartoons usually incorporate portraits of the leaders of finance and industry, as for example, Havemeyer, Morgan, Rockefeller, Whitney and Vanderbilt, as well as Hanna and McKinley. Seldom flattering, these depictions show Luks' ability to capture the essence of a portrait likeness with a few strokes of the crayon. By the time Luks left The Verdict, he was gaining success as a painter. His career turned in that direction, and he left full-time illustration behind him. From time to time, however, he published some notable examples of his graphic skill. One such occasion occurred when the publishing firm of Frederick J. Quinby of Boston decided to produce an illustrated American edition of the novels of Charles Paul de Kock, a somew’hat racy French novelist popular during the nineteenth century. The Quinby Company commissioned William Glackens to undertake the project, which comprised a series of fifty volumes. Because of the extent of the job, Glackens invited his friends to share the work, and Luks, Shinn, John Sloan, James Preston and Frederick R. Gruger all participated. Involved in legal problems, the publisher never finished the anticipated edition, but several volumes were p mted, including the two volumes of de Kock's (1904)' which Luks illustrated with etching; ;s and drawings. In preparation for the de Kock commission, the friends researched appropriate ^lustrations; of the period in order to gain knowledge ot fashions, settings, and the look of contemporary book illustration. Of the group, Luks' illustrations seem the most caricatured and the most free of obvious artistic influences. Perhaps we may detect a touch of Gavarni's satiric touch, and, particularly in the etchings, some Goya-like strength of characterization. Luks' cartoonist background is also an element, especially noticeable in the vignettes. In the decades that followed, Luks occasionally contributed drawings to The New Yorker and Vanity Fair. The subject matter in these late illustrations is usually of polite society and its interests, rather than the harsher realities shown in his works of the 1890's. The Vanity Fair subjects included sports such as polo and baseball, depicted with spontaneous, quick, bold, gestural lines. In one such illustration. Vanity Fair's caption of "Polo: A Few Motion Pictures" (September 1922) underscores Luks' ability to capture a moment of action with a virtuoso economy of means (Cat. no. 46). Other drawings, also in the same sketchy style, show scenes of the park, restaurants, art studios, etc., often peopled with humorous types. The New Yorker sketches likewise suggest the rapidity of execution of the trained observer who was once an ^in summary many of the aspects of George Luks' paintings style may be seen evolving in his graphic work, from its first tentative beginnings to the sureness of approach manifested in his works of the turn-of-the-century and later years. A delight general, gisss- entire artistic output. Nina Kasanof �1i I Notes 1 John Sloan, Noh-s, 1950, p. 20. These unpublished notes exist in typescript in the John Sloan Trust, Delaware Art Museum, Wilmington. 2 Bennard B. Perlman, The Immortal Eight, Westport (Connecticut), 1979, p. 63, recounts the Cuban train story, discussed in conversation with Guy P£ne du Bois on September 5,1952. 3 Guv Pene du Bois, New York American, March, 1904, p. 32. 4 Charles Henn- Brown, The Correspondent's War, New York, 1967, v-vi. and 11, describes the fabrication of news reports from Cuba as a consequence of the newspapers' rivalry. When Richard Harding Davis and Frederick Remington arrived in Cuba in 1897, Remington wired publisher Willaim Randolph Hearst: ‘Everything is quiet. There is no trouble. There will be no war. I wish to return." Hearst wired back: "Please remain. You furnish the pictures and I'll furnish the war." (Brown, 78.) Brown further recounts a scandal occasioned by a Davis report which was embellished by the Journal (February 12,1897) so as to reveal: "Indignities Practiced by Spanish Officials on Board American Vessels . . . Refined Young Women Stripped and Searched by Brutal Spaniards While Under Our Flag on the Olivette." (Brown, 80-81.) Remington's illustration for the story showed a nude female standing amid the "Brutal Spaniards." Remington later admitted the drawing was a product of his imagination, done in the New York newspaper office. He added that he knew some "of the Cuban war news is manufactured on the piazzas of the hotels of that town [Key West] and of Tampa by utterly irresponsible newspapermen who accept every rumor that finds its way across the gulf to the excitable Cuban cigarmakers of Honda, and who pass these rumors on to some of the New York papers as facts and as coming direct from the field." (Brown, 82-83.) 5 Perlman, 64, n. 70. 6 Brown, 15. 1 George Luks: An American At Checklist of the Exhibition £ ffT Ji All dimensions in inches; height preceeds width Oils I $ 33. Two Bums, c. 1890 1 I I I 100 n.d" signifies no date. 1. Boys with Dog, Cuba, 1896 Oil on canvas, 24 x 30 Collection of Mr. and Mrs. C. Harn* Foster *2. Gramps, c. 1900 Oil on canvas, 24 x 20 Signed on back "Gramps/George Luks" Private Collection 3. The Louvre, Paris, Evening, 1902 Oil on panel, (Phs x 85/r Museum of Art Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute Edward W. Root Bequest (1957) 4. Luxembourg Gardens, Paris No. 2,1902 Oil on panel, 6x8l/z Museum of Art Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute Edward W. Root Bequest (1957) 5. Allen Street, c. 1905 Oil on canvas, 32 x 45 Signed "George Luks" lower right Hunter Museum of Art Gift of Miss Inez Hvder 6. r-i Oi Si! Bn 7. W Oi W Gi 8. Sr Oi Si c< 9 Fe O Si G c G 10. R 0 5 V Ir �George Luks: An American Artist Checklist of the Exhibition 6 AU dimensions in inches; height preceeds width, "n.d." signifies no date. Oils 1. Boys with Dog, Cuba, 1896 OU on canvas, 24 x 30 Collection of Mr. and Mrs. C. Harry Foster *2. Gramps, c. 1900 Oil on canvas, 24 x 20 Signed on back "Gramps/George Luks" Private Collection 3. The Louvre, Paris, Evening, 1902 Oil on panel, 61/s x 85/s Museum of Art Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute Edward W. Root Bequest (1957) 4. Luxembourg Gardens, Paris No. 2, 1902 Oil on panel, 6 x 8V2 Museum of Art Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute Edward W. Root Bequest (1957) 5. Allen Street, c. 1905 Oil on canvas, 32 x 45 Signed "George Luks" lower right Hunter Museum of Art Gift of Miss Inez Hyder 6. The Cafe Francis, c. 1906 Oil on canvas, 36 x 42 Signed "George Luks" lower right Butler Institute of American Art 7. Woman with Goose, 1907 Oil on wood, 16 x 20 Whitney Museum of American Art Gift of Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney 8. Beggar Woman in Moonlight, 1907 Oil on canvas, 24 x 18 Signed "George Luks" lower right Collection of Mr. and Mrs. Meyer P. Potamkin 9. Feeding the Pigs, c. 1908 Oil on canvas, 201/4 x 28 Signed "George Luks" lower right Collection of Mead Art Museum, Amherst College Gift of Mr. and Mrs. A. M. Adler 10. Pavlova's First Appearance in New York, c. 1910 Oil on canvas, I6V2 x 20 Signed "George Luks" lower right Museum of Art Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute �11. Jack and Russell Burke. 1911-C.1923 Oil on canvas, 45*/s x 39 Signed "George Luks" upper left Museum of Art Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute Gift of Edward W. Root (1954) 20. Three lbf> Berg!..•: : Oil on canvas 30 ,\ G Signed "George 1 e rr The Detroit Institute •>; -:; Purchased from th- ... i ]uy-, J 21. Ciwf Miner, 1926 Oil on wood pmel. 14 > x , Signed "G. Luk ' lower right Courtesy of ( hil l • (..tllerv, New Vork Citv 22. The Folka Dot Dr. ., Oil on i anva •. ‘>s , ’>? National Museum of American Art Smithsonian Institution Gift ot Mrs Howard Wemgro,'VS 23. Ann of Maldt n Bridg<, 1930 t *il <>n canvas, ftO x 40 Signed "( leorge I.til " lower right Private Collet turn 24. Soi li ly I udy. c 1912 Oil on canv.i-., 4 1 < 33' , Sordoni Ail Galiev. Wilkes ( olli g( 25. Cut and Kittens, n.d. Oil on canvas, 22‘'r . 27 Signed "GcoB Luk.'' Giver right Collection of Mrs P B. Humphreys 2ft. Illume h i. Mu io Im ,’tt■, n d I til on < anvas, 2ft'T • 30 Signed "< .Gorge Luks" lower left Berry-1 fill f .alleries, In 12. Telling Fortunes, 1914 Oil on canvas, 20 x 1ft Signed "George Luks" lower right The Phillips Collection Acquired 192ft 13. Brooklyn Bridge, 191 ft Oil on canvas, 14 x 19 Collection of Mr. and Mrs. Meyer I* Pot,uni in 14. Fortran of Antoinette Kraushaar, 1917 Oil on canvas, 60 x 40 Signed "George Luks" lower right Collection of Miss Antoinette Kraushaar 15. Blue Devils on Fifth Avenue, 1917 Oil on canvas, 387/e x 44'/z Signed "George Luks" lower left The Phillips Collection Purchased from the artist, 1918 16. Trout Fishing, 1919 Oil on canvas, 25 x 30 Signed "George Luks" lower right Delaware Art Museum Gift of Mrs. Alfred E. Bissell 17. Boy with Bowl, c. 1921 Oil on canvas, 30 x 25 Signed "George Luks" lower right Lehigh University Art Galleries Permanent Collection 18. Breaker Boy, 1921 Oil on canvas, 30 x 25 Signed "George Luks" lower left Walker Art Center, Minneapolis; John T. Baxter Memorial Collection of American Drawings, 1949 19. The Fly Weight, 1925 Oil on canvas, 20 x 16 Signed "George Luks" lower left Collection of Mr. and Mrs. Sigmund H. Hyman 43. Guide Fishing, 1919 102 I 27 Ijiughing Nude, n d Oil on canvas, 30x25 Signed "( .eorge 1 uV.s" lower left Private Collection 28. lenving Heifer, n.d. Oil on canvas. 12 « 1ft1-. Signed "George Luks" lower right Museum of Art Munson-Wiliiams-Pnxtar Institute 29. Buy with Bugle, n d Oil on canvas, 20 x ]ft Signed "George Luks" lower left Courtesy of Kraushaar <>al!enes �e, 1911-C.1923 x39 ks" upper left nson-Williams-Proctor toot (1954) I 6 <s" lower right on 9 1 Mrs. Meyer P. Potamkin Kraushaar, 1917 0 is" lower right ntoinette Kraushaar venue, 1917 <44V2 rs" lower left an artist, 1918 0 rs" lower right im . Bissell 1 5 ;s" lower right rt Galleries Permanent 5 s" lower left linneapolis; (rial Collection of 1949 6 s" lower left IMrs. Sigmund H. Hyman 20. Three Top Sergeants, 1925 Oil on canvas, 30 x 36 Signed "George-Luks" lower right The Detroit Institute of Arts Purchased from the artist, 1925 21. Coal Miner, 1926 Oil on wood panel, 143/4 x 9'A> Signed "G. Luks" lower right Courtesy of Childs Gallery, New York City 22. The Polka Dot Dress, 1927 Oil on canvas, 58Vs x 37 National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution Gift of Mrs. Howard Weingrow 23. Ann of Malden Bridge, 1930 Oil on canvas, 60 x 40 Signed "George Luks" lower right Private Collection 24. Society Lady, c. 1932 Oil on canvas, 43 x 33Hz Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes College 25. Cat and Kittens, n.d. Oil on canvas, 22^4 x 27 Signed "Geo B Luks" lower right Collection of Mrs. R. B. Humphreys 26. Gloucester, Massachusetts, n.d. Oil on canvas, 26V4 x 30 Signed "George Luks" lower left Berry-Hill Galleries, Inc. 27. Laughing Nude, n.d. Oil on canvas, 30 x 25 Signed "George Luks" lower left Private Collection 28. Lowing Heifer, n.d. Oil on canvas, 12 x 161Ib Signed "George Luks" lower right Museum of Art Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute 29. Boy with Bugle, n.d. Oil on canvas, 20 x 16 Signed "George Luks" lower left Courtesy of Kraushaar Galleries 48. Daughter of the Mines, 1923 103 �40. 41. *42 25. Cat and Kittens, n.d. 60. Study for "Cat and Kittens," n.d. 104 34. The Turning Down of jack the Hatr-Clipper, 1893 Illustration (color), 13'.'hx 10 Truth. September 23,1893 Collection of Clyde Singer 35. Children Nowadays, 1893 Illustration (color), 131(2xlOl i Truth, March 18, 1893 Collection of Clyde Singer 36. Circus Scene, 1895 Gouache on board, 17 x 11 Signed "George Luks" lower right Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes College 37. New Year's Celebration in Hogan s Alley, 1896 Newspaper illustration for the "Yellow Kid" (color), 18x241/4 The World, Sunday, December 27, 1896 Collection of Clyde Singer 38. The Little Nippers . . 1897 Newspaper illustration for the "Yellow Kid" (color) Delaware Art Museum Gift of Helen Farr Sloan 43. 44. ’•Proftor Institute Puns Sceiu . i><o2 Chalk with chat. J .hi ppaper. ■- ;26*x 35‘ Signed "Ge.. 8 I . • low-rlelt Private Collet tion Highbridge I'arl < 19)2 Watercolor, 1t> x 19 Signed "Gt urge Luk G lower left Westmoreland Museum of Art. Greensburg. Pennsylvania Gift of Walter Read Hovey The St reecher. lade RtisMgruil. 19J9 Watercolor, 8|;> x 91 i., Signed "George 1 uk< lower right Museurn of Art Munson Williams Pro, i.tor Institute Guide Tishin , 1919 Watercolor on paper, 13sm x 191/? Signed "George Luks" lower right Delaware Art Museum Gift of Titus C Geesey The Orator, c. 192(1 Crayon on paper, 8' -t x i 1 ’ S (sight) Signed "George Luks" lower right Ft inner collection F rank Cranenshield Collection of Mr. and Mrs Andrew Grugan 45. Polo, A I etc Motion Pit tures hv Goiiyc I id. > 1922 Illustration (blatk and white). 12’ ndf Vanity Fair, September 1922 C ollection of Clyde Singer 46. Batter Up!, 1922 Illustration (black and white), 12‘ : x < Vanity Fair, August 1922 Collection of Clyde Singer 47. Houses (Pottsville, PA?), c 1922 Crayon on paper, 10li x T7 Private Collection �, n.d. 1x20 Luks" lower right and Mrs. Sanford I. Feld n (SnowKid), n.d. P/4X161/2 Luks" lower left ishaar Galleries d. ixl6 Luks" lower right 1 I aper, 171/’ x 14 uks" lower left i ! of Jack the Hair-Clipper, 1893 ), ISVs x 10 23,1893 ie Singer 5,1893 ), 131/2 x 101/4 1893 le Singer d, IZxW/z .uks" lower right ry, Wilkes College 'ion in Hogan's Alley, 1896 ■ation for the "Yellow Kid" f, December 27,1896 le Singer .1897 ation for the "Yellow Kid" seum Sloan 39. Man with Basket, 1889 Ink, 12 x 9 Signed "George Luks" lower center Museum of Art Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute 40. Paris Scene, c. 1902 Chalk with charcoal on paper, 26V 35'/ 261/Z2xx35 I/2 Signed "Geo B Luks" lower left Private Collection 41. Highbridge Park, c. 1912 Watercolor, 16 x 19 Signed "George Luks" lower left Westmoreland Museum of Art, Greensburg, Pennsylvania Gift of Walter Read Hovey *42. The Screecher, Lake Rossignol, 1919 Watercolor, 8V4 x 93/ie Signed "George Luks" lower right Museum of Art Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute 43. Guide Fishing, 1919 Watercolor on paper, 133Ai x 19 V2 Signed "George Luks" lower right Delaware Art Museum Gift of Titus C. Geesey 44. The Orator, c. 1920 Crayon on paper, 8‘Ai x ll’/z (sight) Signed "George Luks" lower right Former collection Frank Cranenshield Collection of Mr. and Mrs. Andrew Grugan 45. Polo, A Few Motion Pictures by George Luks, 1922 Illustration (black and white), 121/2 x 95/b Vanity Fair, September 1922 Collection of Clyde Singer 46. Batter Up!, 1922 Illustration (black and white), 12V? x 9s/s Vanity Fair, August 1922 Collection of Clyde Singer 47. Houses (Pottsville, PA?), c. 1922 Crayon on paper, lO’M x 77/s Private Collection 28. Lowing Heifer, n.d. 105 �*48. Daughter of the Mines, 1923 Watercolor, 14I/sx20,/it. Signed "George Luks" lower right Museum of Art Munson-Williams-Pns to; Institute Edward W. Root Bequest (1957) 49. Young Miner, c. 1926 Charcoal on paper, 17 x 11 (sight) Signed "George Luks" lower right Pottsville Free Public Library Gift of the artist 50. Miners Descending a Slope, c. 1926 Conte crayon on paper, 11i x I7>;a (sight) Signed "George Luks" lower right Pottsville Free Public LibraryGift of the artist 51. Artists that Bloom m the Spring, 1928 Illustration (black and white), 12‘■ < 9 V. Vanity Fair, July 1928 Collection of Clyde Singer 53. Sculptor, n.d. I * ’• 106 ■' n a ■ • 'wernght I •'•'■u Hadley & MiGkl 57. A Dav at Pi oil Watercol -r on p ’■ er Signed ‘ Ge t r___ upper right .. ..................... Mr .m.( Mrs. Sanlord I Kid 5g [heater S >u ■ d ( rayon on paper 6’ «x4’i« Private < ollvv.tion 5‘). Study of M> 1: Reading. n.d. C rayon on paper, in t x.6' i< Private C olleition 6(1. Study for "Cal and Ktlkie " n <1 Pencil, 4 x 6M2 Signed "< worge I ul / low er left Westmoreland Museum of Art Gift of I lirsi til and Adlert .alli ries, W: 52. Red Bam. Berkshire Hill- c. 1930 Watercolor, 131 t x 191 2 Signed "George Luks" lower right Museum of Art, The Pennsylvania State University 61. 53. Sculptor, n.d. Pastel, 7*/2 x 16 Signed "George Luks" lower left Museum of Art Munson-Williams-Pr<x tor Institute Edward W. Root Bequest (1957) 62. Street, I <e.t Side. ?.'s< Y"tl. n d Pencil on paper, 5’/« x 7‘S I lirshhorn Museum and S< ulpture (jarden Smithsonian Institution C>ift of Joseph H. Hirshhorn 54. John Butler Yeats at Petitpas '.nd. Watercolor, ll'/axW ;z Signed lower right IBM Corporation, Armonk, New York 10. Pavlova's First Appearance in New York, c. 1910 Parker Watcrcoh Signed G< ■ Courti sv • New York 50 55. Shanty Shacks with Coal Breaker, n.d. Watercolor, 14 x 19 Signed "George Luks" lower right Courtesy of Milbank, Tweed, Hadley & Mcdov Netv York I he Bridge, n d. Peru 11 on p.ipi 1. 14 x 9G (sheet) 1 lirshhi>rn Museum and Sculpture (,arder Smithsonian Institution Gift of Joseph H. Hirshhorn * Exhibited at the Sordom Art Gallery onlv �;ht rs-Proctor ) ht 'V4 (sight) ht 28 Tlz x 95/s ht ia State t is-Proctor 56. Parker House, Rockefeller Proprietor, n.d Watercolor, 14 x 19 Signed "George Luks" lower right Courtesy of Milbank, Tweed, Hadley & McClov New York 57. ADayat the Zoo, n.d. Watercolor on paper, 10 x T3^ Signed "George Luks" upper right Collection of Mr. and Mrs. Sanford I. Feld 58. Theater Scene, n.d. Crayon on paper, 63U x Private Collection 59. Study of Men Reading, n.d. Crayon on paper, 10’/4 x 615/i& Private Collection 60. Study for “Cat and Kittens," n.d. Pencil, 4 x 61/2 Signed "George Luks" lower left Westmoreland Museum of Art Gift of Hirschl and Adler Galleries, New York 61. The Bridge, n.d. Pencil on paper, 14 x T/4 (sheet) Hirshhom Museum and Sculpture Garden, Smithsonian Institution Gift of Joseph H. Hirshhom 62. Street, East Side, New York, n.d. Pencil on paper, 59'4 x 71lz Hirshhom Museum and Sculpture Garden, Smithsonian Institution Gift of Joseph H. Hirshhom Exhibited at the Sordoni Art Gallery only. York .d. ht dley & McCloy, 9. Feeding the Pigs, c. 1908 �Sordoni Art Gallery Advisory Commission Lou Conyngham, Chairman Deane Berger Christopher N. Brieseth, Ph.D. Richard F. Charles Aleta Connell, Chairman, Education Committee Yvonne Eckman, Secretary Charles Flack Marilyn Friedman Gerald E. Hartdagen, Ph.D. Oscar Jones Charlotte V. Lord, Ph.D. Marilyn Maslow Connie McCole Judith H. O'Toole Arnold Rifkin Kin Ross, Chairman, Finance and Membership Committee Jill Saporito Judith Schall, Vice-Chairman Helen Farr Sloan Andrew J. Sordoni, HI William H. Sterling, Ph.D. Published by the Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes College. Copyright© 1987by the Sordoni Art Gallery. All rights reserved. Typesetting, Color Separations and Printing by Llewellyn & McKane, Wilkes-Barre, Pa. 108 ��.:■• :■ � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1987 George Luks: An American Artist Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource George Luks Stanley L. Cuba Judith H. O'Toole Mia Karnof Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 May 3 - June 14 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource George Luks: An American Artist is a tribute to George Luks, a rebel painter who defined a generation of painting. Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource SAG https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/4f8b71a98f524ee231c986c68d87f6d0.pdf c30c678f8e88f7db45f02ff727b8faab PDF Text Text �-T THE SORDONI ART GALLERY WILKES COLLEGE Research preparation by Margaret Csala. Texts by Judith O'Toole. Photography by Mark Cohen, |on McDowell, and Curtis Salonick. Design by Annie Bohlin. Printed by Penn Creative Litho. Funding for this project was provided in part by the Pennsylvania Council on rhe Arrs. Wilkes College is an affirmative action, equal opporrunity institution. Published by the Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes College, 1987. A1l rights reserved. Front cover: lohn Sloan (f87I I95I), Girl Bach to the Piano, detil. �THE SORDONI ART GALLERY WILKES COLLEGE Installation view of the Gallery with Gnrge Luhs : An Arneric nn Anist, April-May, 1987 . �The Sordoni Art Gallery of Wilkes College in 1973 to encourage and support an appreciation of the visual arts in an academic setting. was established Representing more than the fine arts aspect of a liberal arts education, the Gallery serves as a teaching resource for campus and community and creates a stimulus for local artists. It is a professionally staffed and equipped facility which provides an ambitious schedule of exhibitions, lectures, and related programs, all of which are available to the public without charge. Major exhibitions organized by the Gallery have included FRANZ KLINE: PAINTINGS (1978); THE EIGHT (1979); THREE PENNSYLVANIA WOMEN: BEAUX, CASSATT, AND WALTER (1980); STUDENTS oF THE EIGHT (1981); CARL SPRINCHORN: REALIST IMPULSE AND ROMANTIC VISION ( 1982); 1933 REMSTED: AMERICAN MASTERS OF THE EARLY THIRTIES (1983); and GEORGE LUKS: AN AMERTCAN ARTTST ( L987). The Sordoni Art Gallery/s growing permanent collection is focused upon nineteenth and twentieth century American paintings, and a print collection which includes works of old masters and contemporary artists. A select group of nineteenth century European paintings from the former �collection of Senator Andrew |. Sordoni is also part of the Galleqfs permanent holdings. Operating support for the Gallery is largely undertaken by Wilkes College, with additional funding provided by the Sordoni Foundation, Inc., grants from corporate and individual sponsors, and members of the Friends of the Sordoni Art Gallery. t r{ I}1. i.S f L." View towards the Gallery from the surrounding Marts Courtyard. Qteutet #2 by Steve Porter is shown. �Iloutt: Mond.ay through Fridny 12-5 p.rn. Thwrcd,ay evenings antil9 p.rn. Satarday l0 a.rn. - 5 p.*. Sunday 1-5 p.m. Closed all rnajm bolidays. Ad.rnissinn to tlte Gallery is ftre. Locotion: Nyer Street Wilhe*Barue, PA 18766 (717) 8244651, ext. 388 150 Soutb The Gollery is centrally hcated on the groand fhor of Starh Learning Center 0n tbe Wilbs College ca.rnq)as. Parb,ng is availnble soath of the Gallery offSoath Riyer Street. Aai.vities: Gnllery tourc, lectares, bws trips, g allery internships students at Wilhcs College. ftr recept'iarw, and. Fxhibitiotx: Contem.p orary and, historicnl ; han, traueling, and. exhibitioru from the perw,anent nllectinn. The collectian //ra.y appointment when exhibirion. be seen by it is not on \AILKES COLLEGE u'ilkes'Barre, Pennsvlvanir 18766 �I}IS/GIflS: SELECTIONS FROM THE PERMANENT COLLECTION, SORDONI ART GALLERY, WILKE,S COLLEGE in.sight (in'srt') n. 1. The capacity to discern the true nature of a situation; penetration. 2. An elucidating glimpse. �IOHN SLOAN ( r87t-r9st) Tempera Helen in Green, 1947 and oil glazes on masonite,2L x 18 inches F* d-"1 ffi m i*{ �Born in Lock Haven, Pennsylvania, Iohn Sloan began his artistic career as a newspaper artist in Philadelphia, where he also took classes from Thomas Anshutz at the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts and met fellow artist Robert Henri, who encouraged him to paint. The two men later became leade rs of a group of New York realists known as "The Ash Can School." While still in Philadelphia, Sloan became interested in etching, a process whose technical features resurface in the textured cross-hatching of later paintings. In 1904 Slaan moved. to New Tork with snernl af his nrwspaper fricnds, with whorn he continued. to d*tlop a painting style centered. on the d.irect observat'ion 0f city life. Smmed by the fficinl exhibitinns a.s tw tulgar, Sloan and. his fr,iend.s banfud together to begin the Infupendcnt rnlvernerct wlrich, fr.llrllrg otber things, pcrrnitted n non-jwried. opportanity fd Fr{ tLi w i1 for artists to exbibit tbeir work. Beginning in 1919, Sloan spent lus summers in Sante Fe, where h 1947 he painted this portrait of his wife, Helen Farr. The series of glazes and cross hatching which form the image are an attempt to emphasize three-dimensional volume in a two-dimensional format. Helen Farr Sloan worked with her artist-husband to publish Gist of Art, an important book which records Sloan's ideas about art as expressed through his classroom lectures. �ry U) LiI i-.* 1", �SEVERIN ROESEN (c. 1814-c. L872) Still Life with Flowers arrd Still Life with Fruit, c. 1865 Both oil on wood panel, 12x76 inches Although little is known about his life, Severin Roesen was an artist who left a strong mark on American nineteenth century still life painting through the style and number of his compositions. He came to the United States from Germany in 1848 and painted in New York City until 1856. At mid-century, there was already a growing appreciation for German art, especially still life, and Roesen's work appealed to the increasingly well-to-do middle class. His paintings were sold through the American Art Union and went to collectors as far away as Maine and Missouri. Roesen left New York to travel through Pennsylvania in 1856; in 1860 he settled in Williamsport, a prosperous lumber community in the center of the state. There he found an interested market for his paintings and a number of students to whom he could teach his style of still life composition. t-l r\ (s H These two paintings are matched in size and reflect the Victorian taste for hauing an ensemble of srnall paintings to group together on a wall. The pristine, detailed painting style is typical of Roesen, as are the bright color and jewel-lilae apped.rance of each flower and fruit. Roesen's concern for realism is euident in his careful brushwork, concern for detail, and mastery in reproducing the colors and textures of nature. Created by an immigrant for immigrants, his pleasing compositions represent the pride of nineteenth century Americans in the natural bounty and beauty of their new courutry. �CHTLDE HASSAM (1859 - a955) Ililltop: Two Figures on the Dunes,1895 Oil on @nvas, aB x251h inches Qiven in honor of Dr. Arnaud C. Marts byhis wife Z a t-( o f-( lJr -l t �Childe lTassam is consldered to be one of the foremost painters of the American Impressionist mouement. Iile u)as a member of the ^The Ten," a group of artists from New York and Boston who organized in 7898 to draw attention to their work and awaA from the French Impressionists. Hassam left high school to work as an engraver and illustrator in Boston, where he took lessons at the Boston Art Club and the Lowell Institute. By 1885 he had already begun sending paintings to exhibitions, and he felt the call to go to Europe. Eventually he spent three years in Paris, where he became familiar with the work of the Impressionists. Hassam was attracted by their subject matter, which was drawn from everyday life, and their new use of color and light, and he incorporated these ideas in his own canvases. flassam was a very successful artist and won 55 major prizes in exhibitions both at home and abroad. He is best known for his paintings of summer resorts in New England and street scenes in New York. ITilltop: Two Figures on the Dunes shows the unusual perspective and high horizon line of Impressionist composition as well as the use of bright color and stippled brushwork to simulate natural light. m *l tut �WALTER ELMER SCHOF'IDLD QB67 - a944) Wandering Brook, n.d. Oil on canvas, 5O1/a x 5O126 inches Cift of Phillip and Muriel Berman Z g crT >-l { s �Acknowledged during his lifetime as one of America's foremost landscape painters, Schofield was born and raised in Philadelphia. After attending the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts, hejoined the hundreds of American artists who studied at the Julian Academy in Paris. There he came in contact with the tenets of Impressionism, which he adopted for his mature style. An important part of Impressionism is the concept of painting directly from the subject out-of-doors, rather than from memory and sketches in a studio. Schofield was a big, hardy outdoorsman who erjoyed painting scenes in all seasons, and he is well known for his winter landscapes. He dMded his time between a home in Cornwall, England, and the United States, where he worked in New England, the Western states, and, especially, the Brandyuine River Valley in Pennsylvania. $ t" fr r ltrandering Brook was probably painted in Pennsyluania. It emplogs the square formatwncentvan Qogh discouered to be effective in his late paintings and shows the same intense, flickering brushstroke. The use of raw, unblended colors helps inuigorate the scene. Schofield is represented in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York), the Corcoran Art Oallery (Washington, D.C.) and other important collections. tle is recognized as one of Pennsylvania's important contributors to the turn-ofthe-century American Impresstonlst mouemenL �GEORGE CATLTN ( 1796 -L872) A Lone Bwffilo Suruownded. by n Pack of Wolttes, n.d. Gift orDr. and Mrs. i:'J""ff:il ]r'"T^f,T';*. Graham Arader rrr In A Lone Baffalo, Catlin shows the animal in its final stand against a natural enemy: wolves. But the artist's real concern was the killing of wild life and invasion of the Indians' land by white fur traders. Catlin's images of the American Indian and his way of life are some of the most informative historical documents of that era. According to nineteenth century practice, this piece was drawn and printed as a lithograph by master craftsmen from Catlin's original watercolor. z{e r-l Ul �George Catlin was born in Wilkes-Barre, and grew up to practice law in his home town. In 182I, after three years as a lawyer, he sold his law library and moved to Philadelphia to devote himself to painting. He began as a portraitist, but when a group of Plains Indians passed through Philadelphia around 1825, he found his true calling. Fascinated by these "knights of the forestr" he decided to document the Indian tribes living between the Allegheny and Rocky Mountains. By 1837 he had compiled an "Indian Gallery" complete with 494 paintings and artifacts such as spears, drums, robes, and a teepec. Catlin took his Gallery to London and Paris, hoping that on his return home the lJnited States Government would buy it for display. But it was not until the death of )oseph Harrison, a private collector who bailed the artist out of his financial troubles, that the Gallery was given to the Smithsonian by Harrison's widow. LJ B.iq F"{ �2 G EORG E BENJAM rN LU KS (1 867 Society Lady, c. 1932 Oil on canvas, 43x331/z inches - m 1933) h,J I X t ffi �George Luks is best known to the art world as a member of the "The Eight," a group of American painters who broke with the traditions of the American academies of the early twentieth century in order to develop their own artistic styles. Luks's natural ability to draw was put to use as a reporterillustrator for the Philadelphia Press in the 1890's. The artists he met at the Press and in Philadelphia Sloan, William - Johnencouraged Glackens, Everett Shinn, and Robert Henri - along withLuks to paint in oils; later they became his associates, Maurice Prendergast, Arthur B. Davies, and Ernest Lawson, in "The Eight." Luks had settled in New York City by the early 1900's and his subjects became city workers, beggar women, and other eccentrics of the streets. His powerful ability to capture character in portraiture caused many (including himself) to compare his work to that of the famous seventeenth century Dutch painter, Frans Hals. The sitter for Society Lady studied with Luks at his informal school in lower Manhattan. The painting shows Luks's flamboyant brushwork and spontaneous sense of form and color. The raw sensation of a limited but brilliant palette - vivid blue, gold and red laid on in strong brush sfrokes is - but remarkably modern, despite his rough technique and sparse details, Luks conveys the dignified, introspective manner of the sitter. This painting came to the Gallery as a result of research for the important traveling retrospective exhibition George Luks: An American Artist, which was organized by the Sordoni Art Gallery and opened there in May, 1987. x ffi tl/ K *{ ffi �GEORGE INNESS ( 1825-1894) Evening Landscape, c. L890 Oil on canvas, L2 x l8'/+ inches George Inness was one of the most prolific Ame rican landscape painters of the nineteenth century. V.ry early in his career he painted in the style of the Hudson River School, but later he turned away from that school's realism and detail to create a more brooding, mystical view of nature. 4 4 CN ry Fl \ �Inness grew up in New York City and in Newark, New )ersey, where as a teenager he was an apprentice to engravers. In I844, at the age of nineteen, he began to exhibit landscapes whose expressionistic mood differed from the Hudson River style. During the 1850s frequent trips to Italy and France introduced him to the romanticism of the Barbizon School, and a gentle, reflective qualiry entered his style. During the late 1860s Inness'paintings began to take on a more abstract, introspective view of nature. From L87O-74 he lived in Italy and his work became less realistic and more dramatic through the use of color and a looser brushstroke. During his late period he rard worked outdoors, but preferred to repaint a single canvas many times over from his imagination. Eoening Londscape, painted around 1890, dates from this late period. Though it is easily recognizable as a landscape, the brushstrokes are blurred and the colors intense. The white crane in the foreground is an exotic inclusion, appearing as a spector in a dramatic stage setting. ry L1 trJ Fl \ �TTARRY GOTTLTEB ( 1895 - Bootleg Mining, L937 Llthogrrcph, 14 x lSYs z UI l-l n H tJ.a l-{l tr �Horry Gottlieb wqs one of the founding members of o speciql unit ol the Works Progrress Administrqtion's Federql Art Project, This unit wqs formed in I938 to explore the potenticrl of the silkscreening process; the result wos serigrophy, on importont development in printmcking. Prints were q relqtively inexpensive wcry for the Federql Alt Project to distribute origincrl works of qrt to vcrrious public irstitutions during the Depression yeqrs, In turn, serigrrophy provided o relotively simple ond inexpensive process for qrtists who could not qfford ccrnvcts ond points. Gottlieb wos born in Buchqrest, Rumqniq; lqter the fomily moved to irelqnd qnd then to the United Stotes. He ottended the Minneopolis Art Institute. Iecnring in 1908 Ior NewYork City, where he becqme cr set qnd costume designer for Eugene O'NeiIl's Provincetown Thecrtre group, € t-"t H *. ($ H w ,? H t-{ AIter c one-mcn show of his serigrrqphs was held in New York in 1940, Gottlieb toured the country gling lectures on serigrraphy. His experiences with people led him to become interested in the labor movement cnd when he visited Northecrstern Pennsylvcnlc he wcs sympathetic to the plight oI the cocl miners. Bootleg Mning is a lithogrcph, ct more expensive type of print medium; it reflects Gottlieb's vierr thqt the artist hcs q responsibility to record the events crnd emotions of his own time. �CARL SPRTNCHORN (1887 - 1971) The Blizzard, 1941 Oil on canvas,21 x29 inches Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Joseph M. Klein The Blizzard shows fhe bravura of Sprinchorn's brushwork and demonstrates his move from the gritty realism of his earlier style to the more romantic, interpretive images of his later work. Although still clearly a landscape, the tightly controlled abstract rhythms of The Blizzard evoke a pictorial winter storm. The zig-zag brushwork and the dagger-like forms of dark pines threaten the observer with a primitive force. Z u f, x*{ (s �Carl Sprinchorn moved to New York City f rom his native Sweden in 1903, when he enrolled at the Art Students League. His mentor there was the charismatic teacher, painter, and co-founder of "The Eight," Robert Henri. Drawing his subjects from the hectic life of the city around him, Sprinchorn's painting style became bold and vigorous. Sprinchorn's career looked promising and by the 1920's he was thoroughly involved in the polemics of the New York art world as Director of the New Gallery, which showed the work of such Europeans as Van Gogh and Matisse. But repeated excursions to the back country of Maine began to draw his attention away f rom the city. He found work as a lumberjack and eventually moved to a small village in the Maine woods, where he became a recluse, going to New York only when he needed to sell paintings. 0) t-*- x ary (# 4 Sprinchorn's respect for nature produced powerful images, but his retirement from the art world caused a public eclipse of his work. The Blizzard was included in a retrospective exhibition, Carl Sprinchorn: Realist lmpulse and Romantic Vision, mounted at the Sordoni Art Gallery in 1983. �THOMAS HART BENTON (188e-Le74) Sunset, L94l Lithograph , l0 x gl/n inches z O !.1 lJ{ Fl �Together with Grant Wood and John Steuart Curry, Thomas Hart Benton was a proponent of Regionalism, a style popularized in the 1930s which was intended to create a purely American style, independent of European inspiration. Benton believed that "we must find our aesthetic values . . . in penetrating the meaning and forms of American life as known and felt by ordinary Americans." Benton stud,ied. first at the Chicago Art Institute, then from 1908 to 1911 in Paris, where he deueloped an abstract style. But by the early 1920s, after seruing in the Nauy and painting a series of large canuases illustrating American history, Benton had rejected modernism. His mature style was rooted in realism and influenced by the anatomical distortions and expressionistic forms of the Spanish painter Goya. In 1935 he moved to Kansas City, a change that reflected the anti-urban aspect of Regionalism as well as Benton's search for his own roots, which were in the midwest. Sunset, done in 1941, is a peaceful landscape filled with soft, rounded forms that evoke latent fertility. It depicts the America Benton loved, which he felt could not be expressed through an abstract style. w WJ l'{ .l F '-i ts (3 �;%fl'}ffi#fl_Fffi -,fum:"H. f,k%"H*$-,8::1Hffi nrs/Grrs � https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/254eefb9c8e0b0175d38c79da965c352.pdf 2674162fea74169a76ab9e259f94a371 PDF Text Text �THE SORDONI ART GALLERY WILKES COLLEGE Installation view of the Gallery with George Luks: An American Artist, April-May, 1987. E.S. FARLEY LIBRARY WILKES UNIVERSITY WILKES-BARRE, PA �4 uichivlS : 'U i Y- The Sordoni Art Gallery of Wilkes College was established in 1973 to encourage and support an appreciation of the visual arts in an academic setting. Representing more than the fine arts aspect of a liberal arts education, the Gallery serves as a teaching resource for campus and community and creates a stimulus for local artists. It is a professionally staffed and equipped facility which provides an ambitious schedule of exhibitions, lectures, and related programs, all of which are available to the public without charge. Major exhibitions organized by the Gallery have included FRANZ KLINE: PAINTINGS (1978); THE EIGHT (1979); THREE PENNSYLVANIA WOMEN: BEAUX, CASSATT, AND WALTER (1980); STUDENTS OF THE EIGHT (1981); CARL SPRINCHORN: REALIST IMPULSE AND ROMANTIC VISION (1982); 1933 REVESTED: AMERICAN MASTERS OF THE EARLY THIRTIES (1983); and GEORGE LUKS: AN AMERICAN ARTIST (1987). The Sordoni Art Gallery’s growing permanent collection is focused upon nineteenth and twentieth century American paintings, and a print collection which includes works of old masters and contemporary artists. A select group of nineteenth century European paintings from the former JOHN SLOA Helen in C Tempera and oil glazes o �of Wilkes College irage and support an an academic setting, arts aspect of a ’ serves as a teaching nip- and creates a -ofessionally staffed des an ambitious and related de to the public bv rhe Gallen- have TINGS (1978,: ENNSYLVANLA VND WALTER GHT 11981k T IMPULSE AND >33 REXTSTED: E EARLY i LUKS: AN wing permanent ith and twentieth print collection rs and p of nineteenth he former JOHN SLOAN (1871-1951) Helen in Green, 1947 z(Z> Tempera and oil glazes on masonite, 21 x 18 inches O bp Z H �Born in Lock Haven, Pennsylvania, John Sloan began his artistic career as a newspaper artist in Philadelphia, where he also took classes from Thomas Anshutz at the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts and met fellow artist Robert Henri, who encouraged him to paint. The two men later became leaders of a group of New York realists known as “The Ash Can School.” While still in Philadelphia, Sloan became interested in etching, a process whose technical features resurface in the textured cross-hatching of later paintings. In 1904 Sloan moved to New York with several ofhis newspaper friends, with whom he continued to develop a painting style centered on the direct observation ofcity life. Scorned by the official exhibitions as too vulgar, Sloan and his friends banded together to begin the Independent movement which, among other things, permitted a non-juried opportunity for artists to exhibit their work. £ □ Z P—4 Beginning in 1919, Sloan spent his summers in Sante Fe, where in 1947 he painted this portrait of his wife, Helen Farr. The series of glazes and cross hatching which form the image are an attempt to emphasize three-dimensional volume in a two-dimensional format. Helen Farr Sloan worked with her artist-husband to publish Gist ofArt, an important book which records Sloan’s ideas about art as expressed through his classroom lectures. ��SEVERIN ROESEN (c. 181 l-c. 1872» Still Life with Flowers and Still Lite with /• rz/C. Both oil on wood panel, 12 x m in. Although little is known about his life. S» \. > Roetien was an arti t who left a strong mark on American nineteenth century still life paiidin • lhi“uf ft the style ami number of his composition He came to the United States from Germany in I ; and painted in New York City until I Kat’.. Al mid anuic there was already a growing appreciation foi German art, especially till lift and Rm sen's work appealed m the increasingly well to -do middle class. I lis p.nntinr were sold through the Am a m Art Union and w< nt to collectors as tar away a Maim and Missouri Roesen left New York to travel through Pennsylvania in h-mti. a. I -.»;<> io- settled in William ,pmi a prosperous lumber eornmunh . in the center of I In I >i There fte found an intere-ted market for hi painting ami a number of student ? ■, whom he could ImiIi hi style of still life composition 71 I—• X z __ 7/a se two paintings are matcher! m :.i.-c and reflect the I utorian tu.tv for having an ensenthie of small paintings tn group together on a u all. The pre.line, detailed painting styb ,■, typical of Roescn, at. are 'the bright color and jeuvllike appearance of each flower and fruit. Koos, n s concern for realism z , evident in. he. careful brushicork. concern for detail, and. masters in reproducing the colors and texture-, of nature, ('rented b. f',rJm™er“nts. his pleasing rompo-ctiori. ,ri ,f’^Pri,L- of nineteenth, century Americans >.n i< mi arm ounty und beauty of their ne.u: country. m, , �r(c. 1814-c. 1872) ill Life with Fruit, c. 1865 I 1,12 x 16 inches lout his life, Severin strong mark on till life painting through ipositions. es from Germany in 1848 intil 1856. At mid-century, ipreciation for German ‘sen’s work appealed to lie class. His paintings ii Art Union and went to i and Missouri. ivel through re settled in Williamsport, y in the center of the state, arket for his paintings 10m he could teach his itched in size and reflect m ensemble of small a wall. The pristine, tl of Roesen, as are the ’arance of each flower and ~sm is evident in his detail, and mastery in ares of nature. Created by his pleasing compositions ■h century Americans in of their new country. I !i < * ’ > -■> ': • -A. v I ■ I i: I- < CHILDE HASSAM (1859 - 1955) Hilltop: Two Figures on the Dunes, 1895 Oil on canvas, 18 x 25'Zi indies Given in honor of Dr. Arnaud C. Marts by his wife 2 �ChfWe Hassam is considered to be om of the foremost painters of the Anwrlt an Impressionist movement. He was a member of the /he lew a group of artists from Hew York and boston who orqani/ed in 1898 to draw attention to their work uni away from the I rent h Impressionists. I llassam left high s< hool to work a . an » ngia ■ and illustrator in Boston. where fie took lessons ,1! tin Boston Art Club and the l.ov.-ll Institute By 1HH'5 hr had already begun sending paintings to » xhibilions and lie felt the < .ill to go to I uropc. I v» ritually hr spent three years in Paris where he Ix-r.irm familiar with tinwork of the Impressionists, flassam was attracted by their subject matter, which was drawn from everyday life, and their new use of c olor and light, and he incorporated these ideas in his own r anvases flassam was a very successful artist and won 35 major prizes in exhibitions both at home, and abroad lie is best known for his paintings of summer resorts !" ^Cu. En3,;m<1 and street sc enes in flew York Hilltop: u tj 1 icyues on the Dunes shows the unusual perspective and high horizon line of Impressionist “m^'Jon aS WeH as the US€ of bright color and stippled brushwork to simulate natural light �aver s at the 33 he ions, le spent vith the ed by yday n 35 >road. ;sorts hilltop: list nd 2 WALTER ELMER SCHOFIELD (1867 - 1944) Wandering Brook, n.d. Oil on canvas, 30% x 30% inches Gift of Phillip and Muriel Berman o a �Acknowledged during his lifetime as one of America's foremost landscape painters, Schofield was born and raised in Philadelphia. After attending the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts, he joined the hundreds of American artists who studied at the Julian Academy in Paris. There he came in contact with the tenets of Impressionism, which he adopted for his mature style. An important part of Impressionism is the concept of painting directly from the subject out-of-doors, rather than from memory and sketches in a studio. Schofield was a big, hardy outdoorsman who enjoyed painting scenes in all seasons, and he is well known for his winter landscapes. He divided his time between a home in Cornwall, England, and the United States, where he worked in Hew England, the Western states, and, especially, the Brandywine River Valley in Pennsylvania. E o 35 z: Wandering Brook was probably painted in Pennsylvania. It employs the square format Vincent van Gogh discovered to be effective in his late paintings and shows the same Intense, flickering brushstroke. The use of raw, unblended colors helps invigorate the scene. Schofield is represented in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York), the Corcoran Art Gallery (Washington, D.C.) and other important collections. He is recognized as one of Pennsylvania's important contributors to the tum-ofthe-century American Impressionist movement. A Lol Gift o In A Lone Buffo enemy: wolves. But t of the Indians’ land i his way of life are so According to ni lithograph by mastei �Wandering Brook was probably tinted In Pennsylvania. It employs e square format Vincent van Gogh scovered to be effective in his late tintings and shows the same tense, flickering brushstroke. The •e of raw, unblended colors helps vigorate the scene. Schofield is represented in the ’tropolitan Museum of Art (Mew rk), the Corcoran Art Gallery ashington, D.C.) and other portant collections. He is cognized as one of Pennsylvania's portant contributors to the turn-ofz-century American Impressionist jvement GEORGE CATLIN (1796-1872) A Lone Buffalo Surrounded by a Pack of Wolves, n.d. Lithograph, 11% x 17% Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Robert L. Mayock and W. Graham Arader III In A Lone Buffalo, Catlin shows the animal in its final stand against a natural enemy: wolves. But the artist’s real concern was the killing of wild life and invasion of the Indians’ land by white fur traders. Catlin’s images of the American Indian and his way of life are some of the most informative historical documents of that era. According to nineteenth century7 practice, this piece was drawn and printed as a lithograph by master craftsmen from Catlin’s original watercolor. CZ> o 3 H 'Jl �George Catlin was born in Wilkes-Barre, and grew up to practice law in his home town. In 1821, after three years as a lawyer, he sold his law library and moved to Philadelphia to devote himself to painting. He began as a portraitist, but when a group of Plains Indians passed through Philadelphia around 1825, he found his true calling. Fascinated by these “knights of the forest," he decided to document the Indian tribes living between the Allegheny ami Rocky Mountains. By 1837 he had compiled an " Indian Gallen',1' complete with 494 paintings ami artifacts such as spears, drums, robes, and a teepee. Catlin took his Gallen.' to London and Paris, hoping that on his return home the United States Government would buy it for display. But it was not until the death of Joseph Harrison, a private collector who bailed the artist out of his financial troubles, that the Gallen was given to the Smithsonian by Harn son’s widow. GEORGE BENJAMIN Society Lad Oil on canvas 431 �Vilkes-Barre, and me town. In 1821, old his law library vote himself to st, but when a irough und his true Jits of the forest, an tribes living y Mountains. i, an “Indian aintings and , robes, and ry to t on his display. But seph ho bailed •oubles, that nithsonian z CO GEORGE BENJAMIN LUKS (1867- 1933) Society Lady, c. 1932 Oil on canvas, 43 x 337a inches 0 I -I CD �George Luks is best known to the art world as a member of the "The Eight." a group of American painters who broke with the traditions of the American academies of the early twentieth century in order to develop their own artistic styles. Luks’s natural ability to draw was put to use as a reporter illustrator for the Philadelphia Press in the J890s The artist:, he met at the Press and in Philadelphia • John Sloan, William Glackens, Everett Shinn, and Robert Henn encouraged Luks to paint in oils: later they became his associates. along with Maurice Prendergast. Arthur B Davies and Ernest Lawson, in "The Eight." Luks had settled in New York City by the early 1900’s and his subjects became city workers beggar women. and other eccentrics of the streets His power'ul ability to capture character in portraiture caused many (including himself) to compare his work to that of the famou ; seventeenth century Dutch painter. Frans Hals The sitter for Society Lady studied with Luks at his informal school in lower Manhattan. The painting shows Luks's flamboyant brushwork and spontaneous sense of form and color. The raw sensation of a limited but brilliant palette vivid blue, gold and red — laid on in strong brush strokes is remarkably modern, but despite his rough technique and sparse details, Luks conveys the dignified, introspective manner of the sitter. zzs*by ,he swdoni Art GEOR< Ever Oil George Inn American landsc century. Ven eai of the Hudson r from that schoo brooding, myso �world as a member of iters who broke with of the early twentieth Stic styles. to use as a reportere 1890’s. The artists John Sloan. William i — encouraged Luks iciates, along with id Ernest Lawson, in ; City by the early srs, beggar women, werful ability to any (including b famous seventeenth 'h Luks at his minting shows Luks’s ense of form and rilliant palette — vivid sh strokes is technique and introspective GEORGE INNESS (1825-1894) Evening Landscape, c. 1890 Oil on canvas, 12 x 18/4 inches result of research for ition George Luks: Jy the Sordoni Art George Inness was one of the most prolific American landscape painters of the nineteenth century. Very early in his career he painted in the style of the Hudson River School, but later he turned away from that school’s realism and detail to create a more brooding, mystical view of nature. z 0 H �• | Inness grew up in New York City and in Newark, New Jersey, where as a teenager he was an apprentice to engravers. In 1844, at the age of nineteen, he began to exhibit landscapes whose expressionistic mood differed from the Hudson River style. During the 1850s frequent trips to Italy and France introduced him to the romanticism of the Barbizon School, and a gentle, reflective quality entered his style. During the late 1860s Inness’ paintings began to take on a more abstract, introspective view of nature. From 1870-74 he lived in Italy and his work became less realistic and more dramatic through the use of color and a looser brushstroke. During his late period he rarely worked outdoors, but preferred to repaint a single canvas many times over from his imagination. Evening Landscape, painted around 1890, dates from this late period. Though it is easily recognizable as a landscape, the brushstrokes are blurred and the colors intense. The white crane in the foreground is an exotic inclusion, appearing as a spector in a dramatic stage setting. HARRY GO: Bootleg Mi Lithograph, b �New York City and in Newark, New iger he was an apprentice to the age of nineteen, he began to >se expressionistic mood differed r style. During the 1850s frequent e introduced him to the romanticism 1, and a gentle, reflective quality 860s Inness’ paintings began to ct, introspective view of nature, d in Italy and his work became less .matic through the use of color and During his late period he rarely : preferred to repaint a single canvas his imagination. be, painted around 1890, dates . Though it is easily recognizable •ushstrokes are blurred and the zhite crane in the foreground is an earing as a Spector in a dramatic % Ui 5-=3 0 K H 00 �Harry Gottlieb was one of the founding members of a special unit of the Works Progress Administration's Federal Art Project. This unit was formed in 1938 to explore the potential of the silkscreening process; the result was serigraphy, an important development in printmaking. Prints were a relatively inexpensive way for the Federal Art Project to distribute original works of art to various public institutions dunng the Depression years. In turn, serigraphy provided a relatively simple and inexpensive process for artists who could not afford canvas and paints Gottlieb was born in Bucharest. Rumania; later the family moved to Ireland and then to the United States. He attended the Minneapolis Art Institute, leaving in 1908 for New York City, where he became a set and costume designer for Eugene O'Neill's Provincetown Theatre group. CO 0 8—] £ After a one-man show of his serigraphs was held in New York in 1940, Gottlieb toured the country giving lectures on serigraphy. His experiences with people led him to become interested in the labor movement and when he visited Northeastern Pennsylvania he was sympathetic to the plight of the coal miners Bootleg Mining is a lithograph, a more expensive type of print medium; it reflects Gottlieb's view that the artist has a responsibility to record the events and emotions of his own time. CARL SPRINC The Blizzard. Oil on canvas 21 x 29 Gift of Dr and Mrs Jo The Blizzard s demonstrates his r the more romantic clearly a landscape Blizzard evoke a p the dagger-like foi primitive force. �e of the founding members rks Progress Administration's lit was formed in 1938 to e silkscreening process; the mportant development in relatively inexpensive way to distribute original works itutions during the serigraphy provided a pensive process for artists as and paints. ucharest, Rumania; later the nd then to the United States, oils Art Institute, leaving in ere he became a set and me O'Neill's Provincetown t one-man show of his serigraphs was w York in 1940, Gottlieb toured the ving lectures on serigraphy. His es with people led him to become in the labor movement and when he theastern Pennsylvania he was :ic to the plight of the coal miners. 7 Mining is a lithograph, a more type of print medium; it reflects new that the artist has a responsibility he events and emotions of his own time. CARL SPRINCHORN (1887 - 1971) The Blizzard, 1941 Oil on canvas, 21 x 29 inches Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Joseph M. Klein The Blizzard shows the bravura of Sprinchorn’s brushwork and demonstrates his move from the gritty realism of his earlier style to the more romantic, interpretive images of his later work. Although still clearly a landscape, the tightly controlled abstract rhythms of The Blizzard evoke a pictorial winter storm. The zig-zag brushwork and the dagger-like forms of dark pines threaten the observer with a primitive force. z CO Q _| CQ �Carl Sprinchorn moved to New York City from his native Sweden in 1903, when he enrolled at the Art Students League. His mentor there was the charismatic teacher, painter, and co-founder of “The Eight,” Robert Henri. Drawing his subjects from the hectic life of the city around him, Sprinchorn’s painting style became bold and vigorous. Sprinchorn’s career looked promising and by the 1920’s he was thoroughly involved in the polemics of the New York art world as Director of the New Gallery, which showed the work of such Europeans as Van Gogh and Matisse. But repeated excursions to the back country of Maine began to draw his attention away from the city. He found work as a lumberjack and eventually moved to a small village in the Maine woods, where he became a recluse, going to New York only when he needed to sell paintings. CD I— I 0 <Z) z Sprinchorn’s respect for nature produced powerful images, but his retirement from the art world caused a public eclipse of his work. The Blizzard was included in a retrospective exhibition. Carl Sprinchorn: Realist Impulse and Romantic Vision, mounted at the Sordoni Art Gallery in 1983. �Led to New I Sweden in bt the Art Lntor there her, painter, Eight,” Robert Lets from the lind him, He became ig k art |iich Lan pns raw d Led ere I respect for nature lul images, but his lhe art world caused a Ibis work. The Blizzard was respective exhibition, Car! 1st Impulse and Romantic at the Sordoni Art Gallery �collectk rhe Gall Together with Grant Wood and John Steuart Curry, Thomas Hart Benton was a proponent of Regionalism, a style popularized in the 1930s which was intended to create a purely American style, independent of European inspiration. Benton believed that “we must find our aesthetic values ... in penetrating the meaning and forms of American life as known and felt by ordinary Americans.” Benton studied first at the Chicago Art Institute, then from 1908 to 1911 in Paris, where he developed an abstract style. But by the early 1920s, after serving in the Navy and painting a series of large canvases illustrating American history, Benton had rejected modernism. His mature style was rooted in realism and influenced by the anatomical distortions and expressionistic forms of the Spanish painter Goya. op underta funding grants 1 niembei r5 i In 1935 he moved to Kansas City, a change that reflected the anti-urban aspect of Regionalism as well as Benton’s search for his own roots, which were in the mid­ west. Sunset, done in 1941, is a peaceful landscape filled with soft, rounded forms that evoke latent fertility. It depicts the America Benton loved, which he felt could not be expressed through an abstract style. f View tow ar Quartet #2 �collection of Senator Andrew J. Sordoni is also part of the Gallery’s permanent holdings. »d and John Steuart Curry, roponent of Regionalism, a which was intended to create a mdent of European inspiration, st find our aesthetic values .. . ad forms of American life as mericans.” Operating support for the Gallery is largely undertaken by Wilkes College, with additional funding provided by the Sordoni Foundation, Inc., grants from corporate and individual sponsors, and members of the Friends of the Sordoni Art Gallery. ? Chicago Art Institute, then tere he developed an abstract ifter serving in the Navy and :ases illustrating American lodernism. His mature style uenced by the anatomical c forms of the Spanish painter 1 to Kansas City, a I the anti-urban aspect ill as Benton’s search rich were in the mid11941, is a peaceful i soft, rounded forms ility. It depicts the id, which he felt could iugh an abstract style. View towards the Gallery from the surrounding Marts Courtyard. Quartet #2 by Steve Porter is shown. �Hours: Monday through Priday 12-5 p.m. Thursday evenings until 9p.m. Saturday 10 a.m. - 5p.m. Sunday 1-5 p.m. Closed all major holidays. Admission to the Gallery is free. Location: 150 South River Street Wilkes-Barre, PA 18766 (717) 824-4651, ext. 388 The Gallery is centrally located on the ground floor ofStark Learning Center on the Wilkes College campus. Parking is available south of the Gallery offSouth River Street. Activities: Gallery tours, lectures, bus trips, receptions, and gallery internships for students at Wilkes College. Exhibitions: Contemporary and historical; loan, traveling, and exhibitions from the permanent collection. The collection may be seen by appointment when it is not on exhibition. ��� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1987 Insights: Selections from the Permanent Sordoni Art Gallery collection Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Sloan Severin Roesen Childe Hassam Walter Elmer Schofield Gerorge Catlin George Benjamin Luks George Inness Harry Gottlieb Carl Sprinchorn Thomas Hart Benton Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1987 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource Insights is an exhibition surveying the collection of the Sordoni Gallery up to this point in 1987. It includes works from artists such as John Sloan, Childe Hassam, and George Luks. Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived The National Collection of Fine Arts Smithsonian Institution and The National Gallery of Art Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource The National Collection of Fine Arts Smithsonian Institution and The National Gallery of Art https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/a23b1b151fa2356fcd4e3c093360066e.pdf a7301e4b26e6f2437a59169ccb5906e7 PDF Text Text ������������ Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1986 August 24 Seven Sculptors Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Leon Sitarehuk Joe Mooney Stephen Porter Herbert Simon Peter Grimord Robinson Fredenthal Jerome Hershey Kevin O'Toole Kevin O'Toole Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986 August 24 - September 28 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource In any invitational exhibition, there is, hopefully, a theme or underlying current to which the work of each artist contributes. Ideally the individual pieces will be better understood in light of the works with which they have been surrounded. Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition program https://omeka.wilkes.edu/omeka/files/original/2a28d0a920a6f2b1309afbe795ff7c2a.pdf c9654d4825b21e84df8993ca23c61727 PDF Text Text �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present Description An account of the resource Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Sordoni Art Gallery Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilkes University Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Sordoni Art Gallery Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1973-present Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Exhibition programs, flyers, and calendars. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 1986 Lecture Will the Real Franz Kline Please Stand Up? Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Franz Kline Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986 September 21 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Description An account of the resource This is lecture ephemera about Franz Kline NOT an exhibition Type The nature or genre of the resource Lecture Ephemera