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I

Virgin Landscapes, Native Cultures:
The Artist-Explorer in North America

Sordoni Art Gallery
Wilkes University
SORD GA
N8214.5
U6S83
1992

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Virgin Landscapes, Native Cultures:
The Artist-Explorer in North America
An exhibition organized by the Sordoni Art Gallery,

Wilkes University, in recognition of the
Quincentenary of the voyage of Columbus

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Dr. William H. Sterling, Guest Curator

October 11 through November 29, 1992

Support provided by
Pennsylvania Council on the Arts
Northeastern Bank
Anonymous Friends
E.S. FARLEY LioHALY ”
WILKES UNIVERSITY
WILKES-BARRE, PA

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

s
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Lenders to the Exhibition

Copyright 1992 by the Sordoni Art Gallery,
Wilkes University’, Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania
All rights reserved

Acknowledgments

iv

v

The Artist-Explorer in North America

ISBN 0-942945-03-4
Introduction

Wilkes University
Christopher N. Breiseth, President
J. Michael Lennon, Vice President for Academic Affairs

1

Discovering America (1492-1800)
Into the Wilderness (1800-1850)

3
13

From Exploration to Tourism (1850-1875)
Sordoni Art Gallery
Judith H. O’Toole, Director
Nancy L. Krueger, Assistant Director
Kathy L. Scott, Secretary
Mary Jo Moses, Gallery Intern

Biographical Notes

51

Bibliographic Note

54

Checklist of the Exhibition

Front cover: Exhibition No. 12
Inside cover: see p. vi

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�ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
How can you buy or sell the sky, the warmth ofthe land? The idea is strange to us. If we do not
own thefreshness of the air and the sparkle of the water, how can you buy them?

lenders to the exhibition
American Philosophical Society'

Art Gallery of Windsor
The Butler Institute of American Art

Everhart Museum

The Heckscher Museum
Joslyn Art Museum

Kennedy Galleries, Inc.
Missouri Historical Society

Museum of Nebraska Art

National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution
The New York Historical Society
The Rockwell Museum

Sheldon Memorial Art Gallery', University of Nebraska - Lincoln
Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes University

Sordoni Family Collection

The Thomas Gilcrease Museum
W est Point Museum

Yale (Jniversity Art Gallery

1 his yas the response of Chief Sealth of the Duamish Tribe to President Franklin
Pierce’s inquiry of 1854 regarding the purchase of a large tract of Indian land. Obviously, the
two men had vastly different concepts of man’s relationship to his environment. Virgin
Landscapes, Native Cultures is about the encounter between two continents and the inhabit­
ants of each, although admittedly through Anglo-European eyes — the artists represented here
were Westerners who recorded as faithfully as they could the “native cultures” and “virgin
landscapes” they encountered in North America.
Planning for this exhibition began several years ago, although the original concept has
gone through several permutations since then, and our small staff has worked diligently to bring
it into being. We are grateful to Dr. William H. Sterling, Associate Professor of Art at Wilkes
University, who served as the exhibition’s curator, providing a selection of objects and an essay
which are both enlightening and sensitive to the subject. His careful research is revealed in the
following text which, refreshingly, manages to be both lively and scholarly.
We are indebted to those listed on the title page who provided support and others
including Andrew J. Sordoni, III; Vai and Gus Genetti; the Cultural Events Committee, Wilkes
University under the chairmanship of Robert Heaman; and anonymous friends.
The gallery staff, new to a project of this ambition, tackled their responsibilities with
diligence, professionalism, and, when needed, good humor. Nancy L. Krueger handled all the
correspondence with lenders and coordinated all the varied details that go into assembling an
exhibition and catalog of this scope. Kathy L. Scott lent her expert typing skills to the
transformation of the manuscript from pen to computer printout. I am grateful to both of them
for taking the exhibition’s concept and making it a reality'.
Annie Bohlin approached the design of this publication with her usual intellectual
curiosity and created a perceptive and appropriate document to accompany and survive the
exhibition.
Dr. Rena Coen, Professor Emerita of St. Cloud University, and Kenneth Haltman of
Yale University assisted in the location of works by some of the more obscure artists and
suggested valuable source material. Beth Carrol-Horrocks of the American Philosophical
Society made access to that collection available to Dr. Sterling. Mary L. W’atkins of the E. S.
Farley Library at Wilkes University kept pace with the steady stream of requests for inter-library
loans.
Also deserving of our thanks are staff members at the lending institutions, in particular:
Barbara Rothermel, Everhart Museum; Marsha Gallagher, Joslyn Art Museum; Clyde Singer,
The Butler Institute of American Art; John McKirahan, Museum of Nebraska Art, University
of Nebraska at Kearney; William H. Trcuttner, Abigail Terrones and Kimberly Cody, National
Museum of American Art; Cathy N lastin. Art Gallery of Windsor; David N leschutt and Pat Dursi.
West Point Museum; William Fl. Titus, The Heckscher Museum, and Lillian Brenwasser,
Kennedy Galleries, Inc.
Finally, as always, we thank the institutions and private lenders listed in this catalog
whose generosity made this exhibition possible.
Judith Hansen O'Toole
Director

it

�THE ARTIST-EXPLORER IN NORTH AMERICA

I4

INTRODUCTION

i~

This exhibition surveys the era during which the pictorial exploration of North America
evolved from the reportorial to the expressive. It was also an era which saw other momentous
developments: the transcontinental settlement by Euroamericans and the attendant uprooting
of the native cultures; the creation of a national1 sense of destiny and history; and the emergence
of a cultivated indigenous art community.
The artist was never the point man in any campaign of geographical exploration. He
recorded mostly what others had already discovered. Nevertheless, the term "artist-explorer"
is useful as an indication of the difference between those artists who worked at home, using only
their imaginations or the reports of travelers, and those artists who followed the pathfinders into
the field to bring back eye-witness images.
Some of the artists and themes appearing in this exhibition, particularly those of the
American West and the American Indians, have been featured in many other recent exhibitions.
These themes naturally occur in the current project, because they overlap so broadly our primary­
subject of the artist-explorer in North America. If your favorite western painter is missing in this
show, keep in mind that many portrayals of the West were by the stay-at-homes, and many more
were the work of artists whose travels came after those of the vanguard. In this exhibition, we
are focusing on artists who, driven by a quest for fame or fortune, inspiration or knowledge,
undertook arduous, and often dangerous, journeys into uncharted terrain.

i.&lt;r, I

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!.l t HI ] &gt;90

In 1494, Albrect Diirer, the great German artist of the Renaissance, crossed the Alps to
visit Italy. This trip had nothing of the magnitude and risk which marked Columbus’s first
voyage across the Atlantic. Still, in those days, Diirer's journey was a challenging venture. His
motives were not altogether different from Columbus’s. Both men believed that their trips
could bring them fame and fortune, as well as enlightenment. The wonders and wealth of the
East beckoned Columbus. The art of antiquity and the Renaissance lured Diirer. Both the
navigator and the artist hoped to return with treasures. For Diirer, that meant a deeper
understanding of classical style and the newer discoveries by Italian artists.
Diirer thus helped to establish a tradition which remained the primary object of artists'
physical explorations well into the nineteenth century. Any similarity between their travels and
those made by explorers of sea and land were mostly metaphorical. Indeed, prior to the
nineteenth century, artists were not particularly interested in new lands or exotie peoples.
Representations of Blacks and Asians by European artists, for example, were few and far
between. Art was intensely Eurocentric in both style and subject matter. I'he Christian religion,
classical mythology, history anti portraiture dominated subject matter. Genre, landscape, and
still-life, as independent categories, began to flourish only in the seventeenth century and
remained firmly tie voted to familiar ami near-at-hand images for two hundred years. Eventually,
these lower ranking categories in the hierarchy of artistic subject matter would become rhe
backbone of both objective naturalism and subjective expressionism, exemplified in the
nineteenth century by rhe Realist and Romantic movements.

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1

�. nril, demand for that kind of art developed howev er, there was no reason for an artisc
1 f
some faraway wilderness or abongmal community. Even as philosophers and
C1&gt; travel oft to .&lt; i
.indseventeenth centuries began to posit connections, both literal and
historians in the six
ancient ,in(J bibllCal history. fcw artists (or th

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e d t" S concern was the tradition of art itself. An American wdderness, or its inhabitant, was
X powerful stimulus than an old master landscape or an antique statue. Art tended to

perpetUtCSKond1nlPdeminvoh ing Diirer seems to confirm this interpretation. In 1520, he had
occasion to visit the Emperor's art collection. Among the newest acquisitions was a hoard of
Mexican Indian artifacts. Diirer writes in lus diary that he was overwhelmed by these
•wwdrous... [and] wonderful works of art. Aet so far as we know he didn’t sketch them or
describe them in anv detail. As marvelous as he found them to be, they must have been
curiosities which did not fit into his artistic world
Artists became explorers, in the geographical sense, only when art itself begai
began to
embrace the real world in all its diversity. Somewhere between the categories of art and
curiosity, there began to flourish, in the Renaissance, a body of natural history illustration (i.e„
careful studies of flora, fauna, and geology) requiring the skills, if not the imagination, of an artist.
Some very significant artists took part in this development, most notably Leonardo da Vincg
whose field trip to the Alps made him a forerunner of the artist-explorer.
The New World offered naturalists a wealth of new species to examine and record. At
first, most of the natural history illustrators remained in Europe and worked from imported
specimens. In the late sixteenth century, naturalists and colonizers of the new territories began
to take along artists to make both naturalistic and idealized portrayals of sites ripe for settlement.
Some of die earliest scenes of America were, in a sense, real estate promotions. Hovering over
all these pragmatic programs of exploration and representation, however, were the more
subjective concerns of moral philosophy: where did America belong in the greater scheme of
things: what aesthetic value did its wilderness have; were its natives subhuman or civilized?
Artists, like their patrons, would work such concerns into their interpretations, consciously and
unconsciously, over the next three centuries.
One must also remember that ocean and wilderness travel before the age of mechanized
and comfortable transportation was full of hardship, not to mention risk to life and limb. As a
class, professional artists tended to be as ill-disposed to arduous travel as they were to military
service. Check the household list of “great” European artists, and you will find that, before the
nineteenth century, virtually none of them ever left their home continent. Only with the rise
ot Romanticism and the wanderlust it engendered did a significant number of artists begin,
physically, to seek inspiration in faraway places or alien cultures. Romanticism made the artist
into a hero of culture, whose personal odyssey could take place within the imagination or atop
a real mountain. V\ ith this kind of encouragement, artistic exploration of both kinds came into

its own in the nineteenth century.

DISCOVERING AMERICA (1492-1800)
No artist accompanied Columbus on his voyages to America, and no professional artists
that we know of sailed to these shores much before the seventeenth century. The earliest visual
representations of the New World by the Old were based either on descriptions brought back
by explorers or on pure fantasy. Virtually all such representations were the work of obscure
illustrators. America was not a subject of much interest to artists. The continent had come within
Europe’s purview accidentally and was regarded mostly as a geographical impediment and a
philosophical inconvenience.
The earliest images of America, appearing in 1493 to preface tracts on Columbus’s
maiden voyage, are wholly imaginary generic landscapes. In 1505, the Master of Viseu, an
anonymous Portuguese painter, portrayed an American Indian in the role of one of the magi in
an Adoration ofthe Magi altarpiece (Viseu Muscu, Portugal). The American replaced the more
conventional black African here as a representative of remote peoples in the trio of magi. 1 lad
the Master of Viseu been to the New World? No one knows, but his Indian seems to be based
more upon descriptions than direct encounter. Only his deep bronze complexion and feathered
headdress identify him as a native American (these features became standard symbols of the
Indian in European art for the next three centuries). Even when Indians were brought to
Europe, it is doubtful that many artists had an opportunity to see them in the flesh.
Symbolic images were adequate for the kinds of scenes in which America usually
appeared, such as the cosmological allegories so popular in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. An Indian, a parrot, ora palm tree inserted into a conventional European landscape
was enough to signal the New World. Authenticity' in visual representation was far less critical
in the sixteenth century than it was in the nineteenth. The European landscape, itself, was
seldom portrayed with topographical accuracy in the Renaissance. In the 1540s, when the Dutch
artist Jan Mostaert painted West Indian Scene (Frans Hals Museum, Haarlem), probably no one
was upset that the whole thing was entirely imaginary. More extraordinary is the fact that
Mostaert was perhaps the only noteworthy sixteenth century artist to portray an extensive
American scene at all.
The meager excitement generated in artists and their patrons by the New World, as a
subject for art, was apparently widespread. Even when artists began to make the journey
themselves, what they reported seems not to have inspired many others to follow. It was a rough
and hostile environment. Painting as “travelogue” only became popular in the eighteenth
century, when tourism began to flourish. By that time, well-traveled patrons were less inclined
to accept surrogates for their favorite scenes.
The earliest extensive visual reports of America done on site did not appear until Jacques
Le Moyne visited Florida in 1564 and John White settled in Virginia in 1585. Both men were
trained cartographers and skilled draftsmen, and both had been sent out on royal commissions
to promote colonization. Le Moyne accompanied Rene de Laudonniere’s expedition, while
White traveled with Sir Walter Raleigh to become the governor of the ill-fated Roanoke colony.
The drawings and paintings produced by Le Moyne and White presented for the first time a
straightforward and detailed picture of Indian life. Although conventional artistic devices such

3

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-,,i nines crept in, these portrayals seem to be laigeh accurate. A few years later both

these engravings; W hite’s original pictures are m rhe Bnnsh Museum .
Comparable pictorial studies of the Spanish ami Portuguese colonies to the south had
not vet been done, despite the fact that American exploration began in those latitudes. The
reasons for this are not clear. Perhaps Spain's somewhat secret, ve posture concerning her goldbearin- territories discouraged publicity. I he English and the 1; rench, in contrast, were eager
to stimulate colonization in rhe North. The book illustrated with White’s pictures described
Vir-inia as a "pastoral paradise” (Thomas Hanot, BneJ and 1 rue report of the new found land of
Xirfnia. 1590). If White’s images fall short of accuracy in any significant way, it would be that
thev accentuate the positive. His purpose, after all, was to attract immigrants.
The most accomplished artists in America before the late eighteenth century were a pair
of Dutchmen. Frans Post and Albert Eckhout. They did go to the south, but not to the Iberiancontrolled territories, and their purpose was less promotional than scientific. Post and Eckhout
had been hired, in 1638. by Count Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen, governor of the Dutch
colony in Brazil, to record the natural history of the region. Post painted numerous landscapes
in the spacious Baroque naturalism prevailing in the Dutch school at that time. Eckhout
concentrated on the native peoples, producing a series of life-sized, full-length portraits of
unprecedented authenticity, only faintly glamorized by their Van Dykian compositions. He
captured, with equanimity, both their innocence and their cannibalistic habits. Count Maurits
was rather ahead of his rime in bringing artists along on his expedition to record this material in
its natural setting. (Eckhout’s paintings belong to the Royal Danish Museum, Copenhagen; one
of Post’s Brazilian landscapes may be seen in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York)
As settlement increased in America, artists found more traditional reasons to undertake
the journey themselves. Established colonial towns created a demand for portraits, altarpieces
and interior decorations. The artists who came to meet this demand were not explorers in any
sense; they were cultural emissaries, bringing an element of Old World refinement to settled
communities. The first professional European artist to emigrate to North America was probably
the Swedish portraitist. Gustavus Hesselius, who settled in Delaware in 1711 and later
established himself in Philadelphia. Hesselius, and others like him, set a standard for nativeborn colonial artists, but the colonies were still the boondocks as far as cultivated Europeans
v ere concerned. None of the great names in art history boarded a transatlantic ship until several
generations after Hesselius. The first was Jean-Antoine Houdon, who came over fora brief visit
in - So to sculpt Washington, Jefferson, Franklin and several other luminaries. About a century
‘dter. anfjt er great Frenchman, Edgar Degas, traveled to New Orleans to visit his Americanborn mother s relatives. A few portraits and local genre scenes resulted from this trip. Maternal
cjoncctions attracted Degas equally great countryman, Paul Gauguin, just a few years later.
’
J^n \mot er" asana tit e ofAmerica in the fullest sense, having descended from Incas. He
/ ■jLt'P!-r^nnect'on "Eh his exotic heritage, perhaps, but his stay, in Martinique,
•r,.',/
.11
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1 jerate escape from the confinements of European culture took him to
tour&amp;Hr'S a
COl?ny °f Tahiti’ which&gt; by that time, was already on the South Seas
for four Xs\n ay0“"SChl .d 'dnd l0ng b-ef0re he became an artisc’ Gauguin had lived in Peru
nevershovt-d nn?n
^questionably influenced his artistic personality but almost
roster of ore tv r-nri^l?mat“r’ The Only othcr famous European artist to join this short
America(18301 ml-y- 1 ^'*ntuF VISEors was Camille Pissarro. Pissarro was actually born in
to Paris, w here he r&lt;-n^u ,jarenti’on the island of St. Thomas. In his early twenties, he migrated
considered e.xnlorers
1 )C reSt b*s l°ng life. None of these illustrious men could be
At the level off i"C ?K concerncd with here.
insalubrious, and u nc&lt; i rh * &lt;|U
buroPe s condescending attitude toward America as a raw,
American landscane was u i^i W| Pcrs'sted into the nineteenth century. What is more, the
' L "dS Sald t0 be less interesting than Europe’ s own. That was due partly to

4

Hoftium oppich no&amp;u incendendi
ratio.

XXXI

Bry, Theodor de
[America] Frankfurt, 1590
Part II, Plate 31
Illustrated by Jacques LeMoyne
Enemy Town Burnt in a Night Raid
Photo courtesy of Rare Books and Manuscripts Division,
New York Public Library. Astor, Lennox and T'ilden Foundation

the fact that it was a landscape “lacking history.’- notwithstanding the presence of a native
civilization. Even the Europeans' fascination with the exotica of Indians and the “Wild West”
amounted to a kind of vicarious thrill-seeking, amply fulfilled by novels, fanciful illustrations,
and touring troupes (Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show was a sellout everywhere it went).
Indian society was seen as prehistoric and inscrutable. From the earliest days of
exploration, the Indians drew ambivalent responses from Europeans. Two stereotypes came to
prevail: the primitive savage, without law or religion (Hobbes’s brute); and the noble innocent,
uncorrupted by luxury (Rousseau’s “natural man”). One dwelt in a hostile wilderness; the other,
in a gentle Arcadia. In art, Indians of either stereotype tended to be represented with the ideal
postures and proportions of classical figures. This isn’t particularly surprising, since classical

5

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idealism was still the rule in figurative art between the fifteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
Indeed, this classical treatment was strikingly substantiated by the fact that many In ians
encountered by the Europeans were, indeed, impressive physical specimens with strong rows,
aquiline noses, dignified bearing - and, like the great antique statues, often nude.
Among the earliest paintings of lndians in this exhibition - the small watercolor sketches
by George Heriotlcat. nos. 20. 21). dating between 1799 and 1804 - conform to this tradition.
Heriot was a British official who traveled through eastern Canada in preparation for his c l'ne!’
as postrnaster-general of the colony. Although he was not a professional artist, he had stu le
with the noted English draftsman and watercolorist Paul Sandby, and had obviously absor re
the artistic fashions ot his day. In these two scenes, from a series on Indian ceremonies, erl0t
v. .is faithful to native costume and choreography’ as well as to European composition an 1=,U/C
types. 1 he classical poses and proportions of the Indians, arranged in a frieze across tie
foreground stage, and the briskly sketched landscape, divided into closed and open sPace ’
comply with the compositional tradition of Poussin. That Heriot’s explorations took piac
mostly in tamed countryside is suggested by the row of well-dressed colonists in the Ceremoni
■ adp bailee, obsen mg the reenactment of a presumably obsolete practice.
.
Respite the conventions in 1 leriot’s portrayals of Indian life, they conveyed a suggest
o authenticity rarely seen since John White. Authenticity, as an artistic objective, was ■
man , t ic province of the natural history painters, and we may include 1 leriot in then ia

6

as a part-time ethnographer. A small number of other exploring artists in eighteenth ccnturv
North America were full-time naturalists. The English animal painter, Mark Catcsby. traveled
through the east and south in the early part of the century, and the native-born botanical artist
William Bartram covered similar territory before the Revolution. They were followed in the
early nineteenth century by the more famous John James Audubon, who crisscrossed the
American frontier during the first four decades. For the most part, these artists, like their
predecessors in the naturalist field, maintained a narrow focus, isolating individual species on
blank or generically natural backgrounds. Their subjects were effectively detached from their
greater environment and from human narrative.
William Bartram is the earliest artist in this exhibition to have been born in America.
Almost all of his works conform to the format just described. The Canna Indira (cat. no. 2, p. 8)
exhibited here is one of the few in which Bartram provided a bit of scenery to give a sense of place
to his featured specimen. Simple as it is, this economically drawn expanse of hillside suggests
a particular kind of environment, and seems to confirm that the artist set foot there himself and
was not merely observing a specimen delivered to his studio. In his travels, Bartram did gather
plantings for his father’s extensive gardens near Philadelphia (the elder Bartram had been
appointed botanist of North America by George 111), but his drawings circulated much farther
and were admired by English and Continental naturalists. Long after his explorational tours
ended, Bartram’s book of Travels (1791) added narrative interest to his scientific work, and was

7

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�great cataracts, vastness of scale, extremes of light and dark, and the like. Late eighteenth
century landscapists increasingly embraced this concept. In the last decade of the century, a
young Irish writer named Isaac Weld traveled through the United States in order to evaluate the
new country’s promise for emigration. It failed to live up to his expectations, but he conceded,
in his Travels (1797), that Niagara was “justly ranked amongst the greatest national curiosities
of the known world.”
Weld went on to describe his journey through the Blue Ridge Mountains, noting that
Thomas Jefferson had proclaimed that the area where the Potomac and Shenandoah Rivers cut
through was one of the most "stupendous scenes in nature, and worth a voyage across the
Atlantic.” While agreeing that it was a “wild and romantic” place and "deserving of attention."
Weld was far from accepting that it was worth an ocean crossing. "To find numberless scenes
more stupendous, it would be needless to go farther than Wales," he concluded. Most of his
European contemporaries still shared this sentiment at the turn of the century.

pictorial parameters of naturalist n&lt; ’. partlcularly ln the ,ater works. T his expansion of the
vanguard and took ven ser' 1 P,.lntll?gwas not Audubon’s alone, but he certainly stood in the
its own sZ? firstT P-*). landscape, for
training to insure that rheirrC • t™.
™ny army topographers received professional
The earliest work in th ShihT''-'v $
Up t0 the ^mands of accurate reconnaissance.
aBritishofficerondun inCnn.1
\ ^gc/ra Falls From Below (cm. no. 18) by Thomas Davies,
The Falls were still rather rem 330 ‘ e"A ork from the 1760s through the Revolutionary War.
they had rarely been represent'd0 '"r
W^en Davies is thought to have painted them, and
Father Louis Hennepin’s
^rSt ^nown sketch was made in 1698 to illustrate
topographicalrecordformilitan-3' 'CS s,waterco’or impresses us as something more than a
obviously tried to convev rhe purposcs- 1 hough his approach was basically documentary, he
rendering which included two r/i'ma an^ majesty of this natural wonder in his panoramic
met the criteria of the sublime wh; a^r apparentb’ absorbed in its grandeur. The Falls clearly
J"'l“‘'y"ltotheOrigtnOfQurTj
f ,,C’^un^ burke had outlined in his essay, A Philosophic
capable of arousing awe or terror
tllC1757). Any natural phenomenon
as considered sublime: violent storms, craggy mountains,

11

10

�INTO THE WIEDERNE

T 'i

“To the pencil our country affords an inexhaus
effect, cannot be surpassed in any part of the old world
Murray in an 1809 issue of The Port Folio, perhaps in r
travelers like Isaac Weld. When Murray spoke of "piett
aesthetic alternative to the more dramatic sublime. Tl
hail recently articulated the picturesque principle (7
Picturesque Travel; On Shetc/iin^ Landscape, 1791), assc
awesome than the sublime, but more irregular than the I
of beauty anil pleasure through interesting variations
accompanied his article with an engraving of “Btitterm
vania, a rustic scene clearly of a different order than Xi
If America’s sublime landscapes were few and f
still little known), her picturesque ones were extensive,
settlers saw the wilderness only as an obstacle or an i
cleared away. Aesthetic attachments developed only as
vantage point of a comfortable settlement. Ironically, its
pleasure in America's wilderness, and most of the ea
America were transplanted Englishmen, such as Williat
Joshua Shaw, all of whom arrived between 1790 anti 182
explorers, for though many of them traveled extensive!
Two important developments in the early nine
interest in rhe American landscape and its representatic
magnet for travelers and immigrants, curiosity about th
markedly. The wilderness, first regarded as a symbol
began to be seen as an endless resource, something to I
second development was the rise of Romanticism as tl
Europe and America. The Romantic spirit embodied id,
which were to have a profound influence on society’s
became the mirror of both the transcendent creator ;
landscape, then, offered enlightenment and self-discov
From the Renaissance to the late eighteenth ccr
rested upon its historical associations, predominantly tl:
landscape without history was primitive and, for all int
European lack of interest in America’s w ilderness rcsid
sublime sights, but also in its ahistorical rawness. Art
present. (Its only ruins, found in Central America, we
Barbara Novak has described how this interpretation cam
wilderness, ever new in its virginity, also stretched back i
America’s “lack of history” was precisely the beginning
The association of Nature with the creating Spirit was

�INTO THE WILDERNESS (1800-1850)
To the pencil our country affords an inexhaustible abundance, which for picturesque
effect, cannot be surpassed in any part of the old world,” wrote the Philadelphia artist George
Murray in an 1809 issue of'The Port Folio, perhaps in reaction to the Eurocentrist opinions of
travelers like Isaac Weld. W hen Murray spoke of “picturesque effect,” he alluded to a specific
aesthetic alternative to the more dramatic sublime. The English aesthetician William Gilpin
had recently articulated the picturesque principle {Three Essays: On Picturesque Beauty On
Picturesque Travel; On Sketching Landscape, 1791), asserting that wild terrain which was’less
au esome than the sublime, but more irregular than the formal garden, could produce sensations
of beauty and pleasure through interesting variations of pattern and composition. Murray
accompanied his article with an engraving of “Buttermilk Falls” in Luzerne County, Pennsyl­
vania, a rustic scene clearly of a different order than Niagara Falls.
If America s sublime landscapes were few and far between (the more sublime west was
still little known), her picturesque ones were extensive. As Roderick Nash has shown, the early
settlers saw the wilderness only as an obstacle or an economic resource, to be consumed or
cleared away. Aesthetic attachments developed only as it was tamed and lost, or seen from the
vantage point of a comfortable settlement. Ironically, it was the E uropean visitor who first found
pleasure in America’s wilderness, and most of the early professional landscape painters in
America were transplanted Englishmen, such as William and Thomas Birch, Francis Guy, and
Joshua Shaw, all of whom arrived between 1790 and 1820. None of these artists could be called
explorers, for though many of them traveled extensively, they never penetrated the frontier.
Two important developments in the early nineteenth century stimulated intensified
interest in the American landscape and its representation. As the new United States became a
magnet for travelers and immigrants, curiosity about the country and its appearance increased
markedly. The wilderness, first regarded as a symbol of backwardness by the young nation,
began to be seen as an endless resource, something to be trumpeted rather than hidden. The
second development was the rise of Romanticism as the most powerful new cultural force in
Europe and America. The Romantic spirit embodied ideals of personal freedom and discovery,
which were to have a profound influence on society’s perception of the landscape. Nature
became the mirror of both the transcendent creator and the individual human soul. The
landscape, then, offered enlightenment and self-discovery.
From the Renaissance to the late eighteenth century, the significance of landscape had
rested upon its historical associations, predominantly those of antiquity or the middle ages. A
landscape without history was primitive and, for all intents, artistically unworthy. 1 he early
European lack of interest in America’s wilderness resided not only in its perceived paucity of
sublime sights, but also in its ahistorical rawness. America seemed to have no past, only a
present. (Its only ruins, found in Central America, were as cryptic as its native inhabitants.)
Barbara Novak has described how this interpretation came to be inverted by Romanticism; 1 he
wilderness, ever new in its virginity, also stretched back into primordial time, she m rites. \ irgin
America’s “lack of history” was precisely the beginning of all history, the still-flow cling Ellen.
The association of Nature with the creating Spirit was also a central feature ol the Romantic

13

�I

Stunderof the I ludson Rix er School, as well as American landscape painting h,
P ' to the nineteenth century, most ambmous American-born artists, such as West and C.'

.«

vent abroad for study or patronage, Dole may have absorbed something of the Engli J . I
tradition dliring his adolescence, but once in America he hardly looked back. Like an,
limner, he picked up technical tidbits from local hacks, but his particular talent and sensibd f
were perfectly fitted for rhe new Romantic age. I o be self-taught was not necessarily a liah’r '
from the Romantic point of view. If anything, it might lead to a fresher vision. Cole’s vi
would be consumed by landscape — landscape picturesque and sublime, real and imagin i”
Ohio was no longer a frontier region when Cole arrived, but its scenery contained
\V ilderness to flavor his readings of Cooper, Wordsworth, and other Romantic writers Aft^h"
move to .New York in 1825, the artist encountered more inspiring wildernesses in drat
sparsely settled Catskills and Adirondacks. Although not in the frontier, many sections oH
mountains were still virgin, and Cole mined from them a repertoire of dramatic motifs
continued to appear in American landscape painting for generations to come (cat no 17 ' aq
Cole's approach to landscape reflected Archibald Alison’s views (Essays oft/ie\a'ti°'
Principles ofTaste, 1790), which stressed the psychological association of beauty, imaginati
morality, as well as the more contemporary writings of his friend, William Cullen B '°n’
described paintings of the unspoiled wilderness as “acts of religion.” Cole, himself art'™ I i
most ardently the new conception of landscape and America’s adequacy to provide ir«
this famous Essay on American Scenery (1835), he writes:
a®e’ n

“There are those who through ignorance or prejudice
strive to maintain that American scenery possesses
little that is interesting or truly beautiful__
that it is rude without picturesqueness and
mountainous without sublimity — that being destitute
of those vestiges of antiquity, whose associations so
strongly affect the mind, it may not be compared
with European scenery....yet the most distinctive,
and perhaps the most impressive, characteristic of
American scenery is its wildness....there are those
who regret that with the improvements of civilization
the sublimity of the wilderness should pass away:
or the scene of solitude from which the hand of
nature has never been lifted, affect the mind with
of m-in hCeP COnued em°tlOn than aUS,K Which the hand
of man hM touch^ Amid them t|)e cons
“ »' G&lt;x&gt; ■l&gt;0 cream, - they are Iris
M'orks. and rhe mind is case into rhe
itcmplation of eternal things.”

' oiivii.riou that iheaim'rofhh 0''°
s W0|-k to allegorical landscape, reflecting his
ynnl'l be met through
' I)'UI'I||’K — first in rhe traditional hierarchy of subject matter
1,1,1 y" f'-XW &lt;///.//,•( IK39 I()|ls ',;iri(,n.s serial works, such as T/m Course ofEmpire (l^b)
" i'1'. ' '.cere increasingly imiirin.n'P ? ■ i* ^oin!lnt'c infinitude of time and space in landscapes
II nit tlicjr focus upon the 11&gt; ? " S exl’l&lt;l|:llions became more cerebral than geograp ’&gt;
h "i itiote, of scientists and ■irtisi'n'’
(
mid evolution paralleled the more phssM

14

If the wilderness symbolized God and creation tor R
echo, the physical evolution of the world for their scientific cc
only eight years younger than Cole, and his vision of Nature•
Darwin, the scientist, replaced symbolism and allegory with
explorers of rhe first half of the nineteenth century tended
in spirit. This is not to say that the moral and historical ideas
.them, but, on the whole, it was the direct observation of pla&lt;
After the Louisiana Purchase (1803), the governnie
new territory. The Lewis and Clark Expedition and severs
and inventoried part of this vast region, but no artists aceomp;
when Major Stephen Long was assigned to bring back pictc
data. Long's partv. protected by a complement of soldiers,
and two artists: Samuel Seymour and Titian Peale. Seyn
Indians, Peale, the flora and fauna. Seymour, who goes dow
artist to depict the Rocky Mountains (cat. no. 32, p. 12), rt
probable an English immigrant whose previous commissioi

�brace these new ideas was 1 homas Cole, a young
sin Ohio in 1820. Cole has been popularly hailed
well as American landscape painting in general
; American-born artists, such as West and Copley
iy have absorbed something of the English art
merica he hardly looked back. Like any country
al hacks, but his particular talent and sensibility
To be self-taught was not necessarily a liability
it might lead to a fresher vision. Cole’s vision
; picturesque and sublime, real and imagined,
n Cole arrived, but its scenery contained enough
rdsworth, and other Romantic writers. After his
tered more inspiring wildernesses in the still
lough not in the frontier, many sections of these
tm them a repertoire of dramatic motifs which
iting for generations to come (cat. no. 17, p. 48).
jchibald Alison’s views (Essays ofthe Nature and
lological association of beauty, imagination, and
ings of his friend, William Cullen Bryant, who
as “acts of religion.” Cole, himself, articulated
nd America’s adequacy to provide its image. In
writes:
;h ignorance or prejudice
can scenery possesses
ly beautiful —
:squeness and
ity — that being destitute
whose associations so
lay not be compared
the most distinctive,
&gt;ive, characteristic of
ess....there are those
ovements of civilization
&gt;s should pass away:
which the hand of
affect the mind with
lan aught which the hand
em the consequent
:ator - they are his
I is cast into the
;s.”
work to allegorical landscape, reflecting h'

in the traditional hierarchy of subject m
rial works, such as The Course ofEmpire
ticinfinitude oftime and space in an
, j_
itions became more cerebral than geof £cal
and evolution paralleled the more p

!

I
■-

■-

If the wilderness symbolized God and creation for Romantic poets, it preserved, like an
echo, the physical evolution of the world for their scientific contemporaries. Charles Darwin was
only eight years younger than Cole, and his vision of Nature was equally unorthodox. However.
Darwin, the scientist, replaced symbolism and allegory with evidence and analysis. The artist­
explorers of the first half of the nineteenth century tended to be more Darwinian than Colian
in spirit. This is not to say that the moral and historical ideas so important to Cole did not touch
.them, but, on the whole, it was the direct observation of places and people that drove them on.
After the Louisiana Purchase (1803), the government set out to explore and survey its
new territory. The Lewis and Clark Expedition and several subsequent expeditions mapped
and inventoried part of this vast region, but no artists accompanied these explorations until 1819,
when Major Stephen Long was assigned to bring back pictorial as well as written and physical
data. Long’s party, protected by' a complement of soldiers, consisted of naturalists, surveyors,
and two artists: Samuel Seymour and Titian Peale. Seymour was to record landscapes and
Indians, Peale, the flora and fauna. Seymour, who goes down in history' as the first professional
artist to depict the Rocky Mountains (cat. no. 32, p. 12), remains a shadowy figure. He was
probably an English immigrant whose previous commissions must not have taken him much
15

�. '

?

j’Afe.h

beyond Philadelphia, nor into any prominence. He may have been lured into acceptingMajor

Long’s risky low-paying appointment in order to boost a stalled career. W het ter re
deeper motives is unknown.
rm™ into an
Titian Ramsay Peale, II, on the other hand, appears to us in vivid detail.
,j‘s[
illustrious artistic family, he, at age twenty, already enjoyed a growing reputation as a na
The previous year he had made a field trip to Georgia and Florida, which prepare um
more demanding journey to the West. Peale was a born explorer, coupling an ent
adventure with an innate curiosity about the physical world, which latter quants y
je(|
from his famous father, Charles Willson Peale. On the Long Expedition, he often acc01^j
the lead parties, hunted buffalo with Indians, and became an expert archer. I e rcrun\ire ,UK|
more than a hundred drawings and paintings rendered in the field with meticu oU* ^jscape
sensitivity (cat. no. 27, p.15). Many of his specimen subjects appear a§?linst.-,‘n jnCjian
backgrounds, as in Yellow headed Blackbird (cat. no. 28, p. 49) with its distant yew o /)/Y/i^xcod
village. I he native Americans come into sharper focus in one small painting,
uin
• cts [0
on die river 1‘lalle (cat. no. 26). I lere, Peale strays from his assigned natural historypea]e
record with documentary clarity a particular scene of Indian life as he fount it. ... .injafour
participated in two later extensive expeditions: a two year exploration of Co offl u

16

year trip around the world as a senior nai
(1838-42, usually known as the Wilkes E
Wilkes).
There is no record that his coll
wilderness journey. Samuel Seymour ha
portraying some of the earliest views of Pl;
apparently failed to send off his career. \
record. Perhaps this was due, in part, to th
was still runningahead of public interest.!
did not accomplish what Thomas Cole's n
with James Fenimore Cooper's first Leat
Mohicans (1826). These literary bombsh

�y have been lured into accepting Major
|t a stalled career. W hether he had anv
Blears to us in vivid detail. Born into an
■yed a growing reputation as a naturalist,
■nd Florida, which prepared him for the
■n explorer, coupling an enthusiasm for
■vorld, which latter quality he inherited
Bong Expedition, he often accompanied
Ime an expert archer. He returned with
■ in the field with meticulous care and
I'n subjects appear against landscape
b. 49) with its distant view of an Indian
In one small painting, Indian breast tatorb
[his assigned natural history subjects to
Indian life as he found it. 1 itian Pea c
[ear exploration of Colombia; and a four

year trip around the world as a senior naturalist with the United States Exploring Expedition
118.38-42, usually known as the Wilkes Expedition, after its leader, naval Lieutenant Charles
Wilkes).
J here is no record that his colleague on the Long Expedition ever made another
wilderness journey. Samuel Seymour had also returned with a respectable set of watercolors,
portraying some ofthe earliest views of Plains landscapes and Indian gatherings, but these works
apparently failed to send off his career. Within three years, his name had faded from historical
record. Perhaps this was due, in part, to the fact that, in 1820, scientific interest in the wilderness
was still running ahead ofpublic interest. Seymour’s competent but unexciting little watercolors
did not accomplish what Thomas (Joie’s more extraordinary canvases did a few years later, along
'■ ith James h cnimorc &lt; looper’s first Leatherstocking rale, 77/r Pioneers (1823) and The 1 .nsrofthe
.Mohicans (1826). These literary bombshells by (Joie’s friend and neighbor quickly reached a

17

�J flr'i/t

(■/

■

/jir{

31
.

o/wact&amp;

/tac^fA'/(.ma
30

"as a Swiss teenager, artistically nmr- •
er' d*^erentc’rcumstances. PeterRindisbacher
an arduous emigration to the wilds ofr°CI0U|S^llC mostIy se,f-crained. In 1821, he had endured
h'ghhghts of the journey in close!, ^ntral Canada with his homesteading family by recording
throughout his short life. His nJr i , erved documentary drawings. He continued this habit
or the landscape, and his rrrisrh-.
.t l.lriosirV focused more on Indian life than on the settlers
l’aJnc&gt;ngs in the frontier comm
?Itl0ns seem to have been modest. The popularity of his
ric“. crthcless induced him to scel-UniCICS " lei^e flc lived, first in Canada, then in Wisconsin,
parallclingCo]e’s.ljnios
' Vtl rnoresoPh*sticatedcareerin the burgeoning citv of St. Louis,
"ork always remained rooted i C&lt;,|nCc,n^orary move from Oh io to New York Citv. Rindisbacher’s
ons were based on direct
in the settled Rast. I |c \ o m'1’111'.’ :llld Prov*ded an authentic glimpse ofa world known to
no’ 29, p, J7jf ,Jn(| ||(. (|c •
,,c '^d to have painted the earliest scene ofa tipi interior (cat.
111 nm women and children more often than most of rhe other

18

painters of Indians. His views of a Chippewa family tra
documentary' approach (cat. nos. 30, 31).
Rindisbacher’s death in 1834, at the age of twei
become a more illustrious career. .Although his techniqu
those of a provincial painter, the potential for wider recogn
already been established. When several of his paintir
magazine shortly before his death, an anonymous writer
"first artist" of "untamed wilderness....[giving] to the wi
which he was bred.” To what extent he appreciated that
depictions of that wilderness is not clear, but he could hard
was changing daily and an entire Indian culture was changi
the middle of the century, there were still opportunities
which had been little adulterated by the white man. and
the 1830s sought to do just this.
There is no record that George Catlin encountere
to the latter's adopted ci tv between 1830 and 1834, but he
had already sensed the growing public interest in Indian si

�.■

I
I
i

I
i

(' //,///,

u/ C

i.y

L/

ll ci/ftr

31
q

Iftil/

Jntier.
es, the first true "frontier
nees. PeterRindisbacher
n 1821, he had endured
ding family by recording
He continued this habit
1 life than on the settlers
t. 'The popularity of his
ida, then in Wisconsin,
geoningeityof St. Louis,
ork City. Rindisbacher’s
&gt;ns were based on direct
ipse of a world known to
;ne of a tipi interior (cat.
than most of the other
n

painters of Indians. His views of a Chippewa family traveling in different seasons typify his
documentary approach (cat. nos. 30, 31).
Rindisbacher’s death in 1834, at the age of twenty eight, cut short what might have
become a more illustrious career. Although his technique and style had not advanced beyond
those of a provincial painter, the potential for wider recognition, based on his subject matter, had
already been established. When several of his paintings were reproduced in a Baltimore
magazine shortly before his death, an anonymous writer observed that Rindisbacher was the
“first artist” of “untamed wilderness....[giving] to the world themes as fresh as the soil upon
which he was bred.” To what extent he appreciated that his work might also be among the last
depictions of that wilderness is not clear, but he could hardly have been unaware that the frontier
was changing daily and an entire Indian culture was changing with it. Fora very brief time before
the middle of the century, there were still opportunities to observe native American societies
which had been little adulterated by the white man, and a trio of important artist-explorers in
the 1830s sought to do just this.
There is no record that George Catlin encountered Peter Rindisbacher during his visits
to the latter’s adopted city between 1830 and 1834, but he must have known of his work. Catlin
had already sensed the growing public interest in Indian subjects. 11 owe ver, his route to a career

19

�lifterent from, and much more ambitious than, Rindisbacherk
lv,^ on that insight was v er ^^m the site of this exhibition. His father, a mode^
Catlin was born only a sho t d &lt; wi|kes.Barre from Connecticut, and hoped his son would
successful law ver, hd not
,
jngpreoccupauon. with pam mgcutshorth.s legal career,
follow him into the law. &lt; J
hia in 1821 to establish himself as an artist. Like Cole and
however, and he movedt01'
ht yct polished enough to gain acceptance in exhibitions
Rindisbachcr. he was
^thin a few years. Catlin recognized, with n2
at the Pennsylvania
• aiture was the most reliable way of surviving as an artist, but it
other voting pamteis. tna f
fortune. Most of the great reputations were made in the
was not the surest roau ti
.
painting. It must have become clear to him that, already
fiskicr, 1W demand ng
by stQrm CrkicaI response t0 his WOfk was
&gt;
A his thirties, he was n
,
dlsU|tingly hostile. William Dunlap, the leading art critic of his
emims.ast^and m prodai
d Cadin ^competent.” If he was lacking
and a llioma.
hc|castl)it deficient m ambition and initiative. Forcseeingadead‘7r/^ Mek portraitist, Gatlin resolved to make his mark outside of the art establishment
d sown imique form of history painting, subject to his own standards something
- ' ?-■" 7" I - w is beginning to do at just about the same time. (Cole and Catlin had both moved
‘ &lt;&lt;w YorkCitv around 1825, but there is no record of them exchanging ideas.)
" ' ' On sex oral occasions, Catlin had been intrigued by Indians he had encountered m the
...... &lt; ... j citics where he had lived, and he had even done a portrait of one of them. Now the
", - - &lt; ■ -A him that the native Americans were on the verge of losing their natural culture, and
\\herOugh pictorial record, taken from life, would preserve their ways. Aside from the few
■ces; Indian subjects by Seymour and Peale, which Catlin had certainly seen in the Pealc
Museum in Philadelphia, he probably knew of no other authentic portrayals of the Indians in
native habitats. Here was an opportunity not only to make a name for himself as an artist,
but to contribute something of significance to history' and science.
"City” portrayals of Indians were not exactly rare by the 1820s. Gustavus Hesselius had
done several studio portraits around 1735, and Benjamin West had imagined Penn’s legendarytreatv with the Indians some thirty five years later, but no one had ever attempted a comprehen­
sive record of Indian civilization. The pictorial stereotypes of the preceding two centuries
continued to prevail, along with the Hobbesian and Rousseauian conceptual stereotypes, even
though white men and red men had interacted over those years with steadily increasing
frequency. The people having the most intimate contact with unassimilated Indians were
usually not artists or writers, but traders, trappers and prospectors. Catlin understood this, and
knew that his project would require a deep penetration of the unsettled frontier. M ith a
considerable investment of time, energy, and money, he would have to retrace the steps, more
or less, of Seymour and Peale.
Catlin was a man of his time, and he felt the winds of Romanticism as surely as Cole did.
He wrote in his Letters and Notes (1841), “My enthusiastic admiration of man in the honest and
elegant simplicity of nature....together with the desire to study’ my art independently of the
embarrassments which the ridiculous fashions of civilized society have thrown in its way, has led
me t° the wilderness for a while, as the true school of the arts.”’ Whatever the scientific value
is un ertaking, it was audacious to the point of foolhardiness, and confirmed Catlin as hot i
-irrTn31?01^^ a"adv^oturer. Yet, as Brian Dippie has noted in his recent study of Catlin scarcer,
men of otTT3 wou d ?ot 8e dle exclusive domain of moon-eyed dreamers....it would atyac'
type” n SenSe edlcated to achieving success, artist-entrepreneurs, and Catlin was o 1
(of Lewis'and ((■lark

L°uis in 1830&gt; he made contact with Governor Wdliam

hnwledecahl,. *.
re), who was then Superintendent of Indian Affairs and pro .1 «edBoal,lt as anyone about the tribes west of the Mississippi. Clark greeted rhe arusts

29

plans with favor and provided him with tangib
a comparatively modest trip up river to Wiscor
Fort Leavenworth. This excursion prepared
journey two years later.
Catlin’s 1832 expedition took him. p;
thousand miles up the Missouri to Fort Unioi
encountered communities of Blackfoot, Crov
tively free of the white man’s influence. Catli
his return journey, he spent nearly a month w
extinguished by an epidemic a few years later,
ground since Seymour and Peale, and none h
Traveling in the frontier only during t
in the winter in order to finish his paintings and
his 1832 trip, he had produced enough paintii
was to be the prototype for the much grander t
took the opportunity to tag along with the first
tribes of the southwest. This trip was shorter
fiercely hot summer. Fever hit the large party
four hundred and fifty five soldiers died. Catl
in Oklahoma, he decided to make the five hu
his mustang.
Catlin’s final journey into the Great
legendary Pipestone Quarry in southwester,
obtained the red stone from which they made t
to the Indians, few white men had ever visite,
to call upon all of their wits to avoid disaster at
entrance to the mythic site. Catlin not only p:
character. The red mineral which he was the
honor. (An intuitive geologist, just as he was a,
usually astute.)
The product of Catlin’s four exploratii
Gallery, consisting of four hundred and eig'
thousands of artifacts. Whatever fame or fortu
former, none of the latter), Catlin could take [
a symbiosis of art and science akin to Charles )
history. The critical reception of his paintings
in 1837 than it had been a decade earlier, ar
public, at large, also responded enthusiastical
the artistic form. Despite this success, Catlin
for the proposed Smithsonian Institution was
Historical opinion has varied over tl
studies on the artist. Catlin was clearly an incc
for expedience in his rush toward success. At i
and worthy of positive judgment by the likes &lt;
been ambivalent about his goals. His mission
because it was sincere, even passionate. I
ultimately failed, because, in fact, itwassubor
himself, in the Letters and Notes, that his projc
his machinations to win fame as an artistcent&lt;
the artistic. Thomas Cole, by contrast, neve

�I

■■S' ambittous than, Rindi ,
mion. His father, a ‘SbJch*r’s.

rent, and hoped his
anting cut short his le ^ W°uld
□self as an artist. Like m 7^’
o gain acceptance ir.
C.olc ar&gt;d
Catlin recognized, w^
y of surviving as an arti J " anY

‘’comparatively modest trip up river to Wislonsh"followed by’a si^tdpTonX M^uri to

XXZ" i.» ammhim “lly ■nd logisti““’ f» -

t reputations were made’i?’?1
'ecome clear to him that alm
response to his work
,y
nlap, the leading art critic OS

icompetent.” If he was lacl ’
id initiative. Foreseeing a dead8
outside of the art establishment
o his own standards, something
oOle and Catlin had both moved
exchanging ideas.)
lians he had encountered in the
ortrait of one of them. Now the
losing their natural culture, and
; their ways. Aside from the few
had certainly' seen in the Peale
ntic portray'als of the Indians in
e a name for himself as an artist,
nee.
:1820s. Gustavus Hesselius had
had imagined Penn’s legendary
id ever attempted a comprehenof the preceding two centuries
in conceptual stereotypes, even
years with steadily increasing
ith unassimilated Indians were
ors. Catlin understood this, and
the unsettled frontier. With a
I have to retrace the steps, more
imanticism as surely as Cole did.
iration of man in the hones .a^d
jy my art independently
t^ have thrown in its way has ed
’’ Whatever the scie^ficva^

ss, and con^n\efdcCX’s career,

is recent study o
m attract
:yed dreamer* CaVin was of the
:preneurs, and Catm
— i Clark
- — William
ict with Governor ■ - -obably as
Affairs and proL? Indian ‘
d the artist s

I

I

Catlin’s 1832 expedition took him, partly by steamboat, partly by canoe, almost two
thousand miles up the Missouri to Fort Union, in extreme western North Dakota There he
encountered communities of Blackfoot, Crow, and Assiniboin Indians, which were still rela­
tively free of the white man s influence. Catlin was elated to find their culture still intact On
his return journey, he spent nearly a month with the hospitable Mandans, who were virtually
extinguished by an epidemic a few years later. No artist had gone so far west or covered so much
ground since Seymour and Peale, and none had ever depicted so much Indian life.
Traveling in the frontier only during the warmer months, he would usually return cast
in the winter in order to finish his paintings and maintain contacts with the art world A year after
his 1832 trip, he had produced enough paintings to assemble his first “Indian Gallery,” which
was to be the prototype for the much grander traveling exhibition he was planning. In 1834, he
took the opportunity to tag along with the first United States military expedition to contact the
tribes of the southwest. This trip was shorter but more grueling, made on horseback during a
fiercely hot summer. Fever hit the large party before it reached the Rockies, and a third of the
four hundred and fifty five soldiers died. Catlin fell ill, too, but after recovering at Fort Gibson
in Oklahoma, he decided to make the five hundred mile journey back to St. Louis alone with
his mustang.
Catlin’s final journey into the Great Plains occurred in 1836. His objective was the
legendary Pipestone Quarry' in southwestern Minnesota, where the Sioux and other tribes
obtained the red stone from which they made their pipes. Because of its isolation and its sanctity
to the Indians, few white men had ever visited the quarry'. Catlin and his two companions had
to call upon all of their wits to avoid disaster at the hands of a band of guardian Sioux and to gain
entrance to the mythic site. Catlin not only painted the quarry', he also examined its geological
character. The red mineral which he was the first to describe was later named Catlinite in his
honor. (An intuitive geologist, just as he was an intuitive ethnologist, Catlin’s observations were
usually astute.)
The product of Catlin’s four explorations into the West was the immense touring Indian
Gallery, consisting of four hundred and eighty five oil paintings, a full-size Crow tipi, and
thousands of artifacts. Whatever fame or fortune it might bring him (there would be some of the
former, none of the latter), Catlin could take pride in its artistic and documentary value. It was
a symbiosis of art and science akin to Charles Willson Peale s museum of portraiture and natural
history. The critical reception of his paintings in the New York art community was more positive
in 1837 than it had been a decade earlier, and the Europeans were no less affirmative. '1 he
public, at large, also responded enthusiastically, though more to the exotic subject matter than
the artistic form. Despite this success, Catlin’s ardent campaign to sell the Gallery to Congress
for the proposed Smithsonian Institution was a failure.
Historical opinion has varied over the years, as William Treuttner has shown in his
studies on the artist. Catlin was clearly an inconsistent painter and sometimes sacrificed quality
for expedience in his rush toward success. At its best, the work could be impress^ c an mot ing,
and worthy of positive judgment bv the likes of Delacroix and Baudelaire, at in seems to avc
been ambivalent about his goals. His mission to preserve Indian culture for posterity succeeded
because it was sincere, even passionate. His mission to be remem ere as a oreat a i
ultimately failed, because, in fact, it was subordinated co his anthropo» ogica impuse.
,
himself, in the Letters and Notes, that his project was more anthropological than artistic and all
his machinations to win fame as an artist centered on the scientific value of his '^™e”ha"
the artistic. Thomas Cole, by contrast, never allowed his obsession wit a eg ,

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sippi- Clark greeted -

21

�15
artistic perspective.
Even though Catlin’s anthropological mission succeeded, the product was not flawless.
Documentary’ assessment of his work has undergone much revision over the years. Catlin
astutely realized that his largely unprecedented images had to compete with those public
pictorial and literary stereotypes we have already mentioned. Fie appended to his Letters tint
Sotes the authenticating endorsements of numerous experts in high places, such as Governor
lark. 4 hey terified that the artist had, indeed, visited the Indians on their home turf and hat
recorded them accurately’. Not all of his contemporaries agreed with that estimate. Alfred Jaco r
i
nr h‘m a humbug,” whose representations of the frontier were accepted only because
t e pu ic was more naive than travelers like Miller himself. Modern scholars have turnc up
n,U"!erous maccuracies and omissions, but these have not been serious enough to cast any
destruction'™^ rema'nS a vaIuable and compelling picture of Indian culture before its near-

narur-1li?t|l'in Snep.Ortage Was ^hstically objective on the whole, in the tradition of artistS Z i CaleL His greatest achievement, the Indian portraits, reveals a mastery of
zatifn (1 n I?"8’
with CconomY and flair and without unnecessary glamour or ideah

encountered (cat. nos. 12, p. 45; 14, 15), and he rendered them with freshness and a sense of
drama, not only pictorially, but literarily (in the Letter and Notes}, as well.
As an artist-explorer, Catlin rivaled Titian Peale in indefatigability and miles traversed.
After his four trips to the West, Catlin took his Indian Gallery on tour to Europe, where he
resided, off and on, for the next thirty-two years. In the 1850s, he traveled to South America,
portraying some of the native tribes there, then sailed up the Pacific coast to Washington and
penetrated the Rockies from the west (he had never made it into the mountains on his earlier
trips). All of this speaks for a certain restlessness of spirit, not to mention endurance of body.
The second artist to trek into the deeper wilderness of the West in the 1830s made only
one great journey, but it exceeded slightly in distance, and considerably in duration, any of the
four Catlin made. Karl Bodmer was also a more polished and consistent artist than Catlin,
although his work is less well-known to the general public. Bodmer was a twenty-three-searold Swiss artist, already well-trained, when he was selected by Prince Maximilian of Wied to
accompany him on a trip through the North American wilderness. Maximilian, born into the
ruling house of a small Prussian principality, had earned considerable respect as a naturalist in
the mold of the great Alexander von Humboldt. For his scientific exploration in America, he
23

22

�11 observe with penetration and record with precision. Bodmer w,
required an artist whocou&gt;d
and portraitist as well as a meticulous miniaturist. Fo
the right man. a sensmt k
throlIgl the eastern United States making
almost a year, the armt an
1
These included contacts with other scientists’
preparations tor theirear
» thcm T'itian Peale. While viewing the paintings from the Long
naturalists, and explorers '
„ wkh astonishmen[ that factual representations of the Indians
Expedition,Maximiha
States (this was a ycar before Catlin assembled his first
seemed to be so rare

^eEumpeans traversed the same territory all rhe way up to Fort Union. Unlike their
nmdecessor thev extended their journey into the deeper wilderness of Montana, and into the
moredangerous winter season. Maximilian wanted to explore the Rockies as well as the Plains,
and thev reached the farthest outpost of the American Fur Company, F ort McKenzie, i n August.
Hostilities between neighboring Indian tribes deterred the party from further advance. AlthouCTh there was always risk in traveling through the wilderness, most of the tribes east of Fort
Union were on amicable terms with the white man in the 1830s. Rindisbacher, Catlin and, later,
Alfred Jacob Miller never encountered any actual combat during their travels. Maximilian and
Bodmer, however, did witness a bloody battle between the Blackfeet and the Assiniboin outside
Fort McKenzie. Frontier wisdom warned that whites could easily be caught up in such a war,
so the travelers turned back to spend the winter months at Fort Clark, a small outpost in North
Dakota. It was one of the harshest winters on record; their quarters were primitive, and their
provisions meager, but they managed to accumulate extensive data on the friendly Mandans,
whom Catlin had visited the previous year. Although Bodmer had to thaw out his frozen colors
almost ever)’ morning, he executed an impressive body of work during those hostile months.
We don’t know precisely why Bodmer had sought to join Maximilian’s wilderness
expedition. Perhaps itwas the opportunity forayoung artist to make a reputation; or the promise
of an expenses-paid vsanderjahre of a kind increasingly popular with the Romantic generation.
But Bodmer s crisp, objective style suggests a less restless temperament than Catlin’s, and one
can imagine that it was a stem Swiss resolve, as well as a disciplined absorption in his work, that
kept him going through that brutal winter. Whatever the case, Bodmer never went on another
expedition. After his return to Europe, he moved to France and settled down in the pastoral
solace of Barbizon.
There is no question that Bodmer was a disciplined technician (Catlin, on average,
probably produced half a dozen paintings to every one of Bodmer’s). He typically spent two or
ree a\s on a watercolor portrait, and this carefulness has endeared him to historians and
arri?r° P/StS' &gt;, .wb,at did the subiec'ts, themselves, think about these likenesses by a white
Some T ^nCe \IaX,n]ll'an wrote (as did Catlin concerning his own portraits) that reactions varied,
areas whlSl
Portrayals a« “bad medicine,” particularly in the more remote
Mandan who had'h laia"cs 01 anY kind had rarely been encountered. On the other hand, the
Bodmer well camo r on£er contact with the whites and who got to know both Catlin and
themselves o’ortraved°; aPkreClate S&gt;°d hkenesses, and were often extremely proud to have
they could trv working in rh'^p3'' ^"° ^andans even asked to borrow Bodmer’s materials so
(John Ewers has reomrinn 7 ?ropeanma"nerthemselves. Hegracefullyaccommodated them
oftheirdecorated robes sll T.6*7 orts 'n
°fa Vanishing Frontier). Bodmer’s portraya s
which commemorated thc°" C
e7worked with two kinds of images: stick figures, in scenes
symbols and decorations m/T S eXpl°its (usuallY Panted by men); and abstract geometric
,
Only one person 17 Y
by WOmen) &lt;caL no’ 7&gt;’
Buffalo Bull's Back Fat not a M t0.haVe been Porcrayeci by both Catlin and Bodmer. That was
’ Ot a Mandan&gt; odd|y enough, but a Blackfoot chief. Comparison of the

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7

two portraits reveals a distinct similarity of likeness, despite the difference in vantage points,
thus confirming the probable accuracy of all the portraits done by the two artists. Catlin’s oil
paintings were done, or at least started, in the field, and show his customary bravura technique
and richness of color. Bodmer’s crisp field sketches were worked up into more refined
engravings after his return to Europe. His powerful portrait of Pe/iriska-Ruhpa (Paso Ravens) in
the Costume ofthe Dog Dance (cat. no. 10, p. 26) typifies the kind of detailed attention to attire and
paraphernalia required by the artist’s naturalist patron. Bodmer and Catlin both endowed their
human subjects with great dignity and vitality, as well.
Comparison of their landscapes shows that they were equally impressed by the
topographical wonders they encountered. Neither painter felt any need for dramatic exaggera
tion (cat. nos. 6, p. 28; 12, p. 45). Catlin, more than Bodmer, however, preferred a sweeping
panorama, usually from a high vantage point. The Swiss was more inclined to take a lower and
eloser position, allowing hills and rock formations to loom above us. In some current interpre­
tations of landscape painting, Catlin’s view reveals an implicit sense of human dominance,

25

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MH

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reflecting the spirit of Manifest Destiny.” Bodmer’s, by contrast, suggests the
av. csomeness and mystery- ofnature, aspects of the sublime which often characterized Romantic
onc-ptions of an scape in Europe. This quality is evident in Bodmer's Assiniboin MedicineSign
Zr. nY’ P’ *; a.haunnnJ close-up of a talisman erected by the Indians near Fort Union to
windsu eptTaHeVin^is“ou^iXe."^
t0
B°dmer’S
"

set themselves the longer task of
---- ing the
before

that colored editions were verv limir i d
hich meant
the artist-explorers after! 830 hlr|c, C ,.c.cause oftile broad interest in nicn supers, most of
’ie beginning, in fact, tjlat r. , .?leo
published. Maximilian had intended from
expedition. Bodmer’s personal i/V P!cturcs would accompany his written account of their
rOr" "t,lcr Painting opportunities ? VCI?cnt ln the production of the portfolio took him away
first
‘,'11’*,,c(''r'’tllnPr)r&gt;tform in Maximilian’0 p IC "aS be’ng well-paid for it. Bodmer's images

■ ■■&gt;». as well as in a separate
Published some of his nicrures. although he was more in the habit of
&lt;’ --, rlc |-&gt;V

I

°b™kXp„hs'

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illustrated bv printed line drawings he had adapted from his paintings.
nma,im|
Alfred Jacob Miller, the third artist in this trio of significant frontier exp lo c T
far fewer printed versions of his paintings than either Catlin or o mcr. i &lt;-. “
,’oi[in„ his
many painted copies of his originals but never seems to hate accn intc vs c
•
f ” re­
work through publication. His temperament appears to have icon more t c.
technical
neurial. A native of Baltimore. Miller had studied m Europe and dplayed a^techni^

sophistication closer to Bodmer’s than to Catlin s. 1 hs mom cs or acu.
3
Drummond Stewart’s offer to accompany him on a trek into the Ro k Mountain.^

unclear.

Stewart, an adventurous Scottish aristocrat and W aterloo \ etcran. ’
countrv. Miller had
on his fifth expedition to the annual trappers rendezsous, c cep i .
skillful artists in that
a studio in New Orleans at the time and may have been one of the
■
hat shv and
city when Stewart passed through in preparation for his expedition. 1 he

�refined artist was an unlikely companion for the '’W^bu^
and tumble frontier. Miller, for his part, was a cumpc n but
[() his carecr.
have felt that this sort of Romantic odyssey cotdd add
the frontier m
Stewart’s small party embarked from St. Louis the
pLaramie and uptheOre^
springof 1837. His itinerary took them alongthe I latte R
1837and Bodmer in 18^- 1 f
ffi. „.UK further ... .he solid. dun du. taken by Mmm
,he
£
group reached the South Pass on the Continental D.
beautiful region, b *
the Wind River Mountains. Miller was the irst artist P
encountered. He P
less interested in the landscape than the Indians a u
likenesses and actiu
gjve
steady Bow of drawings and watercolors which &lt;
caPtu^
groups. The variety of his genre subjects exceeds tha o
of his scenes show i
^[jller
his work a greater narrative flavor overall (eat. nos. -o, _4 nveen men and w orn _
between trappers and Indians, including interracia ’y0
civilization.
revealthe
was as conscious as Catlin was of the fragility o
. more inchnc . heirvirg'n
snowflakes in the sun" he wrote in his Rough Draught
he^ depict them
assimilationofthe Indians than eitherCathnorBodmer, wn

state. While Miller's
then Catlin’s and Boi
echoes Rembrandt ai
Captain Stew
have been more diffe
on deliberate advent
anee and flirtations w
we see the captain att
his white stallion. Il
Bridger, to wear in th
was also captured by
celebrating the past y
far and wide. Millerc
artist to present any e
civilization.
Like Bodmei

�■long into thorough
■portraitist and mav
■his career.
■ the frontier, in the
■ and up the Oregon
■frnerin 1833. The
■J the wilderness of
[region, but he was
fed. He produced a
p activities of both
Is and tends to give
Is show interactions
nd women. Miller
melting away like
dined to reveal the
hem in their virgin

... army veteran set out
WUl1U
accompanied
byaovert
endur---anu nitrations with death.___________
In Miller
’s drawing.
Pursuit of
G/ishdisplays of"manly
j]d~J/nCSSl)n
we see the captain attired in his trademark white buckskins ga opmgt iro n
friend Jim
his white stallion. He even brought along a full suit of armor for hisTront cr&gt;™n
Bridger, to wear in the rendezvous parade, like a knight out o some i
•summerfest
was also captured by Miller). The annual rendezvous
a n^^three
celebrating the past year’s hunt and attracting hundreds
PP ..swell as the onlv
far and wide. Miller could claim to be the only artist who ever documented m as uel
artist to present any extended record of the mountain men be orc
Like

Mill« never even. on anorher wiUe.oess expedid.n, He se.ded

■

31

�pcacefukontentiota
\ .,rjdua1K dxMndl^ : deepened RmnamK
,ua‘ tn&gt;m the nature
neater spirit otexpiv
,&gt;sophisticated arsts

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away from the naturalist tradition of artists like Catlin, Bodmer andp0?’0^ P'aintin~ a '^P
greater spirit of expressiveness, closer to Cole’s, which would fire rh"
C’ 1 hev ^raided a
of sophisticated artist-explorers.
e che v&gt;sion of a new generation

5
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FROM E

X-

Settlement ant
middle of the ninetee
Mississippi exacerbate
more dangerous than e
survey topographer, Bi
topographer, met the !
conspicuous as a resnh
contribution to the trad
and painting with Rolx
in 1829 and must have
during the Seminole VS
began to paint more ass
well by this time.
With his polish
which had the look of
Henry Schoolcraft's bo&lt;
authoritative interprete
reflects his background
mainstream European
composition and figur:
references to paintings
dimension \\ hich strike
executed a decade earli
tastes of the American [
cons incingly the real ai
Romantic ideal
numerous trips into rhe
to Hawaii, riicallegoi
Historical Center) refl
dreamers than on-the-t
Pacific shore with the s
s i m i lar composition oft
Historical Society). a W
picture was a patently i
e also brought to his f
By this time, so
tation. When Stanley p
c &gt;e paintings were large
t tan Catlin s. In spite &lt;
''I'ccessful than his cm

34

�FROM EXPLORATION TO TOURISM (18S0-187S)

iims, wpvgrapher Benjamin Kern, killed by Indians in 1848. His bmrher Rioha™“"a
topographer, met the same fate five years later. The presence of the Army became more
ennspicnous as a result of these hostilities. In fact, an army man made the next significam
contribution to the trad.non of the artist-explorer. Seth Eastman studied drawing at West Point
and painting with Robert Weir. He was first posted to Fort Crawford on the upper Mississippi
in 18’9 and must have been there when Catlin passed through in 1830. After a stint in Florida
during the Seminole War, Eastman was reassigned to the Midwest in 1841. It was then that he
began to paint more assiduously, focusing on the life and customs of the Indians, which he knew
well by this time.
\\ ith his polished style and more leisurely pace, Eastman produced easel paintings
which had the look, of salon pieces more than field studies. The engravings he executed for
Henry Schoolcraft’s book on the Indians quickly made a hit and established his reputation as an
authoritative interpreter of Indian culture. The basically objective approach to detail in his work
reflects his background as a topographic draftsman, but his respect for the classical traditions of
mainstream European art is unexpected. He sought to monumentalize his subjects through
composition and figural poses, as we see in the Indian Burial (cat. no. 19, p. 47). Its clear
references to paintings of the Descent from the Cross by Rubens and Caravaggio add a mythic
intension which strikes us as more artificial than Bodmer’s similar subject of a funerary scaffold,
executed a decade earlier (cat. no. 9). Eastman’s conception satisfied the increasingly elevated
tables of the American public. An authentic Indian fighter, he was uniquely qualified to bridge
convincingly the real and romantic worlds.
Romantic idealism also characterized the work of John Mix Stanley, an artist who mac e
’ oierous trips into the frontier during the 1840s and 1850s, and eventually tracejed all t re was
to I lawaii. The allegorical tone of his well-known paintingZ.^o/77/f//-/?z/n?(18o7, Buffalo Bill
ill tontal Center) reflected a perspective which was more characteristic of stay at tome
creamers than on-thc-trail observers. The picture shows a group of Indians assem c on t ie
’ '-ific Lore with rhe sun setting in the background. Stanley was apparent y in uence
irnikircompositionof’thc same theme, painted in 1847 by 1 ompkins. atteson
ic
, ,
1 L .torn al Society), a New York artist who, unlike Stanley, never went w est. couis,
picture was a patently imaginary scene, too, and it reflected the romanticizing pi

............. .... .
' -'-ii. V&gt; hen Stanley pm together an Indian (tailcry &lt;&gt;f l'ls
°
Virion and expression
: - !-■ .intin---, were larger and more dramatic, il not me lot Ira mat n, tn &lt;01111
were no more
( "Im s. In spitcoftliis, Stanley's efforts to sell the collei non to - h
'"'cssfnl than his competitor's.

Unhappily in 18f&gt;5, most o up

�&amp;
I

.
,,. ir luUi been on loan fora number of years. (Gatlin’s Gallery was
t()
Smithsonian.""■
, ,(1U| jr remains there today.)
Smithsonian alter Ins de. ■
sllbjects&lt; Stanley was also a fine landscapist. Itl ,hi,
Better known l&lt;
•
wc scc in .sWr/torfcar. no. 33, p. 50), probahi-. p ,inr
l’"C?J'';S^Sfe«»S.c.o»- ScspeJ....... , to die Washington Territory *;..... , “J
,lltcl h,s Ib.soiui" 1
. ,
, composition, the idiosyncratic details of, ,,p.
ing P«r.e»l..e
«O
.,
pain[ing.
sKvera Expedition . .......

“S5fe Xi

’*•&gt;* Pl°"ed T

trans“nt,n““l W* Ml in tl,i,

'-'nr-xt St ink's naturally gave more attention to the topographic realities of the scene.

When the Golden Spike was driven into the final rail in 1869 it was also driven into the
he irt of the wilderness. The next generation of artists exploring the W est sometimes by train,
dfeeovered that the virgin landscape was vanishing almost as rapidly as the native American.
Ss with a profound wanderlust began to seek out alternative itineraries One of the greatest
American landscape painters of the period, Frederic Edwin Church, turned his gaze southward
rather than westward. We have already mentioned the early expedition of Count Maurits in
Brazil the later journeys of Humboldt and Maximilian ofWied (both accompanied by artists),
Titian Peale’s 1830 trip to Colombia, and Catlin’s excursion (or should we say. exile) through
the southern continent in the 1850s.
Frederic Church made his first trip to Colombia in 1853, and went there again in 1857.
(In 1859, he went to the other extreme and joined an expedition into the Arctic.) A student of
Thomas Cole, he was already famous for his Hudson River School works. Like his mentor, he
sensed the epic implications of the landscape, but framed them in a more scientific context. He
was an avid follower of Humboldt’s work, and took an especially keen interest in current
geological theories (as did Catlin). Out of this grew his infatuation with volcanoes; his many
views of Cotopaxi in Ecuador are among his best-known paintings. In the Andes (cat. no. 16, p.
34), a late work based on his earlier trips, reveals his complementary- interest in exotic flora and
fauna, in their own way as suggestive of the primordial world as the volcano. The spiritual and
the scientific continued to be intimately linked in the contemplation of the natural world.
Humboldt, Darwin, and many other naturalists at this time sought the keys to Creation in the
plants and rocks they studied. Landscape painters like Church embraced this same goal in their
own way.
All the artist-explorers we have examined had been touched, in one way or another, by
the historical implications of their subjects. Whether it was geological history or human history,
the artist was increasingly cognizant of time and the tension between change and eternity. This
was graphically evident in Romanticism’s fascination with ruins. Alfred Jacob Miller was not
alone in likening certain American landscape formations to ancient architectural ruins. Catlin
and Bodmer had both painted the “white castles” along the Missouri. But real architectural ruins
were virtually- non-existent in the wildernesses of North America. Indian civilization might be
dying in the Plains and Rockies, but it would leave little physical evidence behind. Only in the
' cep southwest and in Mexico and Guatemala were there conspicuous architectural remnants
of ancient cultures.
i
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th0 firSt art*scs’an&lt;^ arguably the most impressive, to seek out these ruins was an
mulish architect named Frederick Catherwood. In 1839, with his American companion, the
t . | , lf ir&lt; |'|‘lc? (,glst John L. Stephens, he traveled to the home of the Mayas and Aztecs,
th*' ‘• r
.111 ^Cn part as 11 draftsman in previous archaeological expeditions in Egyptaiu
n-disi &lt;&gt;• &lt;
h " le"‘ls "c^’c&lt;iuipped for this independent undertaking. 1 le and Steph'-1’-'
to ■■ ■•&lt; -c u&lt; lifr'C
Cltles &lt;)f C°Pan and Palenque on their first trip. 1'hex returned in 15^

V,

*4

�Gallery was given to the

andseapist. In this ,ilv )
, p. 50). probably paints d
errib &gt;ry.
’ ss a I,
atic details of
spvsiih
tpcditioll
oia
;S.
aital svstcin. and n ;i&gt; ■.
■ ities of tin: sceiic.
i \s as also di... • .■ ■•■. -1

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[med h&gt;s g;
lion of Count Maunts
liccotn panic si t
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lu-Hsdtsd.-’-5

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�irri«,ts either joined • I
'j’.inki'i- wilderness. Alberr I’
,r metric and aestlcti-.
’
r'; ';Xp|or.irion m
- •
L'l'v cpri"n&lt;,t wilderness I ■; '

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C° r likely to traftxfofmtealiti into myth

I

'"o- ided the dominant i.r
.•• iI(
!'r''
mvasc* filled "ith .•■■ .
■_
j'hcir canvases frcmiemh m..-. ; ,cn j
.flighted hn *irandil'&gt;'p •
lev. - -aitl.m .
r \s Patrici?'1 re:/-.: • J J Ater i

•■perfect keeping with the gargantuan vulg

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these artists.
Thex uls-.-.i.
Ct. - ir cdrhenwn
Rudkin.w hose essay cm m &gt;untr inbeauty a a
P itt \ , 1As6i. Just &gt;.•&gt;(.•
; .-.”d (&gt;&gt;le hat
landscape paintin'/. Bic
mi M- ran
became virtual cliches r :
Biersr
the then popular DusseLD"'S-.-h
and hr
than American. Veri ' :
different places end effects -rhere,
of grandeur and :;...■. w . . :■ •• eicr
cumulatively orat&gt; ane . i.-ncc rr mcntofj
mils of\atute. [hcl d:J ■ :: -c.
1
true impression."
( nderh ing these justiti. iti nb, of
tin',/-j’ld ('rc.itian
. .. . .
(cat. no. 25 " hde :v.. re a./v!..
of pr;niordial - .
. &gt;I .
as t
national parks and
tsre'C's/tii'n me', e- '.
i'.ot
s defined 5. terms ■_.•.._■ pca^s a
ce.:racteri.-cJ I'ocn.mJ \.c... ... ...■ &gt;\lirxi
■‘pesto:.;!” one. Most Vx.:. ’.an scenes .
Unds&lt;apeoai\ 'o^moten
j'-.oi-.vk
pastoral environment. Bierstadt's t/-:
:&lt;•
■ leers tilts iotmo’asn-h'K !&gt;\ ;.i\:,;p,.s:'i/p.i

■ ■-'r d back. IA is pictu:/ ais ■ _■?. es man
:ic coinbt.)/s p.jst ami p.c'c r:— -c&lt; \ _ical
U'lsk-cgi .und

;;l'd

i,o';s t'c radiant s-c-

Manifest Destine in fa , str.de.
I he spscirot Iv.c'stadi’sjiii t'arecoul
P ■liiu vi l&gt;\ ! :n;cs I . \\ f sms some ruentv v
pucimc, toecthci "moving panorama'’ of i
uavsdc,.! along the trail and saw its wiklerne
'■‘r’
■"'Hcht to &lt; apture the diama and m
-b's. liptivc entertamnient.
“
of indivuhial paintings, akin to a i
■■■■ •■■■■ .s i •■.agerv. I iiesc travelogues b&lt;
'
' !!l h’lin than exhibits like the in
"irl: cai Indians performing nativ
''ss Pinind. In contrast to Wilkins’s i

�i

A

more artists either joined the various geological surveys or mm. , , ,
shrinking "ilderness Albert B.erstadtand Thomas Moran stun U,' 'e'r *w" r“ravs into the
sheer metric and aesthetic extravagance of their work. Coming “'
gmup f.)r thc
,ut.stic exploration in the American frontier, these two men assi.niI-r .
Cnd &lt;,fa
of
conception of wilderness landscape and orchestrated into their person 1' *-tUal1- evcr&gt;' previous
most likely to transform reality into myth, without obliterating rhe renli v'r'T th°Se cl‘-’™ents
provided the dominant models. Bierstadt and Moran sought to cmn.r. d
e and (;lll‘rch had
on vast canvases tilled with an astonishing variety of topographical and 1W lmmcnsity of nature
Their canvases frequently stretched ten feet and more across an Pr'coroloSical features,
spotlighted his grandiloquent views within darkened proscenia ro’reinf er^adc occasionally
spectator. As Patricia Trenton and Peter Hassrick have pointedJ outZ
*mpaCt °n the

™is“Pi,'S *“ 'he g“Sa"n“n VUlS“ity °f ,hc
‘j Theyalso. however, echoed rhe more highmindedexpressio„s„faesth«ici.„s like W,„
Ruskm. whose essay on mountain beauty was a veritable recipe for their effects (l/,7 D •
partV. 1856). Just as Church and Cole had adopted various heroic conventions of EureS
landscape painting Bierstadt and Moran assembled stock compositions and effects Z
became virtua cliches m their work. Bierstadt, a native German, was especially influenced by
rhe then popular Dusseldorf School, and his Rocky Mountains sometimes appear more Alpine
than American. Verisimilitude existed in details, but the whole was a fiction based on manv
different places and effects of atmosphere. The “truth” of the whole lav in its overall sensation
of grandeur and magic, which a traveler through the mountains might experience either
cumulatively or at some chance moment of perfection. Moran said that while he “desired to tell
truly of Nature, [he] did not wish to realize the scene literally, but to preserve and to convey its
true impression."
Underlying these justifications, of course, there were still the allegorical concerns of
time and Creation which had preoccupied Cole. Moran’s small study of Tower Falls, Yellowstone
cat. no. 25), while more documentary’ than his larger pastiches, nevertheless achieves an effect
uf primordial sublimity. (Images such as these played their part in the establishment of the
national parks and the preservation movement later in the century’.) The ancient landscape was
not always defined in terms of great peaks and valleys. More often, in fact, a less rugged terrain
characterized Eden and Arcadia. Leo Marx has differentiated the “primitive” landscape and the
“pastoral” one. Most Arcadian scenes in the Claude Lorrain tradition suggest a primitive
landscape only in remote mountainous backgrounds, while the nearer stages show a more gentle
pastoral environment. Bierstadt’s On the Oregon Trail (cat. no. 3, p. 43; a copy of a larger work)
alters this formula slightly by juxtaposing pastoral and primitive on the left and right, rather than
front and back. This picture also gives man a greater role than is usual in Bierstadt syork. ere
he combines past and present — geological creation and historical progress - in his sv eeping
middleground, and allows the radiant sunset beyond to augur the golden uture.
ere

painted L-. James E. Wilkins some twenty years earlier (cat. no. 35, p.
•
Wilkins
putting together a “moving panorama” of the Overland Trail during the Gold Rt sh VS i
^eled along the trail and saw its wilderness scenery in a more virgin sta‘e
But he sought to capture the drama and magnitude of the Roc ties in

Pntial prescn-

ut bh; fora descriptive entertainment. (“Moving panoramas
canvases of
1 ’ions of individual paintings, akin to a modern slide show, or CSL
,)nj werc more
' ontinuoir, imagery. I hese travelogues became very popu ar at nut
.
• .j U[1 (lis
•’arnatic in form than exhibits like the Indian galleries, alt longi .“
;)|S() |iai| public
U'Hery with real Indians performing native dances.) Bierstadt, 1 , .’ecm overblown
r'-T'.nsv, in mind. 1„ contrast to Wilkins’s reserved scene, his ostial epu ma ■
3l&gt;

�today, but one cannot deny his canny showmanship or the ingenuity with which he struck so
many conceptual and visceral chords relating to nature, nationalism, and divinity.
The pastoral mode of wilderness painting ripened as the wilderness itself became less
Sqi|ltOliS Md 'tS s,ol!tude ™ore alluring. The Hudson River painters and then the Luminists
s™ e«ffy SaV°recd t o and S'lent m°0ds of nature- Worthington Whittredge was one of
(his friendsPTriRSirf the Huds°n ^lver Sch°o1 who toured the far West in the 1860s and 1870s
had soem rlnF;KenSet7nd
Gifford.were others). An accomplished landscapist who
Bienstadt) Whirr^H stl1
and traveling in Europe (where he had shared a studio with
Mexico in’l 866 H • ace&lt;)mPanied General John Pope’s inspection tour of Colorado and New
in part, bv Bicrsridf^ C t'\Om()re1friPswcs,:scveral years later. He may have been motivated,
inspiration free fmn
^slona success with western themes, but he also sought fresh
mountainous areas W1
,DllSseldorf influence. While he journeyed into some remote
There was “grandeur in rheh
Un
German friend, found his inspiration on the plains.
Ihr 1‘lntlf (t;lt no
.. orizontal as well as the perpendicular,” he said. CattlfGnizingMong
this:,ri"n was toTirianPe- &gt; l?UC°llc skcCches he did of the prairie. One wonders how near
St&gt;*i'’ritally,ofcolirse thevarc*” S- j ?U'no'“6)’ Pa&gt;nted halfacenturyearlieralongthesamcriver,
or tin. &lt; !f]ji r (J|K. ;| qu’V()r' j. . lni csaP‘*rt, yet the later work by no means lacks sound reportage,
Whittredge had bctmnr 'f'S.t|l,li't ■ '
rat*os kave °nly been reversed.
'juierudc replaced I hisseklorf 'i *L 'K ln^llence °l the French Barbizon School, whose rustic
W'Blakelo.), «ho |)H ' lai"a'»lhc t; sics of the seventies. His younger compatriot
'Ui\c\ to a cluse, shared in this transition. Blakelock could

•It)

hardly be called an artist-explorer in the li
He made the first of his two trips to th
apparently broke no fresh trails. (Thom
traveled in country which was still quite
travelers, or "Romantic wanderers." as Ka
tions were as much psychological or dra
paintings, even at their most romantic and
of which he had some direct know ledge. B
relationship with Nature—dreams and rev
nu- d, p. 42), probable done long after his t
Arcadian w ilderness. Here nostalgia has si
' anished landscape and a vanished cull
Blakclock's younger contemporaries. Frei
this same approach.) Blakclock's introspJ
dow n. He found an internal wilderness
external ones.
I

�■iity sr ith w hicli he -rr_.ek ■
^■m, and dis inits.
^ftildcmess itse!: ijccLi"'.e:
■ ters and then the Liimimsts
■gton \\ hittredge was one of
K^cst in the IShUs and l.S7’i-&gt;
■complished !andsc..pi-.r .vh'.
He had shared a studio with
H.m tourofColorado and ,\u-.r
He may has e been mor? ate J.
Bs. but he also sought fresh
Burney ed into some remote
Bn's inspiration on rhe plains.
■ he said. Catth.
■iric. One wonders how near
ft earlieralong the same rh er.
fticans lacks sound reportage,
len reversed.
arbizon School. " hose rustic
is. His younger compatriot
transition. Blakelock could

&amp;

•ft a
*z ‘
'* r

-

dr

ftT ” 35

He made rhe first ^ist-cxplorer
of hU tP
■ ln tfle literal
“T Sense that has been adopted for this exhibition,
trips cto“ the West ijln 1869, three years after Whittredge, and
apparently broke no fr t. two
W0. tnps
traveled in connm- -k
S’ •(Thomas -Moran didn’t reach the West until 1871, but he
rra’elers, or “kr . "•
"aS St'H 9l|ite wild.) Blakelock represents a new breed of artistt’ons ver&lt;- a- Jmannc "ar&gt;derers, as Katherine Manthorne has called them, whose explorapaintings &lt;-■ &lt;-rmiJC,1 P^'^hological or dramalurgical as they were geographical. Bierstadt’s
'J‘
b li'-1,3,j
tneir most romantic and imaginary, were still primarily about the wilderness,
jjj.. , •
d)rcct knowledge. Blakelock’s seem to have been more about his personal
4. p _p Jt.’ at,lre drcams and reveries rather than particular places. ]A'isLtindscape(cn.
Acadian
’ done lf,n£ after his trips, imagines a bucolic Indian camp nestled into an
‘Wished h '
' p-rc nostalgia has supplanted reality and allegory alike — nostalgia fora
j n 'ap&lt; an^ a vanished culture, but without ideology. (In their own ways,
r,li's’am, ..‘-^temporaries, 1'rederic Remington and Charles Russell, represented
douri jj pp,,,a‘-"-) Blakelock’s introspection ultimately ended in complete mental bieakn.
1 'r'-rn:d (in'/111" Ul i|ir(ttial wilderness which Romantics had sought as passionately as

41

�I

!

II
i:

I

In the beginning, the artist-explorer hud been more explorer than artist, and he had
given precedence to documentary values o\ er artistic ones. As the wilderness and its inhabitants
gained favor as a source of aesthetic and iconographic contemplation in the nineteenth century,
artists of greater accomplishment had been draw n to visit them, anil artistic values came to rival
and exceed the documentary ones. Men such as Pcale, Catlin, and Eastman were naturalists,
ra tsmen, or topographers as much as they were “fine artists," but after them, artist-explorers
',° °ne k'n(^’ but not the other. 1 opographic specialists (w ho are not included in
rnHpdrt 1-tlOn "eresou£htbx most ofthe later surveying expeditions, and most of them soon
h HastonZenrf™eras- Photography invaded the fine and popular arts, as well, toward
sketches ancTrh -1C
B'erstadt&gt; (or example, frequently used photographs in place of
stereoscopic views. PAs\h7eraof NorthV"11*^5
C°l'ld bC ChcaP’''
William H Iwkcnn
i r- .
J.' . z^nlerican exploration rode to its end, cameramen like
Painters such as BiersTad/wh" ^,ns
Provide exact descriptions of the last frontiers,
ittredge and Blakelock no longer had obligations of that kind.

William H. Sterling, Ph.D.
Associate Professor of Art
ilkes L niversitv

42

i

�■

than artist, and he had
■mess and its inhabitants
the nineteenth century,
istic values came to rival
i.stman were naturalists,
er them, artist-explorers
(w ho are not ineluded in
,. and most of them soon
ular arts, as well, toward
I photographs in place of
Id be cheaply fed with
its end. cameramen like
ions of the last frontiers,
bligations of that kind.

-

-

-

�'x'" '

5

/

44

45

�i

ft
&lt;4

I

-

/

46

47

���biographical notes
JOHN JAMES AUDUBON (1785-1851)
Born in Haiti to a French father and a Creole mother. Audubon was edu.-m-d • r
with Jacques Louis David. In 1803, he returned to his father's estate in Mill G
pC,: and btud&gt;ed briefly
collecting and drawing wildlife. After several business failures in Kentucky he moye^in i«rfs"'3' Md be«Jn
devote himself to natural history painting. His monumental corpus on \„r'th
• .'“t. "' Oceans to
1826 and 1838, entailed extensive field work throughout the East and Midnest. In 184? h'^’ P“bllshed bet"ecn
mammals, which took him as far as the Yellowstone River. Audubon's artistry and oer's'nnsl|T" ls""llar,1PU'&lt;'n
fame both here and abroad. His innovative portrayal of specimens as “alive and movina"
magnitude of his projects, established him as America's foremost artist-naturalist.
’
'"C

WILLIAM BARTRAM (1739-1823)
Bartram was born in Kingsessing. near Philadelphia, where his father was an eminent botanical gardener
His early drawings attracted the attention of European naturalists, and he and his father were commissioned to collect
specimens in Florida. In the 1770s, he took a more extensive field trip throughout the southeast, reaching as far as
the Mississippi. After 1777, he managed the family gardens and never made another long exploration. Hi" book of
Travels (1791), based on the earlier tours, was a popular work. His naturalist drawings were typical of the genre in the
eighteenth century', and, like Audubon, he almost never departed from his specialty.
ALBERT BIERSTADT (1830-1902)
In 1832, Bierstadc’s family moved to Massachusetts from his native Solingen in Germany. He may hare
been mostly self-taught as an artist. In 1853, he went to Dusseldorf to polish his skills, but did not enterthe academy.
He shared a studio there with Worthington Whittridge, did much outdoor sketching, and traveled extensively in
Germany and Italy. Returning to America in 1857. he joined Colonel Frederick Lander’s survey expedition intn the
Wind River Mountains, and returned to New York City to begin his large canvases of the West. Popular and critical
acclaim followed soon after. Bierstadt made many more trips west between 1863 and 1889. He was an effective
promoter of his work and achieved great wealth at the height of his success. I lis later work became harder in style,
formulaic, and less fashionable. His career declined rapidly in the 1880s. and he died in much reduced circumstance'.

RALPH ALBERT BLAKELOCK (1847-1919)
Blakelock was born in New York City, and ga\ e up medical studies to become an artist. He was mostly
taught, experimentive with media (which led to the darkening of many of his painting'), and neurotic in
He toured the West in 1869 and 1871, and used his impressions later on to create ev ocativ c. often v w narv. ... c 1
of a highly personal kind. His style was influenced by the French Barhizon painter-., but ii'
M jn
approach was closer to the newer Symbolists. Critical reaction was mixed, anil his urea &gt;u ut ' J" i te''while
incurable mental breakdown in 1899. Soon after, his work gained fresh and posmve notice, bur
'
■ ■ ■
he lay dying in a sanatorium, forgers were already at work copy ing his sty le to meet t w nev

KARL BODMER (1809-1893)
()j
Bodmer was born near Zurich and studied w ith his uncle. Johann Meyer, as wsu
significant part
opening a studio in Koblenz, Germane, he met Prince Maximilian of lul •l,‘l tlu ,7. j_ pjrjSi where he worked
of his long career. In 1834. after his American expedition with the Prince.
.
is!,-t..,mmunity nfBarbizon
or four years on the engiav ings made from his field sketches. In 1849. k mm ja 1
.n;t,n
in ]lte
and settled into a moderately successful career. 1 le turned to magazine am .1
FREDERICK C.VFHERWOODll^
Cathcrwood studied architecture ami exhibited watercolor'in
•‘"Ks expedition to Egypt, Palestine, ami Arabia in 1831. He met the Ar
Mh- and they made their first trip to Central America three years larer.

.

inning Robert
iei,logist John 1 ■ 8-P
,,ude three nwre fournvv

�South and Central America anti to California by way of rhe Pacific Coast. I n between these excursions he •
time in New York City working on the publication of his field work. In 1854, returning to New York aft .Spent 'fluch
home to England, he was lost at sea with the steamship Antic. Like Bodmer. Cathcrwood achiever'P back
significance by mating his estimable artistic sensitivity to an extraordinary subject.
‘
cd historical

•(

ALFRED JACOB MILLER no
Miller was born in Baltimore. There is conjecture I
K(1810-1874)
(ls10-187&lt;
In 1833, he visited Europe, taking courses at rhe Ecole des Re? "°levid'-'nce. that he st,, r ,

GEORGE CATLIN (1796-1872)
Catlin was born in Wilkes-Barre. Pennsylvania, and spent much of bis childhood in Broo
York. He opened a law practice in Montrose, Pennsylvania, bur soon gave it up for an art cir ■ °llncY&gt; New
Philadelphia in 18’1. Experiencing only modestsucccssasa mostly self-taught portraitist, Catlin det"^0'’ m°vin8 to
his name asa painter of the Indians. His four expeditions between 1830 and 1836 covered vast stretch ™lncd torr&gt;ake
In 1837. he opened his touring "Indian Gallery" in New York, to public and critical acclaim H ■ ■ '.CS °. e Prairie.
greater success in London (1840) and Paris (1845). Expenses exceeded revenues, however an jC^pdr.lence‘i even
ultimately brought bankruptcy. Partly toescape creditors, he trav eled through South America an ?
i Invcstrr&gt;ents
to California between 1852 and 1859. Catlin had dreamed of selling the entire Indian Galler ■ ” I lcPac'fic coast
instead, he lost it in the bankruptcy. From 1860 to 1870. he lived in Brussels, trying to reconstruct’th° Cl ,gOVernment;
his peripatetic ways. Catlin was an exceptionally prolific artist who also found time to publish ■ ° , , D’- Despite
travels.
1
° 1 scvcral books on his

s "wk, and it was rd[e|y
Like Thomas Cole beforehim.Moran moved vv^hh^faInn3f’l9^6)
in 1844. and 'Thomas became an apprentice wood engraver' [ft 7 .■ancashi“-'- Thcv settled in Phi . ,
exhibitionsand traveled to England, in 1861, rosceTurners voA If
frc‘l“cnted the Pen XJhPhi^

year, and some critics called him the "Turner of the West."

FREDERIC EDWIN CHURCH (1826-1900)
A native of Hartford. Church studied with Thomas Cole, who influenced him considerably. By his mid­
twenties. Church was already a successful New York artist, regarded by many as the successor of Cole, who had died
in 1848. In his search for inspiring landscapes, he began to travel extensively through eastern North America. His
work became less allegorical and more concerned with light and topography. He made his first trip to South America
in 1853. He later traveled to Labrador. Europe, the Middle East, and Mexico. His taste for the exotic is seen in his
villa, Olana. overlooking the Hudson River, as well as in his paintings. After the mid-sixties, his work often became
excessively melodramatic, but he retained his reputation as one of America's greatest landscapists.

&lt;

THOMAS COLE (1801-1848)
Cole and his family immigrated from Lancashire in 1818. They settled eventually in Steubenville, Ohio,
where Thomas designed patterns for his father’s wallpaper factory' and learned the rudiments of portraiture from an
itinerant painter. In 1823. he began his serious career as an artist in Philadelphia, then moved on to New York City,
determined to bea landscapist, up to that timea less popular special ty in American art. His style ofgrandeur and drama
changed that, and his ascent in the art world was rapid. After a three year trip to Europe, he turned increasingly to
allegorical landscapes, such as his series, The Course ofEmpire. In 1836, he settled in Catskill, New York, closer to the
mounciins he loved.

7
1

dCa',yonofl,,eYdlos:sll&gt;lllAl.M^^

TITIAN RAMSAY PEALE, II (1799 irrsv
Titian was the sixteenth of seventeen children born to the e ' . m.
Charles Willson Peale, (his namesake brother, 'Titian I, died the year before his bird'\d'’i''-’?a paintM and naturalist,
established himself as an artist; and grow ing up in his father's natural history m„s,'‘ ™ny °f his siblinRS he
He studied anatomy and entomology, was an avid hunter and collector and 1,..^
’ bccamca naturalist as well,
in the pathbreaking Long Expedition in 1821 ensured his place in history I Ik'"'V ™ C?ipert t,Lxi‘Lrmisr. His pan
and around the world (rhe Wilkes Expedition) took him away from the eurito^ldn
'^S'’U'h Am,:riw
bankruptcy forced its closure m 1842. 'Titian became an examiner for the I■ S Parent (lift /TV musci"n' and
candidacy to become first curator of the Smithsonian Museum
‘mice alter his unsuccessful
PETER RINDISBAGHER (1806-1834)

his family answered I ordThomas Dimgh^llfi,^

provincial success as a painter prompted him to seek wider notice in Sr. Louis, where he opened a studioin 1829. His
untimely death from unknovy n causes at the age of twenty eight cut short that quest. Whatever future he might have
nad, no one can dispute his importance as the first comprehensive painter of Indian life on the frontier.

THOMAS DAVIES (ca. 1737-1812)
Davies was a British army officer who served in North America from 1759 to 1790. Having studied drawing
and painting as a cadet, possibly under the eminent watercolorist Paul Sandby, he was often assigned to do
topographical studies. In 1760, he explored the Lake Ontario region, and about 1768, he published six views of
American waterfalls. Although he was a professional soldier, Davies enjoyed considerable respect both as an artist
and a naturalise After his retirement from the service, at the rank of lieutenant general, he continued to paint and
to exhibit at the Royal Academy. He is best remembered today, however, for his carlv documentation ofthe Canadian
wilderness.

SAMUEL SEYMOUR (fl. 1797-1823)
Biographical information
----;n
on Seymour is scant. I Ic w as probably born in England, but was working as an
engraver in Philadelphia by
1808. After a seemingly modest early career, he was selected for the Long Expedition
in 1819. In 1822. Seymour’s name
no longer appears in the Philadelphia census, although he was reportedly seen in
New York City by an
the following year. There is speculation that he returned to Englandand may have
dropped out of the "acquaintance
.
___
ic art profession. Seymour's existence in recorded history is thus predicated almost entirely on his
brief role as an artist-explorer.

SETH EASTMAN (1808-1875)
assigned to Fon Crawford
f™m Wesc Point in 1829 and made the army his career. He was first
administrative stints in Washington
*7?d
Minnesota, Florida, and Texas, in addition to
time he studied painting with rhe II,, i " D.c 3 so (au?ht drawing at West Point between 1833 and 1840, at which
in 1848, when he wasin Washington
Rl''crartlst R°bert Weir. His Indian paintings began to attract attention
he spent the most time on the frontier Th' ° ls career involved the American Indian, and, of all the Indian painters,
culture.
Is exPenence added weight to his reputation as a faithful recorder of Indian

Heriot„Jsami|j[an,

” 6

JOHN MIX STANLEY (1814-18/2)

Born in Canandaigua. New YorkyStanleybeganhiscareerasasigji^MmtcriH^.^H^^^^ j [^jedto
incorner.
1834. he&lt;• settled
Where he took lessons from a local portraitist- R\c?Rni f nv ir-pS to. all
t e in DctmitWisconsin in 1839 to make on-the-spot sketches I h.s was
both a tounng Ind..anC^
as Hawaii. Ambitious and energetic, like his predecessor
jic also tried, invain.ro w
a moving panorama, Stanley's Western Wilds or. the Indian andHt. (.
•'.[
the government. In 1864,'he ended his traveling and returned

GEORGE HERIOT (1766-1844)

e'?nmalftbL??" England " ith Paul 'sanX^iiT^
torra'e|'l A "mnRP-isrmasrcr-generaloftheNmrl V ' °

woRTHixtmiN wnrrrK®®

Born in Scotland, he had
t0 Canada "hcr‘ he joined the postal service,

Born in Springfield. Ohio, he began

America aS a landw^t and

' olume w as\ " L|' a J°UI dle tcrritories. A mani of wid,'.rnerlcan ‘-"Ionics. This position afforded him an opportunity
Britain in ISl/'T? e'Cd' ,h,)_E and published an ill,,eriot began amultivolumc//Zr/ozy&lt;y'fi77Wr//7(&lt;&gt;ne
1SI6’ but cont|nued to travel, paint anj
' ,C

"t his style contrasted markedly with the mure tram aoy-i
Moran, and proved durable throughout his long career.

52
1

........
5.5

�JAMES b. "

Academy. In 1844, he settled in St. Louis. The

,n [.-rwlishm-m. Wilkins «ud,^’"Xke a sketching tour of the Overland Trail via wagon train, in
r i? Rush inspired him. in 1^4 ». to nu
d in 1850, was a great success, and he continued to do
^SoXamoting P"
dijrv uas also a valuable document of life on the Trail,

fjgin-.rx landscapes based on

■

&gt;

BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE

i

In the preparation of this exhibition, rhe follow ing sources were of particular value and are recommended

mrtunhc^eadmg.^

i.

wi||iam H Gcrdts- nlasshc Art Across America (New York, 1990), which

includes rnanv Ifale-knmvn artists. A brief, but useful, earlier survey is J. 1 Flexner’s Nineteenth Century America,,
York, 1970). For biographical material on the artists, the standard biographical reference books and
individual monographs were consulted.
On the earliest artist-explorers. Hugh Honour s lac A&lt;y Golden Land:European Images ofAmerica from the
DiseoCerierthtxPKSe.r'Tin.viLondun. 19761 offers much fascinating material. Of similar value is Edward J. Nygren’s
i:j.' •../lac r..- .k.-..4.w.. Landscape before AWtWashington. D.C., 1986). E. P. Richardson's general history,
Pmr.tingin .l^nnziNew York. 19561, contains a chapter on early artist-explorers.
On the themes of the American Indian and the vv estern frontier, there is an extensive literature. Providing
broadcov erage vv ith some controv ersial interpretations is William H. T ruettner (ed.), The West as America: Reinterpretinglr:szs'f&amp;F.-j-dir. !8N-ZP-V(Washington. D C.. 1991). Less broad, but equally revisionist, are the essays in
Dis.’,-.ndiat:ds. lmter.t,d Pasts: TramfcmingVisimis ofth, American IJ«/(New Haven, 1992) by Jules David Prown,
Nancy K. Anderson. William Cronon. Brian W. Dippie. Martha A. Sandweiss. Susan Prendergast Sehoelwer, and
Howard R. Lamar. An earlier set of interesting essay s appears in John F. A IcDermotr (ed.), The Frontier Re-Examined
(L'rbana. 1967). Patricia Trenton and Peter Hassrick’s TheRorhy Mountains: .1 Visionfor Artists in the Nineteenth Century
(Norman. Oklahoma. 1955(provides extensive material on lesser-known as well as major artists in the far West. Two
useful catalogues of narrower focus, from the Joslyn .An Museum's Center for Western Studies, are William II.
Goetzmant’and JosephC Porter's Th, Westas RomanticHorizon [Omaha, 1981), with emphasis on Bodmer and Miller,
and John C. Ev.crs.etjJ, Viczsofa Vanishing FnjmicrtOmaMi, 1984), centering on Bodmer. William H. Truettner’s,
T: Natural Mir Of.:- r.\d: .1 Study MCatlin's Indian Gallery (Washington, D.C., 1979) is the definitive work on its
subject. F...r a fascinating account of the saga surrounding the Indian collections of Catlin, Eastman, and Stanley, sec
Brian W. Dippie's CatTm and H.is Cunt, ,,:[•■ raries: Th, Politics of Patronage (Lincoln. Nebraska, 1990).
_
On North Americans in South .America, essential information appears in Katherine Emma Manthorne’s
N_.nh Anu titan Artists ExploringLatin Amirica, 1839-1879 (Washington, D.C., 1989) and Dawn
Ades -zAc Art in Latin Armrica: The Modem Era. 183.' - /WlNew Haven, 1989).
Br. ader. more philosophical discussions of die themes of nature and landscape mav be found in Barbara
Nmak &gt;m::,r.ar.dC,dmr,:AK,riw^^
Boime's 77/rMagisterial
G^vAAashingrcn. D.C.. 199D. and Roderick Nash's Wild,mess and rhe American Mind (N, ew Haven, 1967).
, Among theu hangs by the ani&gt;ts themselves or their associates, several are of particular interest: George
( ’?
u''7‘f
Lu.'tom:. and Condition ofthe North American Indians (London, 1841); Thomas
\,
Stencr-~ (1835.. in John McCuubrcy WA American Art. 1700- 1960(E^\c^A Cliffs,

John James Audubon (1785-1851)
Towhe Bunting; Fringilla Erythmphthalma Linn.. Blu.kberrv R„h„ t •/,
Hand cohired lithograph. 27 1/2 x 20 inches
1
The C. B. Reif Collection of Natural 1 listory Prints. A\ ilkes I 'niversily

n-4

2.

William Bartram (1739-1823)
Canna Indica, lab. VHI (Elements), 1784
Ink on paper, 21.0 cm x 26.9 cm (8 1/4 x 10 1/2 inches)
American Philosophical Society

3.

Albert Bierstadt (1830-1902)
The Oregon Trail. 1869
Oil on canvas, 31 x 49 inches
The Butler Institute of American Art. \ oungstown, Ohio

4.

Ralph Albert Blakclock (1847-1919)
Landscape, n.d.
Oil on canvas, 16 x 24 inches
Collection of Heckschcr Museum, Huntington, Neu York. August Heckscher Collection.

'i

1
5.

6.

Karl Bodmer (1809-1893)
Assiniboin .Medicine Sign, 1833
Watercolor on paper, 9 5/8 x 12 1/4 inches
Joslyn Art Museum, Omaha, Nebraska. Gift of the Em
iron Art Foundation.
Karl Bodmer (1809-1893)
Rock Formations on the I pper Missouri, 1833
Watercolor on paper, 7 7/8 x 12 3/8 inches
Joslyn Art Museum, Omaha, Nebraska. Gift of the Enron Art Foundation.

7.

Karl Bodmer (1809-1893)
Ilidatsa Buffalo Robe, e. 1840
Watercolor on paper, 14x17 5/8 inches
Joslyn Art Museum, Omaha, Nebraska, Gift of the Enron Art Foundation.

8.

Karl Bodmer (1809-1893)
Forest on the Lehigh, n.d.
Hand-colored lithograph, 13 1/2 x 17 1/2 inches
Imp. de Bougeard, Grave par Salathe
. .
Gilbert McClintock Collection, Eugene Shedden Farley Library, Wilkes I nnersity

9.

Karl Bodmer (1809-1893)
Tombeaux des Indians Sioux, n.d.
Lithograph, 8 1/4 x 6 1/4 inches

Bartram'S

10.
Hand-colored aquatint and line engraving. 21 .1 16 x 13
1 «L1ys
Imp. de Bougeard. Se. Rend Rolkt: Published bv Ackerman &lt;x
'■
Bordoni Family Collection

11.

,

Frederick Catherwood (1799-1854)
.
"•7/ ar Bolonchen, 1884 (from an ink drawing done in 1 Colored lithograph, 377 mm x 277 mm &lt;14 3'4 x 10 •. *nc i&lt;ale 1 'niversily Art Gallery. Gift of Henry Schnackenberg.

54

55

�25.

Thomas Moran (1837-1426.1
The Towers of Tower Falls. 1872
Watercolor on paper. 10 1/2 x 7 7/8 inch.-.
The Thomas Gilcrease Institute nt Mmrimn Ilk-..-. anj •,

20.

Titian Ramsay Peale 11799-1&gt;S5&gt;
Indian breast work on the riser P;,.:ie &gt;
Watercolor on paper, 21.5 cm \ lti.4 h. 18211
American Philosophical Soviets

27.

Titian Ramsay Peak- (1794-1885
Sandhill Cranes. March. 1.82(1
Watercolor on paper, 23.2 cm x 18.6,
cm,,J 1^x7 1/4 inchw)
American Philosophical Society

28.

Titian Ramsay Peak-(1744-1885)
Yellow headed Blackbird. May. 1820
Watercolor on paper. 22.6 cm x 18 7 cm (4\7 1/4 inches)
American Philosophical Society

Sordoni Family Collection

29.

16.

Frederic Edwin Church (1826-19(1(1)
In the Andes, 1878
Oil on canvas. 15 x 22 inches
The Butler Institute of American Art, Youngstown, Ohio

Ikler Rintiishadier &lt; I -Silt,- 183 I&gt;
Sirne in an Indian lent. e. 1824-34
Watercolor on paper. 7 1/2 x 8 incites
Courtesy ot the We ’ Point Museum, 1 S. Military Academy .West Point, Men \ork

30.

17.

Thomas Cole (1801-1848)
Adirondack Landscape, e. 1825-40
Oil on cam as, 20 x 30 inches
Collection of E\erhart Museum

Peter Rindish.n her (1806-1831 t
Chippewa M'ideof hn ellinit m the Spline and Slimmer,?. 1830
Watercolor on p iper, f. 1/1 . It) inches
Courtesy of the V-v’ Point Museum. I .S. Milium Xctidciny, West Point. New \&lt;irk

31.

Thomas Davies (c. 1737-1812)
Niagara Falls from Bclozv. c. 1766
Watercolor on paper, 13 1/2 x 20 5/8 inches.
The New York Historical Society, New York; Abbott and Foster-Jarvis funds, 1954, 1954.3

Peter Rindish.n I. . r ■' I Ml 1831)
('heppewci\-M I M de of I in: lime in the Winter, c. 1830
Watercolor on pape:r. 6 1/4' lOimhvs
Courtesy of the We i Point Museum, I
S. Military Academy, \\cM p,,)nb

32.

19.

Seth Eastman (1808-1875)
Indian Burial, 1847
Oil on canvas. 33 .\ 25 inches
The Thomas Gilcrease Institute of American History and Art, Tulsa, Oklahoma

Samuel Seymour &lt;11. 1747-1823)
Viewut the Baof the Rm L-ie.. c. 1820 _
W atercolor, ink. and pencil on paper. 5x7 7/8 inches
The Rockwell Museum. • arming, New 'I ork

33.

20.

George Heriot (1766-1844)
Calumet Dance. 1799
Watercolor on paper, 8 3/8 x 13 inches
The Art Gallery of W indsor collection. Purchased by special subscription and with
the assistance of The Canada Council, 1967.

John Mix Stanley (1814-1872)
Snake Rr.er. Idaho and II ■ ■hinelon
Oil on cant as, 36 1/2 x 54 inches
( amrtesy of Kennedy *ialleries, Inc.. New i ork

34.

Worthington Whittred.c 1 1820-PHO)
Cuttle Gr,i.u:e IMbc the Platte, 1871
Oil on cant as. 24 I 4 x 32 inches
Museum ot Nebraska Art

35.

James Wilkins (1808-1888)
Cat ered llagroi-s in the Rockies, 1854
Oil on cans us. 22 x 30 inches
.
f rom the &lt; atlkctiorts of the Missouri Historical Society

12.

George
Catlin (1796-1872)
l/n/rf/z ofthe Platte River, WO Miles Above St. Loins, 1832
Oil
on enn\
as, 11 1/4
x 14 1/2 inches
National
Museum
of American
Art. Smithsonian Institute. Gift of Mrs. Joseph Harrison, Jr.

13.

14.

George Catlin (1796-1872)
Com. A Miniconjou Warrior. 1832
Oil on canvas, 29 x 24 inches
Smithsonian Institution, Gift of Mrs. Joseph Harrison, Jr.
National Museum of American Art,

George Catlin (1796-1872)
W ounded Buffalo Bull Surrounded by White Wolves, n.d.
Hand-colored lithograph.il 1/4 x 17 1/4 inches
Sordoni Art Gallery, W ilkes University, Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Robert L. Mayock
and W. Graham Arader, Ill

15.

18.

21.

56

George Catlin (1796-1872)
Buffalo Hunt, Cnderthe White WolfSkin . 1832-33
Hand-colored lithograph, 12 3/16 x 17 9/16 inches
Catlin del.; on Slone by Mc( rahey: Day &amp; Haghu lith. to the Queen

George Heriot (1766-1844)
Ceremonial Scalp Dance . c. 1804-05
W atercolor on paper. 8 1/4 x 12 3/4 inches
The Art Gallery of W indsor collection. Purchased by special subscription and with
the assistance of The Canada Council. 1967.

22.

Alfred Jacob Miller (1810-1874)
Pursuit of a Grisly [sicl Hear in the Black Hills Near Fort Larriniier [sic], n.d.
Ink sepia with pencil on paper, 7 3/4 x 7 1/8 inches
University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Sheldon Memorial Art Gallery.
Gift of Olga N. Sheldon. 1973. 1 -3295.

23.

Alfred Jacob Miller (1810-1874)
Pursuit. 1837
Wash, ink and Chinese sxhite on paper, 17 1/4 x 22 inches
Tire Rockwell Museum. Coming. Nets York

24.

Alfred Jacob Miller (1810-1874)
War-Ground, 1837
Wash. ink. and Chinese white on paper. 14 5/8 x 18 3/4 inches
The Rockwell Museum, Corning, New York

Photo credits:
Curtis Salonick: 1, 8, 9, 10, 14. 15
Saltmarche, Toronto: 20,21
James O. Milmoe. 1991: 23, 24,32

.

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HUKES COLLEGE LIBRARY

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                <text>1992 October 11 Virgin Landscapes, Native Cultures: The Artist Explorer in North America</text>
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