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                <text>1981 October 31 Edwin Zoller: The Later Paintings</text>
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                    <text>1 HD237

��phia after his disc U.c u r
van Gallery.’r e c-.-. ■ .
real beginnings c’a - . - ■
street Expression .

l-lna &gt;»d o„d worked in Europe from &gt;966 to Rondon "here he »
Ld a special lure for American film directors of his generation such as Stanley Kubrick, Richard Lester arg
oseph Losey, but several other American painters lived there as well, including Jim Dine, Jo Baer and Rchard
Cott naham. The "Europeaness" of their work was more liberating and diverse than that of their fellow Amer­
icans such as Al Held, Sam Francis and Norman Bluhm, who had gone to Paris a decade earlier.

Meneeley received immediate public and critical attention in London. He moved easily in the cosmopoltan art world and developed close friendships in the studios of fellow artists. In particular, Patrick Heron, John
Plumb and Brian Wall provided a rich dialogue of aesthetic theory which had not been as frequent or intense
for Meneeley in New York, This transatlantic experience was pivotal to his development as an artist, providing
his work with a striking new maturity and objectivity. However, after a decade in Britain, Meneeley realized
that New York was the vital center and returned there.

Meneeley's paradoxical turn of mind is the key to his life as well as his art. Basically serious and bolstered
with a Germanic meticulousness and sense of order, this proclivity is always peppered with unexpected
bursts of playfulness and unbridled jubilance. His work hinges on a strong sense of inner structure and out­
ward decorum, yet there is often something contextually outrageous and slightly out of kilter. Above all, color
is the one constant component, the primary visual element, and the source of meaning in his work.

Life began for Ed Meneeley in Wilkes-Barre, the same energetic Pennsylvania city that sired Franz Kline
Although there was a seventeen-year age difference, they both spent their formative years in Wilkes-Barre,
a d began a path there that was eventually to lead to New York. Kline was a member of the first generation
of the New York School of Abstract Expressionists of the 1940's and 195O's and died there in 1962. Both artists
v/ere of German descent on one side of their families and both suffered the tragic loss of the parent of Ger­
man origin when they were seven. (Kline's father died in 1917 and Meneeley's mother in 1934.) Before even,' ", / m°vin9 to New York'both artists lived for several years in Philadelphia and also in London. Kline moved
• 1 ,7
JL
9 SPent the thrSe Previ°US years in Lond°”- ^n years later the two artists met in
. .ew York and became close friends.

whPnd^k|/lH?e^ley

Americanized Dickensian childhood. His first artistic sens e ' B?

avaable to the vouna bov^/ er™a"’born 9randfather made his photographic darkroom and workroom
r-/ both, rontrif- Uted to his erita9e included both Protestantism and Catholicism and although

■ .

wt
to contribute to his
began par.M oii- of rHJdo..
',
erged, JretCmed

■

Meneeley com r _-. ...
...... .. . .
traits such as ,rrangements His Se^-ort-cjust three years io‘er ano-etrait, painted the year he -'-o,ea -■ 'ie# York aecxcts c
anatomical compcner.'s of a—- g-or. a-o
COI
edge of the frame cut off this feature Tne paint appfcat
straction, which he would adoot a fe a .ears 'are- Vann
ipates tne work of oath Robert naiana ana
e-"
shadowsMeneelev'scw- A-aeconcerr •- jy r* ana--ef

"Yes, Irene' (1959) is a bhltant exan-p-e of s cos Ait
style The dynamic slashing txusn work m o-cac tree swt
of the idiom and places him -n me forefrom of tne
Similar canvases were done with a Keav.r paet+e knfe t
Koonmg and Helen Frankenthater
At the same time .r the ate 5O‘s. Meneeiey *as .en
technical aspects of art Photographic e&gt;perme--a* cmore of his energies ana for an extended ce- od ~e ce
painting discipline under the tutelage of Jcc k ’worxc j
than made up for the diminution n painting *:r so 3 ac
graphic work for Jasper Johns and Robert Rausc^erc
avant-garde ad periodica It Is. -or ": .ea-'$ Meneete
Cunningham and James Waring Together a tn a cert
Indiana, Eleanor Ward and Wgi Thomson which resu'
Stein's Capitals Capitals, as we' as the t.rst exce-pted
Eleanor Ward's Stable Galen. Numerous speoa oroec
Memona1 Church animation and coke dm ■ao’- end tn
of contemporary artists brought him nto tne 60 s ec

sculpture

,hey aiso conttibuted ,o" s

n War provided Meneeley with experiences and tra-n &gt;g
T.™ an artlst Servin9 in California as a male nurse during World War i; he

Aezonaer Murray, arid guest tear tnhs frr, '
^urray Ad School where he studied with artist
. /;• a at first eriragod iiim, f,uf soon b'' ,°W Y°,k'On weeklY study trips to New York he discovered two
War duly facilitated Merw.fciy';, tramir &lt; d/1"' •
ITia
‘dr influences Mondrian and Malevitch The Korean
major
tea vast rai g&lt;; at r., wpla-.lir material- ^i&gt; ' *' k'J,"u,'d in phofo9raPhy and also provided an introducten
-ulttti j in tils first semi mobile constructions Living in Philade--

POR'RAi'
«?56
Ct ON CANVAS

3x5

�vt a ca h s mark i$ tv v
©strongs to Ed M?nee-?4 no ven i v'. cv •.
■■ 'V &gt; msc’vr'l'vuj s ntarge upon the80s n a way
a-. *.. ■.- ■ m .v
. ewous decodes s$x -,.
in the 70s. For ‘ ■ only at m.: ■" c ■
:•
.n
”e annas ot wana c?t
■hemoreremarkab? vrtrebwi
■ ' "•? &gt; ’-■"’■J4be most —prn the second gent',a’&gt;o~. -■
hov.'»g ■ v:i
;■ • ■...\-_~ .,*_■- - v ■?-'* v-’Oon a here ’v st--"- &gt;,?:
- -.
‘. c Cv b-cha-c ;.esv
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-■.can \ m a-ecA ■; O : ae&gt;. -- - other Amer r;ri ;.„•■'•■ ■. ;-p *v e ;-.• ,v v .-?-' :.-?&gt;&gt;• . c Soe-one-

.-ess ' ?f th-y- «

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’edate puG&lt; anc. ■ ‘
v ■
C'.:i Ccs-‘vn
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'
red o ric h do
aeChetc mean
■ maturity ana
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*ck H^ror.

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v v* crre' c oecaae ---•□m ‘/eneeie ■ ‘ec.ce-c:

: Mr &lt;•’ m:-.;: •" "v-

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sense a* inner smuc-j-e ana outopea-dskg'- .. ?u*ort.-v Above a cccr
;
ze ot

ex?,' A:iv-.
: -ennrevan a c'ti *na' srea Pranr
&gt;ter&gt; vea age
:&gt;■ *&gt; • p.—*• soe- ’ -ner •q—.a- &lt;e yean r&gt; W • e$-3cxre.
t was ever-'”uo»', t; »»oc ■ c *#«
»&gt;ne w® o mtembe
bs’roct bcwsKran or me -.'z-. vc rdSO’s and ded rti on»
of me* tarm* or© do*6 ajfiwed the trogc tos
(urw s tamer jec r XT zrc
s mother
oth artists f'vea •&gt;
xeys ■’ ^tcargy^—
,r t-

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■:•&gt;. y«x»
hant;^fan^**n°a&gt;**PhC*Ographk •:
$O*ttuat ano itMasartij^ "fl- .irgrj . ^0****'* ***; 1

ortittc senstn 'Wi
■ and woritftxx’n

Cathofcasm and dthaugb

After tv discharge h© had the first &lt;-&gt;f rnanv t&gt;rw» mnn.
v •.
.. c.a ;erY Um? consttuctbnisl works In this oxhil.n .,
■. hb IOr,s at ,he

a

.Vt tAprossionist Movement to the cool intellectualism of minimal^

release from the navy In 1947. Working In a reafctta vein, hte first i ».

&gt;ut “ T ^Dh,Ta?er &lt;1948) reveal an earlv awareness of ih

a-,.Vth. L,/

.

'

At the same time, in the late 5O's, Meneeley was very involved with historical documentation and various
technical aspects of art. Photographic experimentation, an outgrowth of his military duty, began to absorb
more of his energies and for an extended period he ceased producing paintings altogether. However, rigid
painting discipline under the tutelage of Jack Tworkov sharpened his technique for two years and he more
than made up for the diminution in painting with solid achievements in other media He did important photo­
graphic work for Jasper Johns and Robert Rauschenberg, and similar assignments for Philp Pavia on the
avant-garde art periodical It Is. For 1'/? years, Meneeley functioned as company photographer for Merce
Cunningham and James Waring. Together with Albert Vanderberg. he orchestrated the marriage of Robert
Indiana. Eleanor Ward and Virgil Thomson which resulted in a concert performance in 1960 of Gertrude
Stein's Capitals Capitals, as well as the first excerpted concert reading of Thomson's The Mother of Us All at
Eleanor Ward's Stable Gallery. Numerous special projects such as sets for performance pieces at me Juason
Memorial Church, animation and color film work, and the setting up of an ambitiousarchive program ot stedes
of contemporary artists, brought him into the 6O's eager to take on renewed challenges &gt;n paintmg ana

sculpture

~

' ’' ' '*'-

poh.-nts After tx-ng
■

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V^a-wigqrwpackQtOyZWondraor&lt;jMotoyrtcn Tne Korean.
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...... ar­

"Yes, Irene" (1959) is a brilliant example of his absolute control and mastery of the Abstract Expressionist
style The dynamic, slashing brush work in broad, free sweeps of blues and whites captures the very essence
of the idiom and places him in the forefront of the younger generation of painters of the New York Schoo.
Similar canvases were done with a heavy palette knife technique, paralleling concurrent work by Willem de
Kooning and Helen Frankenthaler.

«••• ‘ip-cerce . nd rtu ‘ • ng
'jfJ’; "l0

■

rangements. His Self-Portrait (1952) examines his own facial features in a rather straightforward manner, yet
just three years later another Self-Portrait” shows how fast his art was progressing at this time The 1955 por­
trait. painted the year he moved to New York, depicts a dark, expressionistic figure with emphasis on the
anatomical components of arms, groin and legs and completely eliminates the head by having the outer
edge Of the frame cut off this feature. The paint application is thick and moving in the direction of total ab­
straction, which he would adopt a few years later. "Manning Street, Philadelphia", a watercolor of 1953, antic­
ipates the work of both Robert Indiana and Roy Lichtenstein in its use of stencils and letters and also fore­
shadows Meneeley s own wide concern with print and reproduction techniques In the following decade

^'a i! ora the

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of h«int /-flve at the Dona

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-............ .^-bs-at.^ae^rnehre configurations and even the

....................... aho tr^earoful arrangements of complemen-

....... ,..s ....- •,...:,....i a-tov discarding layers of Mondnanesque

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.......... -v ...^ .wnr or color. The linear elementthus provides

parte

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......... ., .^-..^ment of a color in relation to its neighboring color.

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....; -.--. 0 -.’ '.• "r,e structure of geometry, rather than the other way around.

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- ;■ . ..'.' ’ .■ as of color, although often somewhat surprising and off-key,

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.■ canvas from the next and consequently any two given spatial in-

.■.■■■.

••-• act on of the hues is always carefully thought out and plotted in

.••■•• "o •■ me 6O’s through the 8O's celebrate multi-chromatic harmonies
■

; — ■■. a- .-■

eocean or frees populate a forest.

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early 6O's and were achieved with the aid of a mechanical de-

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■■.■

./ .;• r..--r ar.ppeddown.on the paper or canvas in fairly even rows.

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c- -extured surfaces were indicative of the linear verticality which char-

similar to works simultaneously being done by Morris Louis and

■ .
■

■• .'..soaiure from Jackson Pollock's “action of the wrist" was used only as a
. ■.' '
” on as an end in itself. He further challenged the root of Pollock's

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z a at the bottom of the vertical stripes and then achieving a similar

v.

same time, he was constructing wood sculpture with predomin-

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-e revolutionary folios of electrostatic prints. This pioneering achieve. - - . . • r ’•several years, was based on Gertrude Stein's Tender Buttons.

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.c’e: projecting into space. These constructions were direct exten' ■ future career he would simultaneously parallel work in two and

:.e &gt;n (fself. Tender Buttons" and the two subsequent works, "IBM
pier Ottects" (1968) had a marked effect on the direction of his painting.

' ; ' L'
verm.y was to serve him well in these experiments with modern
row materic* of Tender Buttons" consisted of needles, pins, buttons, paper clips,
,
•?: -? xerox machine in a repetitive vertical arrangement'

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.../ 1

-ana - ■ y,

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motions of
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centra; field. Tne eve"
s
------------edgBoftheb®ds.o«en.n:_— z - &gt;Menee«V ~=~
Byiearingthepaintedsurface’^. -—
artists such as Barnett Newrrian, who begon tOCTTKIcrnng
the younger artist. Meneeie. oe'’.e**es”C~ eg "e'CS-gSi w ”" ‘«8A"'-Cr C*
ticoi zip in space. However, he exocrce^’”e r^rge of ^ewr^en’s vOCOtxJarv C
more emotional, passionate, ana
-g
COkx Menee&lt;, a- C15
rangements of the forma; piaoement o‘
oes
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next and
^^hgement
sequent
. .1 of a
color
n
on. •
of geo;
static &gt;f co,or. author- Tnetry. ra*~e' '■~c"
•ugh often
someWnaiSGi
—Iways
ca’-e'a' s through the &gt;e 80’s ae etxate
trees populate:
3 a feres*
&gt;O's and were
achieved th the ad ofo~d3X.2 ?.?
dr'PPed alown.on *ne cooer or corvas e*3!.
irfaces were .nd co* e cf *ne near cenicei•
:- 3
t to works s'— — .-□neocs . oe ng done rev ’/-o"-.- .ou r
Jcickson Po::oc&lt;-s z
. jlc* on. of the writ* was usea ?■-. c c
end in itself, H
-e
chc engec *ne c -'
ottom of the . i
e** oa smpes and *nen ochie. -.g ? -- -c
me, he was co&gt;nstruct ng wood sculpture
p-ed: " '-ting into space ~nese- -onsn-uc* ons we-e drect t
ireer he would
c taneously parallel wo'k r-.
&lt;rc
orx folios of electrostatic cants The pionamg
years, was basea a
.-unions.
-If, Tender But'orz era *ne twosubseau-?-'' .tn &lt;.'■
68) had a marked effect ar.
direct z
.
as to serve him we r- t* =$-- •"
Juttons" consisted c’ne-ece:
'

the xerox machine r a -ec-e' ’
drip paintings, but here the bonds or
parallel bands deveiope
' ■06
jpe. They also gradually rr.o^ed to the sides c

'j a
p open color field botweon them Tho paint quality of the bands became more shimmer' w ’h e a\-n ke "eiociiu qualify which was a subconscious result of having repeatedly experienced
‘ second of light flash when the image was being recorded by the xerox machine. After thousands of
■ ■ ' c&gt;’- -&gt; and much experimentation. the reverberating light energization was translated into the painted
o .'a- of h acrylics This bleeding color or haloed effect is similar in quality as well as in shape to the single
neon tube

\

~&gt;e other result of electrostatic experimentation was that the jumping relief effect given off by the ma­
c's
during the printing process contributed to Meneeley's three-dimensional relief paintings from the midoO s These highly innovative paintings made use of stretchers several inches in depth, so that the painting
surface was extended from the face of the canvas right over the stretchers. The paintings, with their sides as
weT as their fronts painted, projected themselves into space, often four or five inches from the wall. The
edges of the canvas were emphasized as opposed to the center and the vertical stripes on the front were
extended over the side edges. By stressing the lateral edges, the middle becomes simultaneously gripped
and compressed, but, in contrast to other color-field painters, the central area of Meneeley's work always re­
mains a vibrant field of magnificent color expressing the illusion of deep space. As compelling as the delicate
tonal variations of the flickering bands are, they never become merely a frame for something that isn't there,
but rather serve to heighten the dynamic tension already present in the animated, immaculately smooth
central field. The evenly painted middle with its matte finish carries on an emotional dialogue with the jagged
edges of the bands, often in formations of twos and threes near the sides of the canvas.

By leaning the painted surface heavily toward sculpture, Meneeley had an important impact on fellow­
artists such as Barnett Newman, who began formulating ideas for his own sculpture during discussions with
the younger artist. Meneeley benefited from long interchanges with Newman over the possibilities of the ver­
tical zip in space. However, he expanded the range of Newman's vocabulary and brought to his painting a
more emotional, passionate, and Rothko-like feeling for color. Meneeley was freer and bolder in his rear­
rangements of the formal placement of the stripes and he thus unshackled the inherent possibilities of New­
man’s zip

Meneeley's formal sculpture in bronze and aluminum during the 6O's reduced the wide vertical bands of
h s paintings to slit-like openings in the wall of the metal. The delicate web-like arrangement of line in the
background recalls Pollock, but here this overall surface decoration is accomplished in low relief. These works
v^ere planned as 4O-foot-high monumental sculptures, which have yet to be realized. Another series of

.-.ulptures from the 6O's were wood stick pieces covered with wax. The shafts were cut so that they were
' af round. each stick simultaneously curvilinear and rectilinear and thrusting in an ascending direction in

toace

II

PAINTED WALL ?1
1963
ACRYLIC ON PLY WOOD
7X30'
COLLECTION ARTIST

�te?'0
Of«
10^
re-5'

tn®
&lt;io!
AS*

...... ....
.....................................
0-—.1 w r'leo.ts
- - ■..... e ec
,--.,•&gt; -

'■

......................
he woman and portrays the Immediacy of her energy with one

in h^rn NO-r .SronO®'

^tary C°IOr5VL

oo’h of 1970. were the result of the "tape-bleed" method.

I
w^^T^nersonaltVOl
ir this series astro’ iga
,
^cosodteoenteroftaia^

cs assau"
Meneeley took a studio on the Greek island of Lefkada. close to the studio of Stamos. Al■ - •
worked completely independently, they both painted canvases reflecting the sensuous
c -■ nd surrounding sea and mountains. The exchange of ideas which occurred there must
:
. . v f/on-’-o'ey the many "artist conversations" with Kline,Frankenthaler and Newman two decs
’' .., shared an intuitive, deep-grained commitment to the exotic colors found in the natural sur■ - '■r.&gt;an Sea While Stamos continued his exquisite Lefkada series, "Infinity Field", Meneeley
• m Reflections" series, which were breakthroughs of luminous color and light.

. :.

■

■

;. j r ’.ngs, bolstered by Meneeley's experiences with color in Greece, were supremely confiC -•'♦.st at the height of his powers. The four paintings in the "Liverpool" (1977) series are ex. .- :c.t ■ &gt;:8" x 6') with painted stretcher frames four inches deep. The off-angle bands painted
- •
- and edges of the canvases complement and contrast with the central, dynamic fields
.... .3 •'., environmental work, created for a special room in the Walker Art Gallery in Liverpool,
r 'e.-.ent of tne four paintings in relation to one another was a necessary ingredient
' . - j - : sumptuous colors of the series fully, with "Blue" facing "Orange" and “Red" opposite

: ’

urn®

'Os confront the viewer with pulsating, warm, dense color fields punctuated with,
fh the sides of one color blot affecting another. Works such as Black Took

- ntt-est in prints continued throughout the 7O's, and in 1972 he produced Green Tea , his first
■ • : ■ -.j' techniques. On a delicate green ground, linear divisions at the edges of the paper sug- . anj the center is suggestive of a clearing in a forest. The 1973 serigraph Louina s Dream
octive stenciled dots built up in a grid-like format which bursts upon the eye in a brilliant opti­

.

r.-.,ed his new gallery with a retrospective of Meneeley's career, spanning
. . ■ g ;■ ..■ the aforementioned “Liverpool" series was again presented in an environmen

*3.

/of subtlest of all Meneeley's color harmonies are found in the shaped car &gt;
•*-&gt; nterse, ting triangles converging from opposite directions lht» cos'
. h.-i /’ -tf • To&gt;rding'$cl&lt;’&lt; in lines of force in gxT ■

fevealed in
gdge of the

"GXSXX spoilt is os (MeneeteY^o
e.meStre&gt;cheredge :n previous works and placi

r-5 supreme work ho q*so returns to tho brush WOFK of At

I

esTentsofminmai geometry. By placing the rectilinear s
gec^ehc form to the distinct advantage of his mastery (
comofcbed

"-v-s-;;"rc:in,orces,tei^to
partings as "h
inanarbitr(
;^odVoftl
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;l;s Th*bai!Pd$ QrA r.
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^us ’

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^ana

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■&lt; w, • stated at the beginning of this piece, the 8O's are Meneele/j decade and 1980-1981 has been
” ■ busy artist s most proiific periods. While his color harmonies are more arresting and subtler than
' ’-as at the same time accelerated his free-form experimentation with geometric prob'ems in three

■

v V.

-......

-

'-'C

space. The intricacy and complexity of folded forms, precarious planes creating actual aper\ ; s i the painting surface, and continuing development of the relief aspect-all these contribute to a new.
;• -t rig optical viewpoint in his recent work.
in rhe series of acrylics, "Dream No. 1", "2" and "3" (1981), he has brought together years of experimenta ­
tion and refined technical ability. The brighty orange, central diamond field of "Dream No. 1" is surrounded by
seven thin geometric bands of complementary colors which are in turn flanked by three looser non-geomet
r;c halos of color, several of which change in chromatic value on their course around the centra! image
These subtle contrasts continue over the deep stretcher frame in a breathtaking display of virtuosity. The
complex color arrangements, with their sensual elements of surprise and sheer risk, give each of the paintings
in this series a strong and precise personality of its own.

;;: -

... ...

tOC'" \

..

’-'C

____ -C“-T

.

'versa'scns Mr
v, ’

The absolute center of tonal values is revealed in "Dream No. 2” in which rhe compression of space be­
tween the central round aperture and the edge of the circular canvas is confounded by the geometric
structure within the narrow space. It is as if Meneeley had taken only that part of the painting which con­
tinues over the stretcher edge in previous works and placed it on the face of the canvas in a circular motif. In
this supreme work he also returns to the brush work of Abstract Expressionism, juxtaposing these areas with
elements of minimal geometry. By placing the rectilinear structure within a curvilinear format, he has satirized
geometric form to the distinct advantage of his mastery of color. His search for the center has been fully ac­

'

ed ComrnttrnAnt tr&gt;
inued his exqw&amp;te Lefltada senes Try-

:’ . *

$ exoe: “ ces
A'S 'ft? tCu' par?■’kJ-:

Chef f-romes '.o’

- ■
'--st .

peep *-e

complished.

-

r

S complement and contrast
the cer
gted tor a sp-c-a- ’
&gt;'3* \ ’.J,' . - ■
itings in relahon to one
wf
;eries fuiiv with
ifh Slue ‘-c'? ‘

In "Dream No 3". with its incredible depth of six inches, Meneeley has again succeeded in using a wide

spectrum of colors, each of which reinforces the impact of the neighboring color.
The long, vertical bands, which have been a Meneeley hallmark since the early 6O’s, have finally been
shattered with such paintings as "Ionian Reflections" (1981). The narrow shifts are no longer exclusively verti­
cal but are placed in an arbitrary arrangement across the entire picture plane. These bands, many with jag
d edges in a parody of the wide brush stroke, float about the surface without an anchor or awareness of
. .. rational pulis. The bands are now framed with parallel narrow stripes echoing the iridescent reverbera
of his vertical ribbons in previous works.

•

•/;,-r^e!ey remains, in the present decade, a melding of opposites - geometric precision robed m calami

Brv wtm o

,.

i-uverpoo!"

tu'.

.. r rigid discipline living with child-like whimsy, audacious intricacy and lyrical simplicity, love and rage,
, ar a'Tighter. the poet and the beast-these are attributes which make Meneeley s art so rich an ex
' er tr.e open and perceptive viewer.

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CO-ECTio*

BLUE FLYER
1971
ACRYLIC ON CAL
7'6" x4'6'
COLLECTION
FRANK MARiNO

HRX LOA
1971
STHl

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SURROGATE MASTERWORK
1980
CUT PAPER AND WAX
40" x6O"
COLLECTION ARTIST

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ACKVIJC Gti CANVAS
f.ss

���Louis K. Meisel Gallery, New York

EDWARD HALTER MtNEELEY

Bom

1927, Wikes-Barre. PennsyNarva. USA.

I

Education.
Studed at the Murray Art School. Wilkes-Barre. Pa, the
School of Visual Arts New York City, and under Jack
Tworkov.

Sc-a Shews
1982
Ionian Rejection and Dreams. Frank Marino Gallery
1960
Survey ExNbrton 1959-1980. Vivian Brant, New York
cncn Refiectcn'. Frank Marino Gallery. New York
"■arson Ref-ectcn . Ericson Gallery. New York
New Cokxjr Xerox Pints. Vivian Brant, New York
On *ncse Glorious Nudes ', (Loft Show). New York
1979
J. erpool Partings". Frank Marino Gallery, New York
1978
A Retrospective 1956-78". Frank Marino Gallery.
New York
Real Lte'. Peter Moores' Project No. 4, Edward LucieSm*n, Curator. Liverpool. England
'■976
O . er Dewing Gdery, Dublin
■973
Mi 'ecr-aoel Art Gallery. London
1972
Grabowski Gatery, London
Jrrvers.t, cf Sussex. England
19~
rshtute of Cartemporary Arts. London
i960
prvote .'«* (Left Show), New York
*766
Frederick ’euscher Gatery, New York
1962
Parma Gc lery, New York
W52 / 53 / 54
Dorp, an Gatery. Pbadepha

Group Snows:

1981
intimacies/Portrrxts", Barbara Glaberson Fine Art,
New Jersey
Paper Caper", Frank Manno Gallery, New York
1960
Printed Art". Museum of Modern Art. New York
Group Exhfctlon. Art Students League. New York
Paper Art". Erevan Gotery. New York
1979
Paper Plus". Frank Manno GaHery. New York
nghSght*. 79-80 . Frank Mar.no GaHery. New York
1978
‘Zee ronzed !mage". British Arts Counts.
&lt;European Tour)
23rd Festival of the Arts. Lefkoda. Greece
&gt;977

1976
Opening Group Exhibition, Oliver Dowling Gallery, Dublin
21st Festival of the Arts, Lefkada. Greece

1975
Contemporary Art Society Art Fair, London
1972
"Photography Into Art". Camden Arts Centre, London
"Spring in the Air". Scottish Arts Council Gallery,

Edinburgh
1971
"Three Americans: Ed Meneeley. Don Judd, and Bob
Graham". The Victoria and Albert Museum. London
1970
West Side Artists, Goddard Riverside Community Center,

New York
"Machine Art". Museum of Modern Art, New York
1969
Recent Acquisitions, Whitney Museum of American Art.

New York
1968
"Language II", Dwan Gallery, New York
Invitational Group, Tibor de Nagy Gallery, New York
1967
"Light, Motion. Space”, Howard Wise Gallery, New York,
and Walker Art Gallery. Milwaukee
1966
"The Red, White, and Blue Show", Frederick Teuscher
Gallery. New York
"The Mods Have Won the Peace From Each", Frederick
Teuscher Gallery. New York
1965
"The 2Oth Century: A Prototype and Antecedents",
Chrysler Museum. Provincetown
1964
International Watercolour Exhibition. Carneg.e institute,
Pittsburgh
1960
Group Exhibition. Stone Gallery, New York
1958/59
Poindexter Gallery, New York
1957
Tenth Street Group, New York
Reviews:
Christian Science Monitor, 1981. Theodore F. Wolff
Arts Magazine, December 1980. Barbara CavaLere
Arts Magazine, 1980, Barbara Cavaliere
Art and Artists, April 1971. Robert Thomas
Art and Artists, August 1972. William Packer
Art International, October 1971. R C. Kennedy
Catalogue, "Ionian Reflections’. January 1980.
Ralph Pomeroy
Christian Science Monitor, August 1980.
Theodore F. Wolff
Financial Times, July 1972, Maria Vaizey
Studio International, March/ April 1975. Irving Sander
The New York Times. 1962, Stuart Preston
The New York Post, 1962 Irving Sar&gt;a&gt;er
The New York Times, 1965, Grace Gkjeck
Vogue Magazine (England) August 19*5
Anthony Howel

�Louis K. Meisel
Gallery.
1976

Vork

»F«&gt;1va.o,,heAB5,^x
""V- o,

.

--

West Side Artists.
New York
"Machne Art1969
Recent Acquishons. ANew York
1968
"Language
Dwan Sa -Invitational Grotrc
1967
~
"Light, Motion, Space -and Walker Art Ga fen • ’
1966
"The Red. White. and B
Gallery', New York
"The Moes Have Ac- —e Teuscher Ga.fen 'Jew - —.
1965
"The 2Oth Century. A Pro*cChrysier Museum. Pm. noe:
1964
Internationa Watercotour £Pittsburgh
1960
Group Exhibition. Stone Gofer'
1958 / 59
Poindexter Gallery, tJew /ork
1957
Tenth Street Group. New York

' V tSM Documentations Archives, funded by
.\ ■ on the National Endowment of the Arts.
'' ..DC Research archives of contemporary art
, : uoo. ana Bat,
useurh London

Js-rr of American

■oerip ’euscher

m Bach* EBderidk

Antecedents'

Carnegie institute

■ ?.. -ork

Reviews
, ...
Christian Science Monter. 9c
i,e-e
Aris Magazine, December 1980. tJar&amp;o
Aris Magazine, 1980. Barbara Ca^a^'y
Art and Artists. Ac &lt;
~
.
Ari and Artists,
Art International, October .// .
„r ■ ;6CCatalogue, "lori.an af-i'
Ralph Pomeroy
Christian Science Monitor. August
Theodore F. Wolff
Vaize/
Financial Times, July 1972.
1975.
Studio International, March/ Ap '

Vogue Magizlnee(Uland; August 197T
Anthony Howell

Public Collections

* v, • X’ new Of September 27.1978”. catalogue
v ' - .xx've a’1 ,allk
Gallery, October, 1978.

Art Fair

Photography into Art
Spring in the A|r
Edinburgh
1971

■ w oXI Prctx'fs

Sar*^

ts' People and Objects", published by
’euscher Editions.
3M Drawings", published by Teuscher Editions.
1965
ustrations for Gertrude Stein's "Tender Buttons",
cub shed by Teuscher Editions.
1963
Pubshed "The World's First Pop-Art Newspaper".
1958-60
Published "Portable Gallery Bulletin".
1957-60
Photographer for "IT IS" for publisher Philip Povio. and
collaborated with Jasper Johns and Robert
Rauschenberg on special projects.
1957-67
Established the Portable Gallery Press.

Guest Lecturer:
1980-81
Arts Students League. New York
1979
Belleville College. St. Louis. Missouri
1977
New York Studio School, New York
1975-77
.'.'imbledon College of Art, London
1974-77
Cardiff College of Art. Wales, Great Britain
1973-79
Ati Students League. New York
9*9-77
'nchester School of Art. London
969-75
' - School of Art and Design. London

"

-,J '‘'V1 vordoni Gallery, Wilkes-Barre, Pa.

i are Gallery, London
Newark Museum. New Jersey
Art Students League. New York
Cornell University. Ithaca
Museum of Art, Rhode Island
Rhode Island School of Design
Chrysler Art Museum, Provincetown
Norfolk Museum of Arts. Norfolk
Virginia Hilton Collection
Gotham Book Mart, New York
Frederick Teuscher, Inc., Nev/ York
Otis Art Institute, California
Scripps College. California
University College. Dublin
University of Coleraine, Belfast
Staten Island Museum. New York
Belleville College, St. Louis
Wilkes College, Wilkes-Barre. Pa.

Corporate Collections:
IBM, London
Continental Insurance Corp.. New Jersey
Best Products Co., Richmond. Va.
Acknowledgements:
Mr. Wayne Adams
Mr. Douglas Albert
Mr. Richard Brown Baker. N.YC.
Ms. Vivian Brant
Mr. and Mrs. Fritz Bultman
Mr. Jan Conway
Mr. Gordon Davis
Ms. Madeline Ginsberg
Mr. Frank Marino
Mrs. William Meneeley
Dr. Robert P. Metzger
Mr. Paul Nakian
Mr. Ruben Nakian
Mr. and Mrs. Irving Sandler. N.YC.
Ms. Barbara Scribner
Dr. William Sterling
Mr. Brian Sword
Mr. John Tudda
Dr. James Westbay

Catalogue Design: Frlssi Cole Design. N.YC.
Photography: Sandy Cies. D. James Dee

�SORDONI ART GALLERY
WILKES COLLEGE
WILKES-BARRE, PENNSYLVANIA
1981

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                    <text>1982

6cholastic Artulwards

Eastern Pennsylvania Regional Exhibition
SordoniArt Gallery
Wilkes College
February 12 to
March 14,1982

�EASTERN PENNSYLVANIA SCHOLASTIC ART AWARDS

REGIONAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE
RICHARD A. FULLER, Chairman
Associate Professor of

Att

I

Art Education

Wilkes College

ROBERT BURNSIDE, lR., Ex-Officio

W. CURTIS MONTZ

CARA BERRYMAN

Coordinator, Public Relations

khibitions Coordinator, Sordoni Gallery

Boscov's, The Boston Store

Wilkes College

THOMAS ]ACOBS

NANCY HONTZ

Manager
Boscov's, The Boston Store

Art Instructor
Dallas Iunior High School

ALBERT SARKAS

IILL EVANS SAPORITO
Coughlin High School

Supen:isor of Art Education
Hazleton Area School Dist.

SANDRA LEIBMAN

JOHANNA ROBBINS

Art Instructor

Art lnstructor
Pittston Area Junior High School

Art lnstructor
Wyoming Valley West Middle School

BETSY MORRIS
Art Instructor

RICHARD DERBY
Art Instructor

Wyoming Seminary

Lake-Lehman Junior High School

MAXINE WATTER-SILVA

BEVERLY GLENNON
Art Instructor

Art Program Director
College Misericordia

Seton Catholic High School

GERARD ZEZZA
Superobor of

Art Education

Wyoming Area Schools

IN APPRECIATION: The Eastern Pennsylvania Scholastic Art Regional Advisory Committee and Boscov's, The Boston Store, wish to thank Wilkes College for hosting the 1982
Art Awards Program. Among the many individuals who helped make this year's exhibition a reality, a special vote of appreciation to Dr. William H. Sterling, Director of the
Sordoni Gallery and Chairman of the Art Department.
THIS YEAR is the 55th year that Scholastic Magazines, lnc., with the cooperation of
civic-minded sponsors, is conducting an art awards program for the high school students
of America. With its aim of encouraging student achievement in creative art at an age
when encouragement is important, the project has started many worthy students on their
way toward advanced study and careers in the art field.

�BOSCOV'S, THE BOSTON STORE, celebrates its second anniversary year of
Art Awards regional sponsorship in 1982. Central Pennsylvania's largest department store, Boscov's, The Boston Store, joins in a long history of Boscov's communiry involvement and concern for the youth of our region.
Scholastic

REGIONAL HONORS in the Eastern Pennsylvania Scholastic Art Awards include the
Certificate of Merit, for honorable mention, and the gold achievement key, for work
deserving extra commendation. All the pieces shown in the Regional Exhibition have been
arvarded the Certificate of Merit. Gold Key and finalist selections were made by the
regional jury.

NATIONAL HONORS include special prizes and gold medals, mounted on plaques
and engraved and given in all art classifications. In addition, seniors who have submitted
portfolios of their best work are eligible to win scholarships to art schools. colleges, and
universities throughout the country. Regional juries choose individual pieces and senior
portfolios to go on to the national competition.
SPECIAL AWARDS, given for outstanding achievement in the Eastern Pennsylvania
Regional Exhibition, are listed below.
a $700 prize for the outstanding uork in crafts, sculpture or
three-dimensional design. -Selected by regional judges.

ARMSTRONG AWARD

HALLMARK HONOR PRIZE
a $700 purchase prize for the best draroing or painting,
sponsored by Hallmark Cards,- Incorporated. Selected by the national judges from fioe
pieces nominated by the regional jury.
KODAK MEDALLION OF EXCELLENCE
- a gold medallion for the best photograph,
sponsored by Eastman Kodak Company. Selected by the national judges from fioe photo-

graphs nominated by the regional jury.

WYOMING VALLEY ART LEAGUE AWARDS
three cash azoards, sponsored by the
Wyoming Valley Art League, and presented for- achieoement in any medium. Atoards
selected by the regional judges.
WILKES COLLEGE ART DEPARTMENT AWARDS
- seoeral cash awards, sponsored
by the art department, gioen for meritorious achieoement in any of the thirteen classifications. Ataards selected by the Wilkes Art Faculty.
LLEWELLYN &amp; McKANE AWARD

of $25 for achieuement in the graphic
- an aurard
design and commercial art classification,
sponsored by Lleuellyn I McKane lnc.,
manufacturers of fine printing. Auard selected by the regional judges.
KEN POLLOCK AWARD
an engraoed sterling siloer medallion atoard f or outstanding
- jeuelry
ability demonstrated in the
classification. Sponsored by Frank Clark, lncorporated, in memory of the late Duight K. Fisher. Award selected by regional judges.

DOROTHY BRACE BARBER WATERCOLOR AWARD
- four cash ausards of $tO
each, sponsored by Sue Hand's lmagery and presented for achieoement in uatercolors.
Atoards selected by the regional judges.
FRANKLIN KAYE AWARD

gift

the best oil or acrylic painting

for
- tuso Highcertificates
a Senior High School and lunior
School student. Atoards

selected

for
by regional

judges.

COLLEGE MISERICORDIA MERIT AWARD
eash awards for artistic merit
- two $25
in a tuo-dimensional and three-dimensional medium.
Atoards selected by the regional
judges.

REGIONAL SPONSORS AWARD

-

$25

uorth of art or photography supplies from

Boscots's, The Boston Store. Presented to the student uho submits the most outstanding
portfolio. Atoard selected by regional judges.

�3OTDOI{I

I?

G

LLETY

150 SOUTH RIVER STREET

.

WILKES COLLEGE. wILKES'SARRE, PENNSYLVANIA 18766

Daily: Noon-8 p.m. including Sundays

COVER
Photograph by
Harry Sarkre
Hazleton High School
Hazleton, Pa.
1982 Scholretic Art Auard Finalist

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                    <text>SORD GA
ND 1731
P4S6
1982

M
■&lt; '&lt;7■■ ■:.

...

■;

��IT

________

�DAVID ARMSTRONG
PAINTINGS

APRIL 21 - MAY 23, 1982
SORDONI ART GALLERY
WILKES COLLEGE

E.S. FARLEY LIBRARY
WILKES UNIVERSITY
WILKES-BARRE, PA

�ARCHIVES

Introduction

Lester (The Handyman), watercolor and pencil, 12 x 19V2 inches

David Armstrong paints almost daily,
out-of-doors, in all seasons, usually on his
farm in the rolling hills of Lycoming County,
Pennsylvania. Through the clean naturalism
of his style, he registers a self-effacing
commitment to the landscape, and those who
live in harmony with it. In an age of highly
mechanized living and urbanized culture,
he does not regard himself as a throwback
to some long-departed era of rural
self-sustenance. Instead, he seeks to reaffirm
the values and beauties inherent in that life
which are still vital, but which are too often
neglected.
His continuing series of portraits called
"The Vanishing American Craftsmen," for
example, pays homage to a breed of men and
women which might soon pass into history,
along with the clean air and water he
portrays in his landscapes. These paintings
attempt to preserve not so much the crafts
themselves, but the craftsmanly attitudes they
represent.
No mean craftsman himself, Armstrong
isolates the dignity and beauty of his
craftsmen's labors in firmly structured
watercolors. As a medium technically suited
to the kind of on-the-spot painting he does,
watercolor also yields the gentle surface and
clear light which reinforce the freshness of his
scenes, although Armstrong often works with
a denser texture and larger scale than are
usual in watercolor. Beyond their penetrating
description of form, these paintings echo the
tempo of life lived close to the land. Quiet of
mood, precise in composition, they beckon us
to enter a world which still holds much of
value for modem man.

The
"Craf
Davie
will a
his or
last y
Willia
Throi
at the
begin
wider
many
State:
Bot
preset
been ;
whicl
his en

Mr. 1
coope
also v
corner
Marli
Andrt
assem

�•I
Introduction
David Armstrong paints almost daily,
out-of-doors, in all seasons, usually on his
farm in the rolling hills of Lycoming County,
Pennsylvania. Through the clean naturalism
of his style, he registers a self-effacing
commitment to the landscape, and those who
live in harmony with it. In an age of highly
mechanized living and urbanized culture,
he does not regard himself as a throwback
to some long-departed era of rural
self-sustenance. Instead, he seeks to reaffirm
the values and beauties inherent in that life
which are still vital, but which are too often
neglected.
His continuing series of portraits called
'The Vanishing American Craftsmen," for
example, pays homage to a breed of men and
women which might soon pass into history,
along with the clean air and water he
portrays in his landscapes. These paintings
attempt to preserve not so much the crafts
themselves, but the craftsmanly attitudes they
represent.
No mean craftsman himself, Armstrong
isolates the dignity and beauty of his
craftsmen's labors in firmly structured
watercolors. As a medium technically suited
to the kind of on-the-spot painting he does,
watercolor also yields the gentle surface and
clear light which reinforce the freshness of his
scenes, although Armstrong often works with
a denser texture and larger scale than are
usual in watercolor. Beyond their penetrating
description of form, these paintings echo the
tempo of life lived close to the land. Quiet of
mood, precise in composition, they beckon us
to enter a world which still holds much of
value for modern man.

„ The present exhibition, in which the
Craftsmen series is featured, introduces
David Armstrong to the Wyoming Valley. He
will already be well-known to those who saw
his one-man show at the Everhart Museum
last year, or his large retrospective at the
William Penn Museum in Harrisburg in 1978.
Through a number of successful exhibitions
at the Hammer Galleries in New York,
beginning in 1976, he has already gained a
wider reputation, and his works belong to
many collections throughout the United
States.
Both new and older works are shown in the
present exhibition, but special emphasis has
been given to the "Craftsmen," a project to
which the artist continues to devote much of
his energy. We are particularly grateful to
Mr. Harold H. Stream, III, for his generous
cooperation in loaning the "Craftsmen." We
also wish to thank the artist for his
commentaries on the "Craftsmen" subjects,
Marlin Wagner for his photographs, and
Andrea Young for her assistance in
assembling the show.
W. H. Sterling
Director

Vanishing American Craftsmen
by David Armstrong

In many cases a "craftsman" is an "artist",
for the artist, or the caftsman begins his work
with a sense of what beauty is, and then
strives to achieve that quality through
excellence and sensitivity in his or her own
work. The true artisan has the knowledge,
appreciation and ability to stand back from
the work and to judge or criticize or even
admire the work according to his or her own
high standards of excellence. Fine craftsmen
have a characteristic that distinguishes
them above the aspiring apprentice or
"journeyman". There exists between the mind,
which holds the idea or design, and the
finished piece a harmonious line of loving
communication. Through the hands, tools
and materials are passed the spirit, the will,
the intellect and personality, sensitivity, and
the soul of the artisan into the work itself.
And as long as there are men and women
who strive to create beauty with their own
hands, and a subsequent feeling of intelligent
satisfaction and pride in a good job well
done, then the spirit of fine craftsmanship
will survive.

92-18*1:

�DAVID ARMSTRt
Country Doctor
Today, as in the past, the practice of
medicine is still "more of an art than a
science", depending to a large degree on the
knowledge, manual dexterity, and very often,
the creative resourcefulness of the doctor
himself. Some doctors still design their own
instruments, which make them finer and more
effective artisans in their specialized fields.
In the very recent past doctors often made
their own medicines for the patients as well.
(There was no F.DA.)
The doctor was often called upon to
perform a multitude of diverse and difficult
surgical operations which today are
specialized fields of medical practice in
themselves. When America's population was
more decentralized and rural, a country
doctor's practice covered a wide territory and
he treated his patients in their homes as often
as in his own office. This very special and
vanishing breed of doctor had the pioneer
qualities, skillful, creative ingenuity and
dedicated human concern that literally shaped
the medical world as we know it today. There
were no x-ray machines or other mechanical
devices available to him which help to
prolong life today. In some places autopsies
were illegal, so, in order to further his
own knowledge and studies he had to
surreptitiously purchase and autopsy his own
cadavers. There is no question that today's
field of medical treatment owes a great deal
to the early medical pioneer practitioners,
who remain a credit not only to their
burdgeoning field but to the human race
as well.

It may be of interest to
painting of the Country Doctor * a
David. The doctor's office (now historically
preserved) was once the actual office of
David's great, great grandfather who
practiced medicine in the then surrounding
countryside of Washington, D.C.

The Farmer
Farming has long been considered the
backbone of America. Certainly there is much
heritage and even romance surrounding the
self-employed pioneering man who produces a
superior product by working with his hands
harmoniously with the earth. However, the
natural cycle of rebuilding and replenishing
the soil with the organic manure of the
energy-efficient horse has been replaced with
the mechanical tractor which now grows our
food with chemicals. The small family farms
still comprise the "meat and potatoes" of
American agriculture industry, and the farmer
still feels a special pride and satisfaction from
producing his products with the coordination
of his hands, materials, and tools. But I'm
sure the sentiment can be excused when I say
that with the end of the horse, something
very beautiful was lost from farming.
Today the quality and excellence of the
farmer's efforts are displayed and judged
every summer at county fairs across America.
It is certainly true that not every farmer is
or was as artisan. But the farmer who cares
lovingly and respectfully for the earth and
who takes pride in the quality of his products
is much more.

Although quilting died out in Europe
toward the end of the 16th century, it t00k
on new inspiration as well as a new look in
the American colonies. The practical idea of
patching a quilt (repairing was more
expedient than beginning from scratch) soon
grew into the Patchwork and "crazy quilt"
phenomenons.
Although the art of quilting has been
passed down from great grandmother,
grandmother, mother to daughter, individual
quilts have always reflected the character,
vision, and various artistic abilities of
their creator or creators. Through various
harmonies of color and design as well as the
quality and kind of each individual stitch, the
artist literally sews into the quilt his or her
expertise, artistic talents, and ideal of beauty.
The quilting bee (several women
collaborating on a quilt) is more common
today than the individual artist going it alone.
Yet, quilting remains, from initial design to
final stitch, a recognized, highly creative and
individual art form. In fact, the patchwork
quilt has become a symbol of American folk

art at its finest.

Birth Date: January 29,

Country Furniture Maker
The art of furniture making tends to follow
the well worn and traditional grooves of
other creative forms of expression. The style,
design, and character of the product is as
diverse and numerous as the hands, minds,
and materials which create it. The field of
furniture making also varies from those who
wish to initiate or modify styles and patterns
of the past, to craftsmen who innovate new
forms of furniture, thus giving a new
dimension to our existing ideals of beauty and
art. The fine furniture craftsman strives to
create a piece that will not only provide its
owner with comfort and durability, but also
exist on a higher level as a visually pleasing,
finely wrought, handcrafted object. The artist
must consider the character and properties of
the individual kinds of woods he uses in the
inherent design of the piece. Wood grains and
color can be aesthetically pleasing in
themselves but it takes the loving and skillful
hands of the craftsman to put it all together
and to bring the piece of furniture to life.
Automation has all but put the handcrafted
furniture maker out of business. Most
furniture makers today specialize in making
one or two kinds of pieces of furniture,
but most of them do it only as a hobby. It
is becoming harder and harder to find a
furniture maker whose vocation has been to
devote his life and talents to providing for
his neighbor's furniture needs while satisfying
his own artistic ones. The diversified country
furniture maker who still handcrafts a
multitude of beautiful items, everything from
an axe handle to a love seat, from a baby s
cradle to a porch swing, is indeed a very
vanishing American craftsman.

EDUCATION:
High School:
College:
Graduate:

Taft S
B.A. I
M.F.A
Indiar

ONE-MAN EXHIBITED
Sordoni Gallery, Wilke:
Everhart Museum, Sera:
Hammer Galleries, New
Westmoreland County 1
Rockville Historical Sot
Kenan Art Center, Loci
William Penn Memoria
Kern Museum, College
Bucknell University, Le
Lycoming College. Wil
GROUP SHOWS:
Poster Piece, American
"The Way We See It,"
Galleries, N.Y.,
"Pennsylvania Artists 1
'The New American S
"Americana" Exhibit, &lt;
"Artists Salute Skowht
Audubon Artists, N.Y.
26th Annual New Eng
Bald Eagle Art League
Allied Artists, N.Y., I1
106th Annual Travelir
Banfer Galleries, N.Y.

TEACHING:
ESEA Summer Progra
Upward Bound Lewi:
Indiana University. B.
Muncy Correctional I
Lewisburg Federal Pei
Penn State Continuin,
Career Day, Hughesv

�DAVID ARMSTRONG
The Quilter

ed

uch
e
:es a
ds
le

B
dth
our
•ms

inner
;rom
ition
n
i say
g

,e
1
lerica.
is
ares
nd
sducts

Although quilting died out in Europe
toward the end of the 16th century, it took
on new inspiration as well as a new look in
the American colonies. The practical idea of
patching a quilt (repairing was more
expedient than beginning from scratch) soon
grew into the Patchwork and "crazy quilt"
phenomenons.
Although the art of quilting has been
passed down from great grandmother,
grandmother, mother to daughter, individual
quilts have always reflected the character,
vision, and various artistic abilities of
their creator or creators. Through various
harmonies of color and design as well as the
quality and kind of each individual stitch, the
artist literally sews into the quilt his or her
expertise, artistic talents, and ideal of beauty.
The quilting bee (several women
collaborating on a quilt) is more common
today than the individual artist going it alone.
Yet, quilting remains, from initial design to
final stitch, a recognized, highly creative and
individual art form. In fact, the patchwork
quilt has become a symbol of American folk

art at its finest.

Birth Date: January 29, 1947

Country Furniture Maker
The art of furniture making tends to follow
the well worn and traditional grooves of
other creative forms of expression. The style,
design, and character of the product is as
diverse and numerous as the hands, minds,
and materials which create it. The field of
furniture making also varies from those who
wish to initiate or modify styles and patterns
of the past, to craftsmen who innovate new
forms of furniture, thus giving a new
dimension to our existing ideals of beauty and
art. The fine furniture craftsman strives to
create a piece that will not only provide its
owner with comfort and durability, but also
exist on a higher level as a visually pleasing,
finely wrought, handcrafted object. The artist
must consider the character and properties of
the individual kinds of woods he uses in the
inherent design of the piece. Wood grains and
color can be aesthetically pleasing in
themselves but it takes the loving and skillful
I hands of the craftsman to put it all together
and to bring the piece of furniture to life.
Automation has all but put the handcrafted
furniture maker out of business. Most
furniture makers today specialize in making
one or two kinds of pieces of furniture,
but most of them do it only as a hobby. It
is becoming harder and harder to find a
furniture maker whose vocation has been to
devote his life and talents to providing for
his neighbor's furniture needs while satisfying
his own artistic ones. The diversified country
furniture maker who still handcrafts a
multitude of beautiful items, everything from
an axe handle to a love seat, from a baby's
cradle to a porch swing, is indeed a very
vanishing American craftsman.

EDUCATION:
High School:
College:

Graduate:

Taft School, Watertown, Conn., 1961-1965
B.A. Degree from Bucknell University, 1969 — President's Fine Art Prize
M.F.A. degree in Painting, (Fellowship, teaching assistant)
Indiana University, Bloomington, In., 1971

ONE-MAN EXHIBITIONS:
Sordoni
Pa,, April, 1982
ooraom Gallery, Wilkes-Barre, Pa.,
Everhart Museum, Scranton, Pa., June-July, 1981
Hammer Galleries, New York City, 1974, 1976, 1978
Westmoreland County Museum, Greensburg, Pa., Oct., 1980, Catalogue — 96 pieces
Rockville Historical Society, Rockville, Md., Sept., 1980
Kenan Art Center, Lockport, N.Y., 1979
William Penn Memorial Museum, Harrisburg, Pa., April, 1978, Catalogue — 150 pieces
Kern Museum, College Park, Pa., 1979
Bucknell University, Lewisburg, Pa., 1977
Lycoming College, Williamsport, Pa., 1973
GROUP SHOWS:
Poster Piece, American Wind Symphony 25th Anniversary Traveling Exhibit and Concert, Pittsburgh, 1981
"The Way We See It," Two-Man show of watercolors and photographs with John Denver, at Hammer
Galleries, N.Y., Dec.-Jan. 1980, color catalogue — poster
"Pennsylvania Artists Paint Pennsylvania," Central Pa. Arts Assn., July, 1980
"The New American Still Life," Westmoreland County Museum, June, 1979
"Americana" Exhibit, Greenwich Workshop Galleries, Conn., 1978
"Artists Salute Skowhegan," Kennedy Galleries, N.Y., 1977
Audubon Artists, N.Y., 1976
26th Annual New England Exhibition, Silvermine Guild. Conn., 1975, Prize
Bald Eagle Art League, Second Annual, 1979, Prize
Allied Artists, N.Y., 1975
106th Annual Traveling Exhibition, American Watercolor Society, N.Y., 1973
Banfer Galleries, N.Y., 1972

TEACHING:
ESEA Summer Programs, Lewisburg, Pa., 1966-1968
Upward Bound, Lewisburg, Pa., 1965
Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana, Teaching fellowship in drawing and design 1969-1970
Muncy Correctional Institution, Muncy, Pa., 1972
Lewisburg Federal Penitentiary, Lewisburg, Pa„ 1974
Penn State Continuing Education, Williamsport, Pa., 1974-1975
Career Day, Hughesville High School, 1979, 80, 81

�The Quilter, watercolor. 22 x 29 inches

�1

1

1

�Farrier, watercolor, 2V/2 x 29 inches

��Stained Glass Maker, watercolor, 25 x 39 inches

Blacksmith, watercolor

�3?

Stained Glass Maker, watercolor, 25 x 39 inches

�il
I
g
I

Stonewallers, watercolor, 13

29 inches

�r - -- -

�______ _

7 -

.v

■

-

_____ _
........ . __________ —

�■
&lt;• ??&lt;•

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                    <text>JON'CAR$MAX

I*ARK COI|EX
STTYE POTESKIE

JOE STALLONE

�JON CARSMAN
After groduoting from Vilkes in
1966, Jon Corsmon went on to
tol&lt;e o mosters of ort educotion
from New Yorl&lt; University.
Currently o pointer ond o
printmol&lt;er, he lives ond worl&lt;s in
New Yorl.r City.
Reolistic in subject motter,
Corsmon's worl&lt; is expressionistic

in color ond brushstrol&lt;e. He
worl&lt;s in ocrylics on convos ond in

wotercolor to produce highlycolored, forceful imoges.
Corsmon is represented in
numerous public ond privote
collections. Among the former
ore: the Metropoliton Museum of
Art, New Yorl&lt;; the Clevelond
Museum of Art; ond the Hirshhorn
Museum ond Sculpture Gorden,
Voshington, D.C.
A selection of his one-mon
exhibitions include those held ot:
the Everson Museum, Syrocuse,
New Yorl&lt;; lmoges Gollery,
Toledo, Ohio; the Everhort
Museum, Scronton; ond the

DeGroof- Forsythe Gollery (Ann
Arbor ond Chicogo).
ln odditlon, his worl&lt; hos been
represented in numerous grouP
shows including: Pointing ond
Sculpture Todoy, The lndionopolis
Museum of Art (1976); Americon
Reolism, College of Villiom ond
Mory, Villiomsburg, Virginio
(1 977) ; Collector's Choice,
Mississippi Museum of Art, Jocl&lt;son
(979); ond Hossom ond

(illustroted: #10)

Speicher Purchose Fund Exhibition,

5. Tulip Beds, 1982; Sill&lt;screen

Americon Acodemy of Arts ond
Letters, New Yorl&lt;.

6. Conno Fires, 1982; Sill&lt;screen

1.

t.

Kentios Shodows, 1978;

Votercolor, 29 x 22. Privote

3.

convos,60x72

Nocturnol Trumpets, 1978;

Votercolor, 29 x22. Privote
collection
Trexler Conets, 1974:

Votercolor, 29 x 22. Privote
collection

4.

Autumn's Turn, 1980;

Votercolor, 29

x22

8. Hunlock's Creek, 1978; Acrylic on

collection

2.

Polm Gordens, 1978; Votercolor,

29

x22

9. Tohition Fontosy,

'1

980; Acrylic

on convos, 50 x 40
,10.

Wilkes-Borre,

'1

969; Acrylic on

convos, 24 x 30. Collection
Sordoni Art Gollery. Gift of Mr.
Armo Andon, New Yod&lt;

�MARK COHEN
A 1965 groduote of Vill&lt;es
College, Morl&lt; Cohen hos since
mode on impoct on
contemporory ort photogrophy.
An innovotor ond o clossicist ot
once, Cohen hos influenced
mony other photogrophers.
The recipient of this yeors
Pennsylvonio Governors Aword
for Excellence in Photogrophy,
Cohen olso hos been twice
oworded o Guggenheim
Fellowship, ond in 1975 he
received o Notionol Endowment
for the Arts Fellowship.
Cohen hos hod one-mon
exhibitions ot The Museum of
Modern Art (1973); Costelli
Grophics, New Yorl&lt; (977); Ihe
Corcoron Gollery of Art,
Voshington, D.C. (1981); ond
recently, Morlborough Gollery,
New Yorl&lt;.
Selected group exhibitions
include: Photogrophy in Americo,

Vhitney Museum of Art (97 4);
1 0 Photogrophes Contemporoins,
Golerie Zobrisl&lt;ie, Poris (977);
Mirrors ond Vindows: Americon
Photogrophy Since 1969, The
Museum of Modern Art (1978);
Twenty Americon Artists, Son
Froncisco Museum of Modern Art
(1980); Counterports: Form ond
Emotion in Photogrophs, The
Metropoliton Museum of Art
(9BD; ond FLASH, University of
Hortford

(98D.

Most of Cohen's photogrophs
ore tol&lt;en in the Vill&lt;es-Borre
oreo; he hos o studio ot 32 West
South Street.

1. Mitten on Hedge, 1975;

Color

photogroph, 11% x 1l%
Restouront/Alligotor, 1981 ;
Gelotin silver print, 17% x 11%

2.
3.

Three Vhite Choirs/Phormocy,
1981 ; Gelotin silver print,

4.

Red Roses/OrongeTruck, 1977;
Color photogroph, 1 1% x 17%

1l%x11%

5.

Fish

Plotter, 1980; Gelotin silver

print,

6.
7

.

'1

1%

x

17%

Four Pigeons, 1971;Gelotin silver

print, 11%x17%
Boy Running / Brick tVoll, 1 976;
Gelotin silver print, 11% x 17%

8. Young Gid Holding Dog, 1974;
Gelotin silver print, 11% x 11%

9.

Snow Folling in Alley, 1977;
Gelotin silver print, 11% x 17%

10. EyelEorlSky, 1980;
'1

1

.

Gelotin
silver print, 11% x 17%
Apple Blossoms ond Roin Folling

in Puddle, 1978; Gelotin silver
print, 11%x17%
1 2. Womon/Y.A. / Bldg., 1982;
Gelotin silver print, 17% x 11%
Mod&lt; Cohen's worl&lt; oppeors with the
courtesy of Morlborough Gollery,

New

Yorl&lt;

(illustroted: #3)

�STEVE POLESKIE
"The oircroft troils smoke to oid in
the trocl&lt;ing. The pieces ore
never seen os o whole but only
os o process of creotion for os
soon os o line is put down in

Steve Poleskie, o 1959
groduote of Vill&lt;es, teoches ort
:t Cornell University in lthoco,
\ew Yorl&lt;. He hos troveled
extensively, lecturing, exhibiting
crd performing. He is
'epresented in collections
rcluding: the Museum of Modern
,Art; the Metropoliton Museum of
,Art; the Vhitney Museum of
.Americon Art; the Volker Art
Center, Minneopolis; ond the
-'lerbert F. Johnson Museum,

smol{e it is erosed by the wind
ond remoins only in one's
memory."
Steve Polesl&lt;ie

Ithoco, New Yorl&lt;
August, 1982
All worl&lt;s ore drowings ond
photogrophs on poper,
22% x 15.

rhoco.
The works in this show ore
oreporotory sketches for
oerobotic slly ort pieces
executed ot the Stote University
of New Yorl&lt;, Brocl&lt;port ond

1

I

Durchose cornpuses.
Prior

to doing o

sl&lt;y

ort piece I fly

over the site ond photogroph it.
om lool&lt;ing ot its oesthetic
potentiol os well os for possible
hozords to the oircroft operotion.
''I then return
to the studio ond
mol&lt;e dozens of sketches for
possible pieces. I must tol&lt;e into
considerotion such things os the
wind, the position of the sun in
relotion to where the moin body

of spectotors will be ond o sofe
londing oreo should something
go wrong with the oirplone. Of
these sl&lt;etches only four or six
moy be octuolly executed ond
even these moy be modified on
the spot to suit the prevoiling
conditions.

I

.

Brockport

-

2. Drockport 3. Purchose 4. Brockport 5. Brockport 6. Purchose 7. Purchose 8. Purchose 9. Purchose -

10.
11.
12.

Purchose
Purchose
Purchose

-

4, 1980
36, 1980
11, 1979

8, 1980
9, 1980
16, 1919

25, 1979
34, 1979
14, 19'79

5, 1979
12, 1979

3, 1979

�FOUR FROM VILKES:
CARSMAN, COHEN, POLESKIE AND STALLONE

September 19 October 24, 1982
Sordoni Art Gollery
Wilkes College
'150 South River Street
Vilkes-Borre, PA 'l 8766

All dimensions ore in inches; height
precedes width.

Vorks included ore for sole unless
otherwise indicoted.
lnquire ot the Gollery

office.

lgg2 _ 19go
EXHIDITION SCHEDULE

Oct. 30 - Nov. 28 Alumni Trienniol
Dec. 5 - Jon.2 Vilkes Art Foculty
Jon.9- Feb.6 Pennsylvonio Prints
Feb. 12 - Mor. 6 Scholostic Art Awords Regionol
Mor. 20 - Apr.24 1933 Revisited,
Americon Mosters of the Eorly Thirties
Moy 1 - Moy 29 Bucknell University Art Foculty
June 17 - July 3, Domestic Yiolence Service Center
\Vomen's lnvitotionol

�CABSMAX

colltN
POLESKIE

STALLONE

�SORDONI ART GATLERY
VILKES COILEGE
150 5. RIVER

5T., VILKES-BARRE, PA

18766

"FOUR FROtut YILKES:
CARSiAAN, COHEil, POLESKIE. STALLONE"
September 19 to

October 24, 1982
Reception:
September 20
5-7 p.m.

�</text>
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                    <text>*

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�'■TO REI/IIMTEID-

/l/HERIIC/IM /MASTERS
OF THE IIRIY THIRTIES

SORIDGNII
/BRT G/ILDlE W
Wilkes College
Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania

/MRCIHIW
-/OPMUlM.,
E.S. FARLEY LIBRARY
WILKES UNIVERSITY
WILKES-BARRE, PA

Exhibition organized by
William Sterling and Judith O'Toole
in conjunction with the
Fiftieth Anniversary of the Founding of Wilkes College

Funded by grants from the Pennsylvania Council on the Arts,
the John Sloan Memorial Foundation,
and the Andrew J. Sordoni Foundation.

1

�ARfHlVlS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction ....................................

3

Acknowledgments..........................

4

Lenders to the Exhibition...............

5

American Art in the Early Thirties

6

Comments on the Exhibition.........

12

List of Works....................................

17

This exhibition, in celebration of the
the founding of Wilkes College, is dire:
of the American artistic environment &lt;
such a project lies in its potential of allc
the moment, some of the stereotypes
tions which have accrued to the perioc
back into the past and see what mighi
valued, in 1933.

There was, of course, a great deal go:
of the early Thirties, and any attempt tc
would require an exhibition of enor
neither the resources nor the space for
ness, we must necessarily exercise
selectivity in choosing w’orks by some
several hundred who were truly emir
guiding principle in forming the exhibi
ticity to the period itself, as documer
sources, such as art periodicals and
Thus, some well-known artists, whon
more relevant to the present day, have

2

�INTRODUCTION
. 3
. 4

. 5
6

12
17

This exhibition, in celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of
the founding of Wilkes College, is directed to the re-creation
of the American artistic environment of 1933. The value of
such a project lies in its potential of allowing us to ignore, for
the moment, some of the stereotypes and, perhaps, distor­
tions which have accrued to the period. It allows us to step
back into the past and see what might have been seen, and
valued, in 1933.

to make room for less well-known, but more characteristic,
representatives of the period in question. The reputations of
all the artists included in the exhibition were, however, wellestablished (or on the verge thereof) in the early Thirties.
Artists like Sloan and Marin were already virtual "old
masters." Others, like Gorky and Tomlin, were young "upand-comers." Here, we see them all as contemporaries, re­
sponding to the varied but distinct influences of a particular
moment in history.

There was, of course, a great deal going on in the art world
of the early Thirties, and any attempt to represent it faithfully
would require an exhibition of enormous scope. Having
neither the resources nor the space for such comprehensive­
ness, we must necessarily exercise our own historical
selectivity in choosing works by some forty artists out of the
several hundred wTho were truly eminent in that era. Our
guiding principle in forming the exhibition has been authen­
ticity to the period itself, as documented by contemporary
sources, such as art periodicals and exhibition catalogues.
Thus, some well-known artists, whom one might regard as
more relevant to the present day, have been omitted in order

For the purposes of continuity, we have concentrated on
painting as a medium reflecting the gamut of artistic per­
suasions in the early Thirties. Prints or drawings have been
used where appropriate paintings could not be obtained. The
few sculptures have been included to suggest the dominant
tastes in three-dimensional art in this period. The works range
in date from 1927 to 1933. The only large group of artists not
represented here is the traditional "academy," whose work
changed little from generation to generation and remained
largely immune to the intellectual and social issues of the
period.

si-i7^7:e
3

�acknowledgements
recreate a single school or style but to recreate the character
of a very specific moment in time. We have included artists of
different and sometimes opposing styles. We have caught
some artists at the outset of their careers and others at their
penultimate moment. We have tried to evoke the temper of
the art scene centered in New York during the depths of the
Great Depression and on the brink of the WPA projects.

1933 Revisited: American Masters of the Early Thirties is
an exhibition conceived and initiated one year ago by my
predecessor, Dr. William Sterling. The theme was chosen in
part as a celebration of the founding, fifty years ago, of
Bucknell Junior College which was to become in 1947 Wilkes
College. The exhibition serves also as a continuation of a
series of exhibitions organized by the Sordoni Art Gallery to
recognize, investigate, and celebrate the beginnings of mod­
ern art in the United States during the early decades of the
twentieth century.

Many people have contributed their efforts to make this ex­
hibition a success. I would like to acknowledge Dr. Sterling
for initiating the exhibition and providing the catalogue
essay. Mrs. Helen Farr Sloan lent invaluable assistance by
supplying primary research sources and suggesting possible
loans. Miss Antoinette Kraushaar of Kraushaar Galleries and
her assistant Carol Pesner generously availed their files for
our research. I am indebted to all the institutions and private
collectors who have made works available for loan. Finally, I
would like to acknowledge the Pennsylvania Council on the
Arts, the John Sloan Memorial Foundation, and the Andrew
J. Sordoni Foundation through whose generosity this exhibi­
tion was made possible.

Dr. Sterling and I discovered as plans progressed for this
exhibition, that it is unusual to have a single year as a central
theme to an exhibition. The record-keeping systems in
museums and galleries are organized in a manner to accom­
modate searches by artist, school, or movement. Artists, too,
are notoriously casual about dating works and rarely keep
chronological records.

However, the validity and importance of an exhibition
organized in this manner is clear. Our point has not been to

Judith H. O'Toole
Director
Sordoni Art Gallery

4

Addison Gallery of Americt

The Art Museum, Princetor
Brooks Memorial Art Galle

Butler Institute of American
March Avery Cavanaugh

Delaware Art Museum

Kennedy Galleries, Inc.
Kraushaar Galleries

The Metropolitan Museum
Munson-Williams-Proctor I

Museum of Art, Pennsylvai

�[ENTS

lenders to the exhibition
ite a single school or style but to recreate the character
ery specific moment in time. We have included artists of
mt and sometimes opposing styles. We have caught
artists at the outset of their careers and others at their
timate moment. We have tried to evoke the temper of
■t scene centered in New’ York during the depths of the
Depression and on the brink of the WPA projects.

ny people have contributed their efforts to make this ex&gt;n a success. I would like to acknowledge Dr. Sterling
litiating the exhibition and providing the catalogue
Mrs. Helen Farr Sloan lent invaluable assistance by
Hng primary research sources and suggesting possible
Miss Antoinette Kraushaar of Kraushaar Galleries and
sistant Carol Pesner generously availed their files for
search. I am indebted to all the institutions and private
ors who have made works available for Ioan. Finally, I
like to acknowledge the Pennsylvania Council on the
:he John Sloan Memorial Foundation, and the Andrew
ioni Foundation through whose generosity this exhibias made possible.

Addison Gallen’ of American Art, Phillips Academy

National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution

The Art Museum, Princeton University

The Newark Museum

Brooks Memorial Art Gallery

New Britain Museum of American Art

Butler Institute of American Art

Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts

March Aven’ Cavanaugh

The Phillips Collection

Delaware Art Museum

Robert Schoelkopf Gallery

Kennedy Galleries, Inc.

Sheldon Memorial Art Gallery,
University of Nebraska-Lincoln

Kraushaar Galleries

The Metropolitan Museum of Art

Vassar College Art Gallery

Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute

The Whitney Museum of American Art

Museum of Art, Pennsylvania State University

Zabriskie Gallery

Judith H. O'Toole
Director
Sordoni Art Gallery

5

J

�seemed to turn back to earlier, more familiar modes of expres­
sion after the war. As an example of this shift, one can cite the
widespread revival of Neoclassicism (albeit in a streamlined
version). In America, such artists as Max Weber (no. 39) and
Marsden Hartley, who had been among our first true abstract
painters, reverted to more representational styles.1

AMERICAN ART IN THE EARLY THIRTIES
1933 would seem to offer students of American art little to
become aroused over. It saw no epic event like the great
Armory Show of 1913, which first placed European modern­
ism squarely before the American public. Nor did it proffer
any exhibition so radically controversial as that of The
Eight" in 1908. Even when events of this magnitude cannot be
singled out every year, the eras of the early Twenties or the
late Forties, to cite two examples, were rich with far-reaching
incidents in the world of art. It is difficult, however, to frame
the early Thirties in the context of revolutionary innovation
or climactic achievement.

These apparent reversions were not necessarily repudia­
tions of these artists' former radicalism. They resulted from
many factors influencing the arts and society during the inter­
war period. Among these may be listed a certain intellectual
fatigue which probably overcame some modernists after the
hectic opening decades of the century. For many, the constant
push to expand the frontiers of artistic expression had either
exceeded their resources or caused them momentarily to lose
their sense of direction. It is also not unusual that, as the im­
petus of one trend begins to slow, the dialectic of culture
replaces it with its opposite. At the same time, important
changes of concern exerted great influence on the styles and
aspirations of this era. That which was so compellingly ur­
gent in 1913 or in 1923 no longer held the stage in 1933.

After the fervid pace of the first three decades of the twen­
tieth century, the Thirties opened less frenetically. It was a
time for reflection, the refixing of one's bearings, and, in some
cases, retrenchment. This situation was compounded by the
Great Depression which had cast shadows across the most op­
timistic paths. While many artists, in their perpetual state of
pecuniary doubt, were hardly affected by that event which
drove some more affluent citizens to drastic acts, the art
world was, nonetheless, subject to a marked decline in pat­
ronage. At the same time, any suggestions of self-absorption
in one's art may have seemed frivolous when millions were
out of work. During times of hardship, people tend to fall
back on those traditions in their culture which express per­
manence and security. The drive for adventure and experi­
ment must wait for less-troubled times.

!■

L
1'1

"Modernism is played out."
(Royal Cortissoz, conservative critic)
"The Academy is dead."
(Warren Cheney, progressive critic)2
A perusal of the art journals of the early Thirties reveals
several prominent issues of the day. Although the battle be­
tween the modernists and the traditionalists had gone on
publicly since the emergence of "The Eight" early in the cen­
tury, it seemed to reach a stalemate in the Thirties. Debate on
this issue remained popular but repetitious. The basic
arguments had been made and the lines clearly drawn well
before 1933. The mobile assaults of the Teens and Twenties,
when modernism made strong advances in American culture,
were replaced by trench warfare. It would require new
strategies to enable one side or the other to mount a successful
offensive once more. This, in fact, happened with the found-

The marking of time, which characterized the art of the ear­
ly Thirties, occurred in Europe as well as in America. The
heyday of Cubism, Fauvism, Futurism, and many other rev­
olutionary movements was over, though certainly not forgot­
ten. After the early Twenties, only one significant new art
movement emerged prior to World War II, and that was Sur­
realism. Artists who had radically altered the course of art
through their innovations in style before World War I_
artists such as Picasso, Matisse, and Kirchner — frequently

6

17. EDWARD HOPPER
Farmhouse at Essex, Mass.
Courtesy of
Kennedy Galleries, Inc. N

�jm back to earlier, more familiar modes of expresie war. As an example of this shift, one can cite the
revival of Neoclassicism (albeit in a streamlined
America, such artists as Max Weber (no. 39) and
irtley, who had been among our first true abstract
verted to more representational styles.1

parent reversions were not necessarily repudiase artists' former radicalism. They resulted from
■s influencing the arts and society during the interAmong these may be listed a certain intellectual
h probably overcame some modernists after the
ng decades of the century. For many, the constant
and the frontiers of artistic expression had either
eir resources or caused them momentarily to lose
&gt;f direction. It is also not unusual that, as the ime trend begins to slow, the dialectic of culture
with its opposite. At the same time, important
:oncem exerted great influence on the styles and
rf this era. That which was so compellingly
or in 1923 no longer held the stage in 1933.
lemism is played out."
(Royal Cortissoz, conservative critic)

Academy is dead."
(Warren Cheney, progressive critic)2

of the art journals of the early Thirties reveals
linent issues of the day. Although the battle bewdernists and the traditionalists had gone on
e the emergence of "The Eight" early in the cened to reach a stalemate in the Thirties. Debate on
emained popular but repetitious. The basic
ad been made and the lines clearly drawn well
The mobile assaults of the Teens and Twenties,
lism made strong advances in American culture,
■d by trench warfare. It would require new
mable one side or the other to mount a successful
:e more. This, in fact, happened with the found-

17. EDWARD HOPPER
Farmhouse at Essex, Mass., 1929
Courtesy of
Kennedy Galleries, Inc. NY, NY

7

�i

went on to warn against the dangers of abstraction to the
bloodshot eye. This facetious anti-modernist tract actually
tells us more about the effects of the Depression than those of
Prohibition, for it was the former which had seriously jeopardized the livelihood of many artists. We must delve beyond
the economics of the situation, however, and ask how the
styles and themes of American art were influenced by that
most repercussive event of the interwar era.

ing of the American Abstract Artists group in 1936, and the
early signals of the Abstract Expressionist movement in the
works of Jackson Pollock, Arshile Gorky, and Franz Kline.

In 1933, however, every sign suggested that modernism
had gone about as far as it would go. Major and seminal
abstract artists such as Stuart Davis and Arthur Dove were
still working in that vein with considerable success, but their
legions were hardly growing. Many other modernists, like the
aforementioned Max Weber, had apparently made peace with
the conservatives, even if they had not joined them outright.
It was not just a matter of numbers either. The critic Ralph
Flint, reviewing the large American show at the Museum of
Modem Art in 1932, saw no one who could stand beside the
greatest European modernists, except perhaps John Marin.3
Young American artists still headed for Paris by the boatload,
but once there they were likely to favor Derain's quasi-cubism
over Picasso's more radical variety, or Dufy's mild Fauvism
over Matisse's. Critics viewing the 1933 Carnegie Interna­
tional noted the compromise between radical and conser­
vative schools, with a more noticeable tilt toward the latter
than had occurred for a number of years.4 Indeed, this very
compromisiveness suggests a lack of real force on either side.
As Margaret Breuning noted in her review of the Carnegie
show, there was a "languor, a sad perfunctory note through­
out the galleries . . . (an) aesthetic fatigue."’ As if to confirm
this standoff in quite literal terms, two autonomous juries
were chosen to select the 1933 Chicago Annual. One jury
represented the conservatives, the other the progressives.0

Unquestionably, the Depression had created a climate of
anxiety throughout society, and artists may have responded
by staying with, or returning to, the tried and true. Reviewers
of the 1931 American Annual at the St. Louis Museum ob­
served a retreat from the more radical forms of modernism
and suggested that the Depression was the cause. They noted
a return to an emphasis on craftsmanship which seemed very
much tied to the "law of survival."8 It would be a mistake,
however, to assume that this condition was universal. At the
Minneapolis Annual of the same year, a strong modernist
trend was noted, and the American Art Dealers Association
found that the art market (as of 1931) had remained fairly
stable despite the Depression.’

While the precise impact of the Depression upon America."
art requires further investigation, it is clear that an increasim
number of artists turned to themes extolling the virtues ot
honest labor and the abundancies of the American landscape
as well as themes which captured the loneliness or poverty of
the less fortunate. Although most of these themes had pre­
dated the Depression, they became far more common in the
Thirties.

"Picasso's full-face profiles often give one the
sensation of seeing double. Their place is not in
the barroom."7

Overt political statements in the art of this period were less
numerous than we might expect. Few American artists had
anything to say about such events as the rise of Stalin in
Russia or Hitler in Germany. The most politically controver­
sial works of art in 1933 were probably the two murals ex­
ecuted by the Mexican painter Diego Rivera for the Ford
Motor Company in Detroit and Rockefeller Center in Ne*
York City. His sympathetic references to Russian Corr.-

Issues outside the realm of art clearly had an effect on the
lives and attitudes of artists, but just how and to what extent
these issues were translated into art often lack such clear
definition. When Prohibition was repealed in 1933, the writer
of the lines quoted above foresaw more work for artists, in
the form of new paintings for all the resurrected bars. He then
8

munism caused an uproar among ernirs
be sure, there always flourished a '.&lt;&lt;dr&lt;
one stripe or another, in the Ttvr’ies
Gropper, Ben Shahn. and Thomas Hart
with sharp political content, but no
political expression took place except
nalistic art. The relatively high social
Roosevelt era (which began in 1933' &lt;
found its main outlet in the more sub
American Scene painters A new nation
begun to offset the economic negativ
Depression.

"No American art can come to
not live an American life, who c
American psychology and who
America justification for their lb
&lt; Thom as

After the tempering ot modernist fen
a growing sense of nationalism, many &lt;
spiration in the sweeping expanses am
their native land. Like their contemp
literature, they engaged in a vast se
American expression. Although preced
tations of a similar spirit, such as the
and the Ash-Can style, the American S&lt;
Thirties (sometimes called Regionalism
as a programmatic effort to fashion an
art of substance and uniqueness From t
tains, from small towns to cities, artist;
Hart Benton, Grant Wood, Isabel Bisl
and countless others joined in this effor
impact during the 1931-32 exhibition s
was in full swing by 1933.
Highminded nationalism notwithsta
Scene movement also reflected econon
into our century, the Amer.can art cc
most of his shopping in Europe It did

�zarn against the dangers of abstraction to the
». This facetious anti-modernist tract actually
ibout the effects of the Depression than those of
□r it was the former which had seriously jeoparihood of many artists. We must delve beyond
; of the situation, however, and ask how the
mes of American art were influenced by that
sive event of the interwar era.

munism caused an uproar among critics and public alike.10 To
be sure, there always flourished a cadre of artist-activists of
one stripe or another. In the Thirties, men such as William
Gropper, Ben Shahn, and Thomas Hart Benton created works
with sharp political content, but no real groundswell of
political expression took place, except in the realm of jour­
nalistic art. The relatively high social consciousness of the
Roosevelt era (which began in 1933) seems rather to have
found its main outlet in the more sublimated work of the
American Scene painters. A new nationalistic positivism had
begun to offset the economic negativism spawned by the
Depression.

ibly, the Depression had created a climate of
;hout society, and artists may have responded
fi, or returning to, the tried and true. Reviewers
merican Annual at the St. Louis Museum ob­
it from the more radical forms of modernism,
that the Depression was the cause. They noted
emphasis on craftsmanship which seemed very
he "law of survival."8 It would be a mistake,
sume that this condition was universal. At the
mnual of the same year, a strong modernist
d, and the American Art Dealers Association
art market (as of 1931) had remained fairly
he Depression.’
;cise impact of the Depression upon American
ther investigation, it is clear that an increasing
sts turned to themes extolling the virtues of
d the abundancies of the American landscape,
es which captured the loneliness or poverty of
ite. Although most of these themes had preession, they became far more common in the

were traditional or modern; Europe still represented for most
Americans haute culture as well as haute couture. Only the
less affluent had to resort to the collecting of "provincial"
home-grown work. And even these collectors often sought
the opportunity to buy third-rate European pictures rather
than first-rate American ones. The cachet of a "Made in
Paris" label remained irresistible to uninformed American en­
trepreneurs. This state of affairs gave rise to an energetic cam­
paign by American artists and their dealers to promote their
own interests. The National Commission to Advance Amer­
ican Art was established in 1933 in order to combat the in­
flated reputation and highpowered merchandising of Euro­
pean "masters." Similarly, the American Artists Professional
League sought to terminate "a vicious system of which our
artists . . . have been victims." Albert Reid, speaking for the
League, referred to the "methods of dumping upon this coun­
try, in unbelievable quantities, worthless and questionable
foreign art. Hoards of foreign artists, who were hard put to
make any kind of living at home, discovered that our country
was rich pickings."12 The League's slogan, "Buy American
Pictures First," was, therefore, more protectionist than chau­
vinistic. How ironic that fifty years later, American art is
eagerly sought the world over, while those pillars of
America's pre-war economy, steel and automobiles, now
make the same plea for protectionism.

"No American art can come to those who do
not live an American life, who do not have an
American psychology, and who cannot find in
America justification for their lives.
(Thomas Hart Benton)11

!

I

il statements in the art of this period were less
we might expect. Few American artists had
r about such events as the rise of Stalin in
in Germany. The most politically controver‘t in 1933 were probably the two murals ex­
Mexican painter Diego Rivera for the Ford
y in Detroit and Rockefeller Center in New
&gt; sympathetic references to Russian Com-

After the tempering of modernist fervor and spurred on by
a growing sense of nationalism, many artists sought fresh in­
spiration in the sweeping expanses and intimate corners of
their native land. Like their contemporaries in music and
literature, they engaged in a vast search for a distinctly
American expression. Although preceded by earlier manifes­
tations of a similar spirit, such as the Hudson River School
and the Ash-Can style, the American Scene movement of the
Thirties (sometimes called Regionalism) was more self-aware
as a programmatic effort to fashion an indigenous American
art of substance and uniqueness. From the plains to the moun­
tains, from small towns to cities, artists as varied as Thomas
Hart Benton, Grant Wood, Isabel Bishop, Charles Sheeler,
and countless others joined in this effort. After its first major
impact during the 1931-32 exhibition season, the movement
was in full swing by 1933.

An important impetus for the cultivation of American art
and for an American art public emerged in 1931 with the
founding of the Whitney Museum in New York City, which
devoted itself exclusively to the collection and exhibition of
American art. An equally significant, though temporary, in­
stitution was the Federal Art Project, a governmentsponsored program of the WPA which was authorized late in
1933 and commenced operation in 1934. Before it came to a
close nine years later, the program provided commissions and
stipends for more than five thousand artists. Most of the art­
ists in this exhibition benefited to one degree or another from
its support. The exhibition itself represents a cross-section of
styles and themes which prevailed at the commencement of
this largest single exercise in artistic patronage in history.

Highminded nationalism notwithstanding, the American
Scene movement also reflected economic isolationism. Well
into our century, the American art consumer tended to do
most of his shopping in Europe. It didn't matter if his tastes

I

9

�The Federal Art Project sustained and nurtured
future leaders of modern American art, but the
works produced for the program related to th
Scene movement and reflected that movement's c
subject matter rather than style as a means of id
indigenous American expression. One of the in
American Scene movement was its basic stylist!
tism while constituting the dominant artistic persi
politically liberal Federal Art Project. Although
artists involved fostered deep concerns for the
lems of the day, many others danced to the tune o
nationalism. A splinter group of Social Realist;
strong leftist sympathies, emerged from the Ami
movement between 1933 and 1935. In their eye
painters had become isolationists and even fasci;

"The wave of deplorable nationalism (whic
are witnessing) uses pseudoaesthetic argun
to arouse the lay mind against abstractor
other individualism in art because the
stands in the way of political and racial
economic mass-passions. "
(Morris Davidson, at the Wh
Symposium of 1

IL
r

Ultimately, it was the revival of aggressive me
cerns, integrated and inflected in a peculiarly Arr
which led to the future preeminence of American
this revival had not yet occurred. Nevertheless, &lt;
tant groundwork was being laid. The Museum of
was founded in 1929 and opened its new building
Carnegie International exhibitions in Pittsburgh c
give exposure to important modernists. Pica;
honorary first prize in 1931 (though not with one
radical pieces). Segonzac took top honors in 19
more conservative John Steuart Curry and Her
Poor in second and third places. Chicago's Cent
ress Exposition in 1933 concentrated on the Art L
Modeme styles in the design arts, which certain
focus public attention on the modernist aesthetic

r. *

26. GEORGE BENJAMIN LUKS
Red Bam, Berkshire Hills, c. 1930
Collection Museum of Art,
The Pennsylvania State University

10

�The Federal Art Project sustained and nurtured many of the
future leaders of modern American art, but the majority of
works produced for the program related to the American
Scene movement and reflected that movement's emphasis on
subject matter rather than style as a means of identifying an
indigenous American expression. One of the ironies of the
American Scene movement was its basic stylistic conserva­
tism while constituting the dominant artistic persuasion of the
politically liberal Federal Art Project. Although many of the
artists involved fostered deep concerns for the social prob­
lems of the day, many others danced to the tune of right-wing
nationalism. A splinter group of Social Realists, harboring
strong leftist sympathies, emerged from the American Scene
movement between 1933 and 1935. In their eyes, the Scene
painters had become isolationists and even fascists.13

in the following year, one of the fountainheads of that
aesthetic, the German Bauhaus, was shut down by the Nazi
regime as a degenerate institution.
If the present exhibition is approximately reflective of the
relative significance of the various styles and fashions in
American art in the early Thirties, then it will be apparent
that modernism in its radical forms held a minority position.
It is clear that many of the traditionalists had faintheartedly
adopted certain modernist elements (such as Miller's tendency
to streamline his neo-Renaissance figures, no. 28, or Jones'
simplification of tones and masses, no. 18); but at the same
time, many of the modernists had turned back uneasily
toward traditionalism (as in Weber's and Burchfield's land­
scapes, nos. 39 and 7). Even fully modernist statements, such
as Davis' and Marin's, had been formulated ten to twenty
years earlier. Modernism was by no means dying; it was
momentarily stalled. In a sense, the early Thirties lacked an
identifiable avant-garde. As mentioned earlier, the only ma­
jor new style of this era was Surrealism, and that was poorly
received in its first American appearance in 1931.

"The wave of deplorable nationalism (which we
are witnessing) uses pseudoaesthetic arguments
to arouse the lay mind against abstraction and
other individualism in art because the latter
stands in the way of political and racial and
economic mass-passions."
(Morris Davidson, at the Whitney
Symposium of 1933)14

It is tempting to see a parallel between 1933 and 1983 in this
regard. Much has been written recently about the "return to
the figure" and the "return to realism" in contemporary art. A
closer scrutiny of the situation suggests that these pronounce­
ments are simplistic, at best. It is undeniable, though, that a
greater quantity of representational art of various sorts is cur­
rently being shown in galleries normally reserved for the
modernist avant-garde. Some critics see in these new representationalisms a self-conscious quoting of earlier styles,
which depends more on fashion than on conviction.15

Ultimately, it was the revival of aggressive modernist con­
cerns, integrated and inflected in a peculiarly American way,
which led to the future preeminence of American art. In 1933,
this revival had not yet occurred. Nevertheless, some impor­
tant groundwork was being laid. The Museum of Modern Art
was founded in 1929 and opened its new building in 1932. The
Carnegie International exhibitions in Pittsburgh continued to
give exposure to important modernists. Picasso received
honorary first prize in 1931 (though not with one of his more
radical pieces). Segonzac took top honors in 1933, with the
more conservative John Steuart Curry and Henry Varnum
Poor in second and third places. Chicago's Century of Prog­
ress Exposition in 1933 concentrated on the Art Deco and Art
Modeme styles in the design arts, which certainly helped to
focus public attention on the modernist aesthetic. Ironically,

Similarly, no single movement, like Minimalism in the Sev­
enties or Abstract Expressionism in the Fifties, appears to
dominate the contemporary scene. 1983 and 1933 share, to
some extent, a cultural pluralism, where diverse styles and
critical positions jostle with each other in a state, more or less,
of equivalence (although this is more evident in the Eighties
than in the Thirties). Those conditions of fatigue, reaction.
11

�broad Cubist and Fauve traditions which had remained vital
since their preeminence prior to World War I, as did their
founders, Picasso and Matisse. These traditions had fostered,
among other things, the simplification of form by means of
geometry and bold color. This tendency to simplify was, in­
deed, pervasive in the Thirties, affecting progressives and
conservatives alike.

and cultural vertigo cited as factors in the Thirties' situation
may also be operative in the Eighties. But where the contem­
porary art world seems to be driven by a mechanism of anxie­
ty and one-upmanship in the constant pressure for change (a
mechanism well-oiled by dealers, critics, and art schools), the
varied postures of the Thirties were based on a somewhat
relativistic respect for the orthodoxies they represented.
Taken as a whole, a certain placidity, indeed a "languor," as
Ms. Breuning suggested at the time, seems to emanate from
the art of that period. There are charm and interest and
flashes of brilliance to be found there, but little hint of what
was to come in the following decade.

Stuart Davis, one of the early proponents of modernism in
America, had developed an energetic, planar style derived
from Cubism. (The Braque-like Still-Life, No. 11, in this ex­
hibition varies somewhat from his more familiar work, and
probably reveals the renewed contact he made with Cubist
sources during his visit to Paris in 1928.) John Marin, a vir­
tual "old master" among the avant-garde, also continued to
mine the rich vein he had struck two decades earlier, with its
mingling of Cubism, Fauvism, and Futurism (No. 27).

COMMENTS ON THE EXHIBITION
The works comprising this exhibition have been chosen to
reflect as faithfully as possible those styles and themes in
American art which prevailed fifty years ago. Broadly con­
sidered, that era, like many others, supported progressive,
moderate, and conservative tendencies. European modern­
ism, which had begun to alter the direction of art in America
by the early Twenties, continued to cast its rays, although its
force had diminished. Indeed, many of the artists who were
conspicuously avant-garde in the Thirties belonged to the first
generation of modernism — people such as Stuart Davis, Ar­
thur Dove, and John Marin. Younger artists, including Isabel
Bishop, Aaron Bohrod, Joe Jones, and Bradley Walker Tom­
lin, showed little inclination to adopt the radical styles of
their predecessors (although Tomlin, for one, joined the
avant-garde later in his career).

Davis and Marin were hardly trendsetters in the Thirties,
however. Their styles remained bold, but personal and self­
generating. Perhaps their greatest influence at that time lay in
providing an anchor for modernism in the midst of a wide
current of indifference. The youthful Gorky, for example,
cherished his contacts with Davis. Among the few artists who
actually developed more radical styles in the early Thirties
Arthur Carles and Karl Knaths had moved from the orbit of
Post-impressionism into that of Cubism. Carles (No. 8;
blended into his Cubist space some of the explosive color and
movement of Fauvism and Futurism, while Knaths (No. 20
developed a more linear Picassoesque manner.
European Cubism, itself, helped to produce two important
new movements just after World War I — French Purism Heby the architect Le Corbusier and the painter Leger). ana
Dutch De Stijl (under the aegis of Mondrian). An American
equivalent to these relatively austere styles emerged almost
simultaneously, under the name of Precisionism. All three
movements shared a predilection for streamlined surfaces a
love of modern machinery, and the belief that technologj

Only Arshile Gorky, among the younger artists in this ex­
hibition, was aggressively experimenting with the various
possibilities of modernism. His Landscape (No. 15), with its
combination of free drawing and sketchy brushwork ap­
proaching full abstraction, already suggests the mature
abstract style which he evolved more than a decade later. Of
the established modernists, most were committed to the
12

would lead to a better world. The Precision!
resented here by Louis Lozowick (No. 25?, a R\
grant; Charles Sheeler (No. 31), and John Stor
These men had created pristine, semi-abstract :
Twenties, which evolved into somewhat more ref
al modes by the next decade. The geometric sit
and streamlined surfaces of their earlier works re
stant, however.
The application of this style to the arts of desig
an admixture of Neoclassicism, gave rise to the
fashion which soon influenced the design of evei
refrigerators to movie houses. Many less avantwere also affected by this aesthetic, particular
Kent and, among those in this show, Guy Pe
Kent's heroic figures and spare landscapes asse
streamlined Neoclassicism, while Du Bois' softe
plified forms resembled somewhat phlegmatic
Oskar Schlemmer's Bauhaus figures (No. 13;.

Neoclassicism had become a widespread infl
Twenties, touching even Picasso. A related alt
the Neo-Renaissance style, with its less seven
idealizing and streamlining the figure. Kenneth F
leader of the 14th Street group of artists, and hit
bel Bishop were particularly partial to the art of
Italy, as can be seen in Miller's Raphaelesque s
28) and Bishop's Perugino-like Union Square ‘
somewhat more descriptive classicism neverthei
to look up-to-date in their works. Miller's surface
in pastel harmonies and undisturbed by the g
scuros, mitigates the illusion of depth. Bishop
dense frieze of figures and its corresponding frit
geometry across the broad picture plane witf
spatial interruptions. This subtle form of abstrac
their work, however peripherally, into agreeme
radical styles. Indeed, it can be said of most of
this exhibition that they tended to flatten space a
tion to surface.

�1 Fauve traditions which had remained vital
linence prior to World War I,, as did their
.......................
, and Matisse. These traditions
had fostered,
igs, the simplification of form by means of
Id color. This tendency to simplify was, in­
in the Thirties, affecting progressives and

ne of the early proponents of modernism in
/eloped an energetic, planar style derived
le Braque-like Still-Life, No. 11, in this exnewhat from his more familiar work, and
the renewed contact he made with Cubist
visit to Paris in 1928.) John Marin, a viramong the avant-garde, also continued to
he had struck two decades earlier, with its
n, Fauvism, and Futurism (No. 27).
i were hardly trendsetters in the Thirties,
des remained bold, but personal and selfs their greatest influence at that time lay in
□r for modernism in the midst of a wide
mce. The youthful Gorky, for example,
;ts with Davis. Among the few artists who
more radical styles in the early Thirties,
Karl Knaths had moved from the orbit of
into that of Cubism. Carles (No. 8)
bist space some of the explosive color and
sm and Futurism, while Knaths (No. 20)
near Picassoesque manner.

, itself, helped to produce two important
after World War I — French Purism (led
Corbusier and the painter Leger), and
er the aegis of Mondrian). An American
relatively austere styles emerged almost
ler the name of Precisionism. All three
predilection for streamlined surfaces, a
chinery, and the belief that technology

;'

would
Precisionists are repwuu'u lead to a better world.
vvullu'1 The
lne ^ecisionists
resented here by Louis Lozowick (No. 25), a Russian immi­
grant; Charles Sheeler (No. 31), and John Storrs (No. 35).
These men had created pristine, semi-abstract styles in the
Twenties, which evolved into somewhat more representation­
al modes by the next decade. The geometric simplifications
and streamlined surfaces of their earlier works remained con­
stant, however.

Geometric simplification of form became a favored device
among other moderates and conservatives as well. Tomlin
(No. 37), Jones (No. 18), Leon Kroll (No. 21), Maurice Sterne
(No. 34), Robert Brackman (No. 6), Henry Poor (No. 30),
and William Zorach (No. 41) all used it to achieve a greater
sense of volume and monumentality in their forms. Clarence
Carter's and Edward Hopper's spare naturalism (Nos. 9 and
17), on the other hand, was more planar than volumetric, and
ran closer to the austerities of Precisionism. Milton Avery's
equally spare, but more abstract manner paralleled the art of
Matisse (No. 1). Marguerite Zorach's almost naif style,
rooted in Cubism, continued to explore the possibilities of
full-surface patterning while reintegrating limited impressions
of depth and mass (No. 40). John Sloan, operating from a
more traditional position, also sought an interplay of volume
and surface, through the parallel red modeling lines which he
imposed upon his figures at this time (No. 32).

The application of this style to the arts of design, often with
an admixture of Neoclassicism, gave rise to the art modems
fashion which soon influenced the design of everything from
refrigerators to movie houses. Many less avant-garde artists
were also affected by this aesthetic, particularly Rockwell
Kent and, among those in this show. Guy Pene Du Bois.
Kent's heroic figures and spare landscapes asserted a hard,
streamlined Neoclassicism, while Du Bois' softer,, more simplified forms resembled somewhat phlegmatic versions of
Oskar Schlemmer's Bauhaus figures (No. 13).

Although expressionistic elements appear in some of the
works seen here, few American artists of this period were
outright expressionists. The predominant emotional tone of
art in the early Thirties is restrained. More often than not,
artists strove for either classical reserve or romantic reverie in
the moods and gestures of their figures. Color schemes tended
to be muted or harmonious rather than saturated or shocking.
Compositions similarly lacked uneasy tensions or conflicts, as
a rule. Paint was usually applied with a gentleness of touch
rather than with bravura sweeps of the brush. The pictures by
Brackman (No. 6), Kroll (No. 21), and Sterne (No. 34) may
be said to exemplify the "look" of the era.

Neoclassicism had become a widespread influence in the
Twenties, touching even Picasso. A related alternative was
the Neo-Renaissance style, with its less severe manner of
idealizing and streamlining the figure. Kenneth Hayes Miller,
leader of the 14th Street group of artists, and his student Isa­
bel Bishop were particularly partial to the art of Renaissance
Italy, as can be seen in Miller's Raphaelesque shopper (No.
28) and Bishop's Perugino-like Union Square (No. 3). This
somewhat more descriptive classicism nevertheless managed
to look up-to-date in their works. Miller's surface design, held
in pastel harmonies and undisturbed by the gentle chiaro­
scuros, mitigates the illusion of depth. Bishop unfurls her
dense frieze of figures and its corresponding frieze of skyline
geometry across the broad picture plane with only slight
spatial interruptions. This subtle form of abstraction brought
their work, however peripherally, into agreement with more
radical styles. Indeed, it can be said of most of the artists in
this exhibition that they tended to flatten space and call atten­
tion to surface.

Exceptions to this position of moderation were few and far
between. Oscar Bluemner (No. 4) and Arthur Dove (No. 12),
for example, created powerfully dramatic landscapes (both
had ties with European expressionist movements prior to
World War I), but John Marin (No. 27) and Charles Burch­
field (No. 7) were usually more subdued in their use of
emotive form in the Thirties than they had been a decade
earlier. George Luks continued to wield a pugilistic brush, in

13

�.egwy-yfa-.-.-. .

category, since this movement thrived on sentiments of nos­
talgia, affirmation, and optimism. No single style dominated
the movement, although most of its members, concerned as
they were with reportorial and allegorical aims, chose to
work in unradical manners. Subject matter, rather than style,
defined the movement. The ubiquitous themes were land­
scape, particularly involving farmlife (e.g. Burchfield, No. 7),
cityscape, with special attention to ghetto life (e.g. Jones, No.
18), and the human figure, usually in genre contexts (e.g.
Soyer, No. 36). Those artists inclined toward a romantic con­
ception of the American scene included John Steuart Curry
(No. 10), Morris Kantor (No. 19), Isaac Soyer (No. 36), and
Francis Speight (No. 33). Lozowick and Sheeler (Nos. 25 and
31) also shared this approach with their immaculate and
heroic urban studies.

keeping with his lifestyle (No. 26), while Eugene Higgins
called upon 19th century Romantic-Realism to animate his
proletarians (No. 16).

One of the repeated criticisms of Franklin Watkins' Suicide
in Costume, which took first prize in the 1931 Carnegie Inter­
national, had been that it was overly dramatic. Looking back
at it today, we might find it difficult to share that particular
criticism. Tolerance for heavy emotional statements was ap­
parently not widespread in the Thirties. Watkins' Girl Think­
ing (No. 38) seems to be one of the most overtly emotional
figures in this exhibition, but hers is not an aggressive emo­
tion; she appears more as a lost soul. Melancholy and resigna­
tion typified this period of American art more than hand­
wringing angst. On the other side of the emotional median,
heroic grace, as in the works of Rockwell Kent, was usually
favored over exuberant animation. Post-depression America
sought verity and stability in an art of moderation.

Not all Scenists embraced the romantic, however. While
the movement had firm roots in the evocative nineteenth cen­
tury landscape tradition, it had even more immediate ties to
the early twentieth century realist tradition, exemplifed by
members of "The Eight" and the "Ash-Can School." Clarence
Carter (No. 9), Jerome Myers (No. 29), Kenneth Hayes Miller
(No. 28), and Isabel Bishop (No. 3) seemed to pursue a course
of objectivity, although sometimes in stylized terms. Actual­
ly, hard and fast categorizations along the lines of "romantic'
or "realist" are difficult to make with the artists of the
American Scene. The movement's complex aims of objective
analysis and heroic or lyrical affirmation, coupled with an
American tradition of pragmatic idealism, made for a con­
tinual crossover of attitudes. The realism in Bishop's Dante
and Virgil in Union Square (No. 3), for example, is clearly
mitigated by its Neo-Renaissance idealism, as well as its
allegorical overtones. (The picture was inspired by the artists
reading in Dante's Inferno of passing multitudes which re­
minded her of the daily throngs in Union Square.)

Only a few artists, such as Walt Kuhn (No. 22), injected an
edge of psychic intensity into their figures, or in the case of
the sculptor Gaston Lachaise, grandiose sexuality (No. 24).
Even artists who were devoted to liberal causes — and many
were — rarely exercised their activism aggressively in their
"fine" art. Quite a few, like Benton, contributed cartoons and
illustrations to progressive magazines and newspapers (No.
2), but only a handful imitated their admired Mexican col­
leagues Rivera and Orozco by creating politically potent
"serious" art at this time (Higgins and Jones are examples). It
is tempting to see the rise and spread of the passionate Ab­
stract Expressionist style in the Forties as a reaction to the re­
strained Thirties. Of course, the creation of that weighty
movement involved many factors, but there was clearly room
in American art for the absorption of generous amounts of
overt emotionalism, whether pyschologically or politically
motivated.

One of the popular interpretations of the American Scene
movement rests upon its "regionalist" character, in terms of
styles and themes. The Museum of Modem Art helped to in­

A kind of subdued romanticism rather then expressionism
characterized the art of the early Thirties. Not surprisingly, a
great deal of the American Scene painting falls into that

14

27. JOHN MARIN
Marin Island, Maine, 1932
Courtesy of
Kennedy Gailer.es. Inc., NY, NY

�movement thrived on sentiments of nos­
and optimism. No single style dominated
ough most of its members, concerned as
lortorial and allegorical aims, chose to
anners. Subject matter, rather than style,
ent. The ubiquitous themes were landivolving farmlife (e.g. Burchfield, No. 7),
al attention to ghetto life (e.g. Jones, No.
i figure, usually in genre contexts (e.g.
;e artists inclined toward a romantic conican scene included John Steuart Curry
itor (No. 19), Isaac Soyer (No. 36), and
33). Lozowick and Sheeler (Nos. 25 and
approach with their immaculate and

nbraced the romantic, however. While
m roots in the evocative nineteenth cenion, it had even more immediate ties to
:entury realist tradition, exemplifed by
it" and the "Ash-Can School." Clarence
e Myers (No. 29), Kenneth Hayes Miller
ishop (No. 3) seemed to pursue a course
gh sometimes in stylized terms. Actualjorizations along the lines of "romantic"
cult to make with the artists of the
movement's complex aims of objective
ir lyrical affirmation, coupled with an
f pragmatic idealism, made for a contitudes. The realism in Bishop's Dante
square (No. 3), for example, is clearly
'-Renaissance idealism, as well as its
(The picture was inspired by the artist s
femo of passing multitudes which re­
ly throngs in Union Square.)

27. JOHN MARIN
Morin Island, Maine. 1932
Courtesy of
Kennedy Galleries. Inc., NY, NY

interpretations of the American Scene
its "regionalist" character, in terms of
: Museum of Modern Art helped to in15

�NOTES

itiate this line of thinking with its Sixteen Cities Exhibition in
1933. Some of the artists in the present show who were in­
cluded in that event are Bohrod (Chicago), Carter
(Cleveland), Speight (Philadelphia), Jones (St. Louis), and
Burchfield (Buffalo). Taken as a whole, however, it would be
difficult to discern regionally distinctive styles. Differences
existed more amongst individual artists than amongst re­
gions. (Jones could have passed for a New Yorker, Burchfield
for a midwesterner, in their works shown here.) It is more im­
portant to remember that the American Scene movement, as
a whole, addressed itself to both the realities and poten­
tialities of American life. Broadly speaking, it showed less
concern for the preoccupations with matters of form, which
had characterized the previous decade.

’Not all artists followed this pattern. A few, like Arthur Dove
and Stuart Davis, continued along their radial course. For a
discussion of individual artists, see Milton Brown, American
Painting from the Armory Show to the Depression. 1955.

1. MILTON AVERY ( 1893-1965&gt;
Baby Avery 1932
Oil on canvas, 30 x 25
March Avery Cavanaugh

2Art Digest, November 1, 1933, p. 25.

2Art News, October 8, 1932, p. 3.
&lt;Art Digest, November 1, 1933, p. 17.
“ibid.

'•Art Digest, January 15, 1933, p. 10.

7Art Digest, November 1, 1933, p. 19.

Although our perception cannot but be colored by the ex­
traordinary diversity and energy of American art in recent
decades, a feeling of chasteness in style and expression seems
to pervade the art of this exhibition. Few of the artists rep­
resented here sought to strain the emotions or tax the intel­
lect. The art world of 1933 clearly tolerated a broad range of
approaches, but with many conservatives assimilating onceheretical pronouncements of modernism, and many modern­
ists tipping their hats to tradition, extremes were moderated.
Older revolutions still glowed in the art of artists like Davis
and Marin, and a forthcoming revolution lurked in the work
of Gorky, but the impact of the newer European radicalisms.
Surrealism and geometric non-objectivity, was as yet hardly
felt. Established values and cautious change were the order of
the day.

*2. THOMAS HART BENTON
(1889-1975)
Coming Round the Mountain
1931
Lithograph, 8', x II ,
New Britain Museum of
American Art
William F. Brooks Fund. 69.39

“Art Digest, October, 1931, p. 9.
’op,cit., p. 17.

’“Art Digest, June 1, 1933, p. 1 ff.
’’Art Digest, July 1, 1933, p. 6.

12Art Digest, October 1, 1933, p. 9.
’’For a discussion of this issue, see Matthew Baigell, The
American Scene Painting of the 1930's, 1974.

“Art Digest, May 1, 1933, p. 3.
lsArt in America, January, 1982, pp. 9-15.

William H. Sterling
Chairman
Art Department
Wilkes College

3. ISABEL BISHOP (b. 1902)
Dante and Virgil in Union
Square, 1932
Oil on canvas. 27 x 52’,
Delaware Art Museum,
Gift of the Friends of Art
4. OSCAR BLUEMNER (1867-1938)
Radiant Night, 1933
Oil on canvas (mounted on
aluminum), 34 x 47
Addison Gallery of American
Art, Phillips Academy,
Andover, Massachusetts

*5

16

AARON BOHROD (b. 19071
Self-Portrait. 1932
Lithograph, 13 x 9
Butler Institute of American Art.
Youngstown, Ohio

�NOTES
this pattern. A few, like Arthur Dove
nued along their radial course. For a
artists, see Milton Brown, American
try Show to the Depression, 1955.

LIST OF WORKS

I

1. MILTON AVERY (1893-1965)
Baby Avery, 1932
Oil on canvas, 30 x 25
March Avery Cavanaugh

1, 1933, p. 25.
1932, p. 3.
1, 1933, p. 17.

1933, p. 10.
1933, p. 19.

31, p. 9.

3, p. 1 ff.

1933, p. 9.
is issue, see Matthew Baigell, The
of the 1930's, 1974.

j, 1982, pp. 9-15.

*2. THOMAS HART BENTON
(1889-1975)
Coming 'Round the Mountain,
1931
Lithograph, 8% x 11%
New Britain Museum of
American Art
William F. Brooks Fund, 69.39
3. ISABEL BISHOP (b. 1902)
Dante and Virgil in Union
Square, 1932
Oil on canvas, 27 x 52%
Delaware Art Museum,
Gift of the Friends of Art
4. OSCAR BLUEMNER (1867-1938)
Radiant Night, 1933
Oil on canvas (mounted on
aluminum), 34 x 47
Addison Gallery of American
Art, Phillips Academy,
Andover, Massachusetts

*5

AARON BOHROD (b. 1907)
Self-Portrait. 1932
Lithograph, 13 x 9
Butler Institute of American Art,
Youngstown, Ohio

6. ROBERT BRACKMAN
(1898-1980)
Somewhere in America, c. 1933
Oil on canvas, 30% x 25%
National Museum of American
Art, Smithsonian Institution,
Transfer from
U.S. Department of Labor
7. CHARLES BURCHFIELD
(1883-1967)
Lilacs, 1927-29
Oil on canvas, 2436 x 353/&lt;
Delaware Art Museum
John L. Sexton Bequest

8. ARTHUR B. CARLES
(1882-1952)
Bouquet Abstraction, c. 1930
Oil on canvas, 313A x 36
Lent by the
Whitney Museum of American
Art, New York;
Purchase, 1953. 53.41
9. CLARENCE CARTER (b. 1904)
The Red Bam, 1931
Watercolor, 1336 x 2036
New Britain Museum of
American Art
Gift of Norman Kent

10. JOHN STEUART CURRY
(1897-1946)
Clyde Beatty, 1932
Oil on canvas, 20J/2 x 3016
Courtesy of
Kennedy Galleries, Inc., NY, NY
17

11. STUART DAVIS, (1894-1964)
Table With Pipe, c. 1929
Oil on canvas, 3134 x 2134
Pennsylvania Academy
of the Fine Arts
Lambert Fund Purchase
12. ARTHUR G. DOVE, (1880-1946)
Silver Ball, 1929-30
Oil on canvas, 18 x 22
Vassar College Art Gallery
Poughkeepsie, New York
Gift of Paul Rosenfeld
13. GUY PENE DuBOIS (1884-1958)
People, 1927
Oil on canvas, 45 x 57Vz
Pennsylvania Academy
of the Fine Arts
Temple Fund Purchase

*14. JOHN BERNARD FLANNAGAN
(1895-1942)
Mother and Child, c. 1933
Black crayon on paper, 17% x 934
Vassar College Art Gallery,
Poughkeepsie, New York
Gift of the Weyhe Gallery

15. ARSHILE GORKY, (1904-1948)
Landscape, 1933
Oil on canvas, 25 x 21
The Metropolitan Museum of Art
Gift of Dr. Meyer A. Pearlman,
1964

�16. EUGENE HIGGINS (1874-1958)
The Black Cloud. c. 1930-31
Oil on canvas. 30 x 40%
National Museum of American
Art, Smithsonian Institution
Bequest of Henry Ward Ranger
through the National Academy of
Design

21.

22.

17. EDWARD HOPPER (1882-1967)
Farmhouse at Essex ..Mass 1929
Watercolor, 14 x 20
Courtesy of
Kennedy Galleries, Inc. NY, NY
23

18. JOE JONES, (1909-1963)
Street Scene, 1933
Oil on canvas, 25% x 36%
National Museum of American
Art, Smithsonian Institution,
Transfer from
U.S. Department of Labor
19.

MORRIS KANTOR (1896-1974,
Farewell to Union Square. 1931
Oil on canvas, 36V, x 27%
Collection of
The Newark Museum

20.

KARL KNATHS (1891-1971)
Maritime, 1931
Oil on canvas, 40 x 32
The Phillips Collection,
Washington, D.C.

28. KENNETH HAYES MILLER
The Little Coat and Fur Shop- 1931
Collection Museum of Art,
The Pennsylvania State University

*2

�16. EUGENE HIGGINS (1874-1958)
The Black Cloud, c. 1930-31
Oil on canvas, 30 x 40%
National Museum of American
Art, Smithsonian Institution
Bequest of Henry Ward Ranger
through the National Academy of
Design
17. EDWARD HOPPER (1882-1967)
Farmhouse at Essex, Mass.. 1929
Watercolor, 14 x 20
Courtesy of
Kennedy Galleries, Inc. NY, NY

18. TOE JONES, (1909-1963)
Street Scene. 1933
Oil on canvas, 25% x 36%
National Museum of American
Art, Smithsonian Institution,
Transfer from
U.S. Department of Labor
19. MORRIS KANTOR (1896-1974)
Farewell to Union Square, 1931
Oil on canvas, 36% x 27%
Collection of
The Newark Museum

ER
hop. 1931
t,
niversity

20. KARL KNATHS (1891-1971)
Maritime. 1931
Oil on canvas, 40 x 32
The Phillips Collection,
Washington, D.C.

21. LEON KROLL (1884-1974)
A Road Through The Willows,
1933
Oil on canvas, 26 x 42
Lent by the Whitney Museum of
American Art, New York;
Purchase, 1934. 34.17

26. GEORGE BENJAMIN LUKS
(1867-1933)
Red Bam, Berkshire Hills, c. 1930
Watercolor, 13% x 1916
Collection Museum of Art,
The Pennsylvania State
University

22. WALT KUHN (1880-1949)
Grenadier, 1930
Oil on canvas, 30 x 25
Courtesy of
Kennedy Galleries, Inc., NY, NY

27. JOHN MARIN (1870-1953)
Marin Island, Maine, 1932
Watercolor, 15 x 2136
Courtesy of
Kennedy Galleries, Inc., NY, NY

23. YASUO KUNIYOSHI (1893-1953)
Fruit on Table, 1932
Oil on canvas, 42 x 30
Nebraska Art Association
Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Samuel
Waugh; Courtesy Sheldon
Memorial Art Gallery
University of Nebraska-Lincoln

28. KENNETH HAYES MILLER
(1876-1952)
The Little Coat and Fur Shop,
1931
Oil on board, 4216 x 3016
Collection Museum of Art,
The Pennsylvania State
University

*24. GASTON LACHAISE
(1882-1935)
Woman, c. 1930
Pencil on paper, 19 x 12%
Vassar College Art Gallery,
Poughkeepsie, New York
Gift of Agnes Rindge Claflin

29. JEROME MYERS (1867-1940)
Street Shrine, 1931
Oil on canvas, 40% x 30
National Museum of American
Art, Smithsonian Institution
Bequest of Henry Ward Ranger
through the National Academy of
Design

*25. LOUIS LOZOWICK (1892-1973)
Midair, 1932
Lithograph 35/50, 16 x 11 ¥2
The Art Museum, Princeton
University
(Bequest of Henry K. Dick,
Class of 1909)

I
19

30. HENRY VARNUM POOR
(1888-1970)
Paris Self-Portrait, 1930
Oil on canvas, 27V1 x 3036
Collection Museum of Art,
The Pennsylvania State Museum
Gift of the Class of 1932

�31. CHARLES SHEELER (1883-1965)
Delmonico Building, 1926
Lithograph, 10 x 7%
Collection Museum of Art,
The Pennsylvania State
University
32. JOHN SLOAN (1871-1951)
Girl Back to the Piano, 1932
Oil on canvas, 20 x 24
Kraushaar Galleries
33. FRANCIS SPEIGHT (b. 1896)
Coal Slag Heap, 1932
Oil on canvas, 27 x 31%
Collection Museum of Art,
The Pennsylvania State
University

34. MAURICE STERNE (1878-1957)
Portrait of Assunta, c. 1932
Oil on masonite, 25% x 19%6
Vassar College Art Gallery,
Poughkeepsie, New York
35. JOHN STORRS (1885-1956)
Opposing Forms, 1932
Bronz relief, 9% x 10Vi
Courtesy Robert Schoelkopf
Gallery
36. ISAAC SOYER (1907-1981)
Cafeteria, 1930
Oil on canvas, 21% x 25%
Brooks Memorial Art Gallery,
Memphis, TN;
Gift of Mr. E. R. Brumley 45-12

37. BRADLEY WALKER TOMLIN
(1899-1953)
Studio Window, c. 1928
Oil on canvas, 39 x 32
Pennsylvania Academy
of the Fine Arts
Lambert Fund Purchase
38. FRANKLIN WATKINS
(1894-1972)
Girl Thinking, 1933
Oil on canvas, 12’/16 x 9%
Munson-Williams-Proctor
Institute, Utica, New York
Bequest of Edward W. Root
39. MAX WEBER (1881-1961)
Straggley Pine, 1933
Oil on canvas, 24 x 32
The Metropolitan Museum of Art
George A. Hearn Fund, 1937
40. MARGUERITE ZORACH
(1887-1968)
The Picnic, 1928
Oil, 34 x 44
Kraushaar Galleries
41. WILLIAM ZORACH (1887-1966)
Artist's Daughter, 1932
Bronze, 25% x 15 x 11
Zabriskie Gallery

'No photograph available.

�1. MILTON AVERY
Baby Avery, 1932
March Avery Cavanaugh

ZJ

���b ROBERT BRACKMAN
Sun? 'I-hcri- Hl A’rfir■'/&gt; 4 C

19J3

National M-.&lt;
'•: AnMTtcar Art.
SmithMrnun Institution
Tranter from
’ ■ $ Drpartm-eiV «t Labor

7. CHARLES BLkCHFlEi-T5
b/a
1927-2*
Mr! a ware Ar*
John I Si
'f

�BERT BRACKMAN
tewhere in America, c. 1933
ional Museum of American Art,
thsonian Institution,
nsfer from
. Department of Labor

■ &lt;_nAr&lt;LtS BUR CHFIELD
Lakes 1927-29
Delaware Art Museum
John L. Sextos Bequest

25

�9. CLARENCE CARTER
The Red Bam. 1&lt;?31
New Britain Museum of American Art.
Gift of Norman Kent

8. ARTHUR B. CARLES
Bouquet Abstraction, c. 1930
Lent by the Whitney Museum of
American Art, New York;
Purchase, 1953. 53.41

26

���11. STUART DAVIS
Table With Pipe, 1930
Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts
Lambert Fund Purchase

�12. ARTHUR G. DOVE
Silver Ball. 1929-30
Vassar College Art Gallery,
Poughkeepsie, New York
Gift of Paul Rosenfeld

13. GUY PENT DuBOIS
People c. 1927
Pennsylvania Academy nf the Fine .
Temple Fund Purchase

30

��16. EUGENE HIGGINS
The Black Cloud c. 1930-31
National Museum of American Ar: Snuthsci
Bequest of Henry Ward Ranger through
the National Academy of Design

�l

15. ARSHILE GORKY
Landscape, 1933
The Metropolitan Museum of Art
Gift of Dr. Meyer A. Pearlman, 1964

16. EUGENE HIGGINS
The Black Cloud, c. 1930-31
National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution
Bequest of Henry Ward Ranger through
the National Academy of Design

33

�aid
33B

�19. MORRIS KANTOR
Farewell to Union Square, 1931
Collection of
The Newark Museum

�21. LEON KROLL
A Road Through The Willows 19
Lent by the Whitney Museum of
American Art. Nev, York;
Purchase, 1934, 34 17

�FHS
131
Collection, Washington

����1YERS
ze, 1931
[useum of American Art,
n Institution
Henry Ward Ranger through the
cademy of Design

30.

henry varnum poor
Paris Self-Portrait, 1930
Collection Museum of Art
The Pennsylvania State University
Gift of the Class of 1932

��31. CHARLES SHEELER
Delmonico Building, 1926
Collection Museum of Art,
The Pennsylvania State University

��-

I

34. MAURICE STERNE
Portrait of Assunta, c. 1932
Vassar College Art Gallery,
Poughkeepsie, New York

�35. JOHN STORRS
Opposing Forms, 1932
Courte»y Robert Schoelkopf Gallery

46

���WLEY WALKER TOMLIN
dio Window, c. 1928
msylvania Academy
he Fine Aris
nbert Fund Purchase

38. FRANKLIN WATKINS
Girl Thinking, 1933
Munson-Williams-Proctor Institute, Utica, New York
Bequest of Edward W. Root

�39. MAX WEBER
Straggley Pine, 1933
The Metropolitan Museum of Art
George A. Hearn Fund, 1937

^arguertte zorach
Picnic. 1928
Krau5haar Gallery

��s o R D ° N 1

ART GALLERY
WILKES COLLEGE

Director

Judith H. O'Toole

Advisory Commission

Albert Margolies, Chairma
Robert S. Capin
Aleta Connell
Patricia Davies
Juliette Epstein
Richard Fuller
Thomas Kelly
Shirley Klein
Sue Kluger
Paul Mailloux
Marilyn Maslow
Robert Ott
Sandy Rifkin
Jill Saporito
Helen Farr Sloan
Andrew Sordoni. Ill
William Sterling
^,S°uth Rsver Street
Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania
(717) 824-4651, Ext. 388

�RACH
ter, 1932
sy

SORDO N I
art gallery
WILKES COLLEGE

Director
Judith H. O'Toole

Advisory Commission
Albert Margolies, Chairman
Robert S. Capin
Aleta Connell
Patricia Davies
Juliette Epstein
Richard Fuller
Thomas Kelly
Shirley Klein
Sue Kluger
Paul Mailloux
Marilyn Maslow
Robert Ott
Sandy Rifkin
Jill Saporito
Helen Farr Sloan
Andrew Sordoni, III
William Sterling

150 South River Street
Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania 18766
(717) 824-4651, Ext. 388

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                <text>Milton Avery</text>
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                <text>Isabel Bishop</text>
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                <text>Clarence Carter</text>
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                <text>John Stuart Curry</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="400361">
                <text>Gaston Lachaise</text>
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                <text>Maurice Sterne</text>
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                <text>Franklin Watkins</text>
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                    <text>Carl Sprinchorn:
Realist Impulse and RomanticVision

SORD GA
ND237
S644A3
1984

�Carl Sprmchorn: Realist Impulse and RomanticVision
Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes College
Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania
November 13 through December 30, 1983

Westmoreland County Museum of Art
Greensburg, Pennsylvania
January 14 through February 26, 1984

The Jane Voorhees Zimmerli Art Museum
Rutgers — The State University of New Jersey
New Brunswick, New Jersey
April 8 through June 3, 1984

Exhibition organized by the Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes College
and supported by grants from
The John Sloan Memorial Foundation
and the Sordoni Foundation, Inc.

E.S. FARLEY LIBRARY
WILKES UNIVERSITY
WILKES-BARRE, PA

1

�Table Of Contents

Acknowledgements ...
Reminiscences of Carl Sprinchom
Carl Sprinchom:
Realist Impulse and Romantic Vision

Checklist of the Exhibition .

2. Robert Henri (1865-1929)
Portrait of Carl Sprinchom, 1910
Oil on canvas
Gift of Anna Sprinchom Johnson, 76.43
Herbert F. Johnson Museum of Art
Cornell University

"Sprinchom has proven by his concentrated persistent devotion to his work, that
nothing diverts him from the high purpose and standard he has set for himself.
Robert Henri said of him that he considered him a genius and on such occasions as
I have exhibited his work, it has met with high praise from critics, artists and
connoisseurs. In fact, it is only due to the artist's modesty and concentration on the
effort he makes in his work, that he has failed to achieve from a material point of
view what is called 'success'.''
Marie Sterner
Quoted from a letter to the
John Simon Guggenheim Memorial
Foundation. 1941
(UMO&gt;

2

4
5

8
. . .17

�Table Of Contents

Acknowledgements

4

Reminiscences of Carl Sprinchorn . .

5

Carl Sprinchorn:
Realist Impulse and Romantic Vision
Checklist of the Exhibition

8

17

: devotion to his work, that
rd he has set for himself,
uus and on such occasions as
from critics, artists and
esty and concentration on the
eve from a material point of

Marie Sterner
Quoted from a letter to the
John Simon Guggenheim Memorial
Foundation 1941
(UMOi

3

�Reminiscences of Carl Spriiuhorn

Acknowledgements

by Bennard B Perlmw.

This exhibition of the works of Carl Sprinchorn
(1887-1971) is the first major presentation dedicated to that
artist since the memorial exhibition held at the University
of Maine (Orono) one year after his death. It is our hope
that this will be the first step in bringing recognition to an
artist whom Robert Henri called a genius — an artist who
withdrew from what he thought to be the hyprocrisy of the
art market and devoted himself entirely to his painting.
There are many people to whom I am indebted for their
assistance with this project. I would like to thank Sandy
and Arnold Rifkin for bringing Sprinchom’s work to my
attention and for suggesting an exhibition. Special thanks
are reserved for Kathryn Freeman annd Frederica Beinert,
life-long friends of the artist, who, despite an illness, gave
lovely, long afternoons to me in conversations about their

i

i

cherished friend. Robert F. and Patricia Ross We^ v
also graciously open with their reminiscences j?J »vi«h
their collection.
A week was spent at the University of Maine lOrono: jn
preparation for the accompanying essay. 1 would like to
thank Edward Kellog. Head of the Special Collections De­
partment at the Raymond H. Fogler Library and his staff
for giving me access to the Spnnchorn papers: and Mr
Ron Ghiz, then Acting Director of the Art Collections, tor
arranging for me to see their holdings bv Sprinchorn
I am grateful too for the enthusiastic support ot Mrs John
Sloan; Andrew J. Sordoni, III: Robert S. ( apin President
of Wilkes College: the members of my Advisory Commis
sion; and the competence of my assi ' mt. Douglas Evans
Judith H. O Toole, Director

It was shortly before I vilock or
.
- ■
July 16th when 1 arrived at C.iri Sprincnom apartment
tor the interview My rapid gait gradually slewed as 1
climbed the last flight ot stairs to his ritth floor walkup
at 535 Hudson Street located on the western fringe ot
Greenwich Village in Lower Manhattan
The year was 195o and when (hi door wa-. opened,
my initial reaction was that the artist who cordially
greeted me appeared mm h younger than his s.xty-nme
years. His head was sculpturesque: a prominent nose
deep-set eves, high cheek bones and a strong jaw
My mission was to gather information tor a book
about The Eight
which included interviewing artist',
such as Sprinchorn who had been a student of Robert
Henri According to my notes of that visit the Swedishborn painter initially remarked I was probably the first
European to come to America to study' art. adding that
he was only sixteen years old at the time. Three day-,
after his arrival in the fall of 1903 he was enrolled at the
New York School of Art
Now, a halt century later, i twenty eight-year-old
artist and college teacher sat in awe ot the older man.
who was able to instantly and accurately recall dates
and incidents from his youth Sprinchorn spoke ot the
good-natured hazing and pranks perpetrated on each
new enrollee in the Henri class and how another teacher,
William Merritt Chase, would always turn to h&gt;s pupil
Walter Path when he wav stumped for ar. artist's name
or a date important in art history
When Henri withdrew from the school after six years
because he was owed 5800 in back salary, and
established his own classes in the Lincoln Anade in
January. 1W, Sprinchorn related how his students
demonstrated their loyalty by parading with their
canvases down Broadway from the former school to the
new location at 66th Street Carl Sprinchorn served fur a
time as manager of the Henri School
When the interviewer made a chance remark about
Mr, Sprinchorn's apartment being just three blocks from
the Hudson River, it prompted the artist to recall one of
his teacher s critiques in which he took special pride: in
Henri's Composition Class, forty or fifty student works
would be placed against a wall, he explained One
week there were several paintings of the Hudson River
from which he took his cue. talking for nearly an hour
about the varied sweep of the shoreline, the appropriate
placement of boats along the river and the different
proportions of water to land and sky. After dwelling at
length on a Bellows interpretation. Henn finally fumed
and pointed a three-foot maul stick toward a large
canvas by me," Sprinchorn remarked Then Her n
observed. AU of you have shown boats going up and

doe,
the)

K
Spr
tkb
an ,
afte
t xh

Dir
Bal
tho
cou
arc
eve
Nel
of .
dis,

1
Cai

yel
wj

Ah
for

�Reminiscences of Carl Sprinchorn
by Bonnard B. Perlman

cherished friend. Robert F. and Patricia Ross Weis were
It was shortly before 1 o’clock on a hot and humid
also graciously open with their reminiscences and with July 16th when I arrived at Carl Sprinchorn’s apartment
their collection.
for the interview. My rapid gait gradually slowed as I
A week was spent at the University of Maine (Orono) in climbed the last flight of stairs to his fifth-floor walkup
preparation for the accompanying essay. I would like to at 535 Hudson Street, located on the western fringe of
thank Edward Kellog, Head of the Special Collections De­ Greenwich Village in Lower Manhattan.
partment at the Raymond H. Fogler Library, and his staff
The year was 1956 and when the door was opened,
for giving me access to the Sprinchorn papers; and Mr. my initial reaction was that the artist who cordially
Ron Ghiz, then Acting Director of the Art Collections, for greeted me appeared much younger than his sixty-nine
arranging for me to see their holdings by Sprinchorn.
years. His head was sculpturesque: a prominent nose,
I am grateful too for the enthusiastic support of Mrs. John deep-set eyes, high cheek bones and a strong jaw.
Sloan; Andrew J. Sordoni, 111; Robert S. Capin, President
My mission was to gather information for a book
of Wilkes College; the members of my Advisory Commis­ about "The Eight,"1 which included interviewing artists
sion; and the competence of my assistant, Douglas Evans. such as Sprinchorn who had been a student of Robert
Judith H. O Toole, Director Henri. According to my notes of that visit, the Sw'edishborn painter initially remarked: "1 was probably the first
European to come to America to study art," adding that
he was only sixteen years old at the time. Three days
after his arrival in the fall ol 1903 he was enrolled at the
New York School of Art.
Now, a half-century later, a twenty-eight-year-old
artist and college teacher sat in awe of the older man,
who was able to instantly and accurately recall dates
and incidents from his youth. Sprinchorn spoke of the
good-natured hazing and pranks perpetrated on each
new enrollee in the Henri class and how another teacher,
William Merritt Chase, would always turn to his pupil
Walter Pach when he was stumped for an artist's name
or a date important in art history.
When Henri withdrew from the school after six years
because he was owed $800 in back salary, and
established his own classes in the Lincoln Arcade in
January, 1909, Sprinchorn related how his students
demonstrated their loyalty by parading with their
canvases down Broadway from the former school to the
new location at 66th Street. Carl Sprinchorn served for a
time as manager of the Henri School.
When the interviewer made a chance remark about
Mr. Sprinchorn’s apartment being just three blocks from
the Hudson River, it prompted the artist to recall one of
his teacher's critiques in which he took special pride: "In
Henri's Composition Class, forty or fifty student works
would be placed against a wall," he explained. "One
week there were several paintings of the Hudson River
from which he took his cue, talking for nearly an hour
about the varied sweep of the shoreline, the appropriate
placement of boats along the river and the different
proportions of water to land and sky. After dwelling at
length on a Bellows interpretation, Henri finally turned
and pointed a three-foot maul stick toward a large
canvas by me," Sprinchorn remarked. "Then Henri
observed: 'All of you have shown boats going up and

This exhibition of the works of Carl Sprinchorn
(1887-1971) is the first major presentation dedicated to that
artist since the memorial exhibition held at the University
of Maine (Orono) one year after his death. It is our hope
that this will be the first step in bringing recognition to an
artist whom Robert Henri called a genius — an artist who
withdrew from what he thought to be the hyprocrisy of the
art market and devoted himself entirely to his painting.
There are many people to whom I am indebted for their
assistance with this project. I would like to thank Sandy
and Arnold Rifkin for bringing Sprinchorn’s work to my
attention and for suggesting an exhibition. Special thanks
are reserved for Kathryn Freeman annd Frederica Beinert,
life-long friends of the artist, who, despite an illness, gave
lovely, long afternoons to me in conversations about their

4

dowi
they

Ki
Sprii
(Bah
an a
alter
exhil
Dire
recoi
Balti
thou
cour
are r
ever
New
of ai
disci
T1
Carl
yelk
was
Afte
forrr

tl
a1
ai

N
o
h

L
a
cl
a
ti

A
it

S
tt

it

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/
5
ti

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t
b

�Reminiscences of Carl Sprinchorn
| bv Bennard B. Perlman

Robert F. and Patricia Ross Weis were
en with their reminiscences and with
t at the University of Maine (Orono) in
accompanying essay. I would like to
&gt;g. Head of the Special Collections De­
smond H. Fogler Library, and his staff
;s to the Sprinchorn papers; and Mr.
ng Director of the Art Collections, for
see their holdings by Sprinchorn.
or the enthusiastic support of Mrs. John
jrdoni. III; Robert S. Capin, President
he members of my Advisory' Commistence of my assistant, Douglas Evans.
Judith H. O'Toole, Director

It was shortly before 1 o'clock on a hot and humid
July 16th when I arrived at Carl Sprinchorn's apartment
for the interview. My rapid gait gradually slowed as I
climbed the last flight of stairs to his fifth-floor walkup
at 535 Hudson Street, located on the western fringe of
Greenwich Village in Lower Manhattan.
The year was 1956 and when the door was opened,
my initial reaction was that the artist who cordially
greeted me appeared much younger than his sixty-nine
years. His head was sculpturesque: a prominent nose,
deep-set eyes, high cheek bones and a strong jaw.
My mission was to gather information for a book
about "The Eight,"’ which included interviewing artists
such as Sprinchorn who had been a student of Robert
Henri. According to my notes of that visit, the Swedishbom painter initially remarked: "I was probably the first
European to come to America to study art," adding that
he was only sixteen years old at the time. Three days
after his arrival in the fall of 1903 he was enrolled at the
New York School of Art.
Now, a half-century later, a twenty-eight-year-old
artist and college teacher sat in awe of the older man,
who was able to instantly and accurately recall dates
and incidents from his youth. Sprinchorn spoke of the
good-natured hazing and pranks perpetrated on each
new enrollee in the Henri class and how another teacher,
William Merritt Chase, would always turn to his pupil
Walter Pach when he was stumped for an artist's name
or a date important in art history.
When Henri withdrew from the school after six years
because he was owed S800 in back salary, and
established his own classes in the Lincoln Arcade in
January, 1909, Sprinchorn related how his students
demonstrated their loyalty by parading with their
canvases down Broadway from the former school to the
new location at 66th Street. Carl Sprinchorn served for a
time as manager of the Henri School.
When the interviewer made a chance remark about
Mr. Sprinchorn's apartment being just three blocks from
the Hudson River, it prompted the artist to recall one of
his teacher's critiques in which he took special pride: In
Henri's Composition Class, forty or fifty student works
would be placed against a wall," he explained. "One
week there were several paintings of the Hudson River
from w'hich he took his cue, talking for nearly an hour
about the varied sweep of the shoreline, the appropriate
placement of boats along the river and the different
proportions of water to land and sky. After dwelling at
length on a Bellows interpretation, Henri finally turned
and pointed a three-foot maul stick toward a large
canvas by me," Sprinchorn remarked. "Then Henri
observed: 'All of you have shown boats going up and

down the river. Only this painting demonstrates that
they go across the river as well'."
Knowing that I hailed from Baltimore, Carl
Sprinchorn produced a three-decade-old copy of The
(Baltimore) Sun in which his picture appeared along-side
an article. It referred to his having been in Baltimore to
attend the opening of a Modern French Painting
exhibition at the Museum of Art. In his capacity as
Director of New York's New Gallery, Sprinchorn had
recommended that a similar facility be established in
Baltimore. "At the New Galleries hundreds, if not
thousands, of young artists show their work during the
course of the year," he had been quoted as saying. "We
are not a commercial institution. Rather, we exist to give
every opportunity to talent when it reveals itself. The
New Gallery has proved the means of 'finding' a number
of artists whose work otherwise never might have been
discovered."2
The article, though interesting, was a digression. Then
Carl Sprinchorn produced another publication, a
yellowing copy of Putnam's Monthly Magazine which
was more to the point. It explained how his oil entitled
After a Snowstorm was in part responsible for the
formation of "the Eight":
... It was this painting, among others, the rejection
of which by his fellow jurymen caused Robert Henri,
the distinguished figure-painter, to withdraw his own
accepted paintings from the exhibition of 1906-07,
and to criticize the conventional standards of the
National Academy so unsparingly. On that
occasion, in the course of a published interview,
he [Henri] said:
Life's philosophy can be expressed as strongly in art
as through any other medium, and the painter who
does this faltering at first, perhaps, and yet with the
assurance of definite aim and purpose and future
triumph, is the man to uphold, to encourage, and a
National Academy in fact as in name would
inevitably so uphold and so encourage. Carl
Sprinchorn — to select an incident that comes to
mind — goes down into a grimy, squalid side street
in the slums of New York, and with a blizzard
raging, catches a big new note and places it upon
canvas with haunting effect. But placed before the
Academy jury, does it receive the slightest
recognition? Quite the contrary; it is rejected.
Sprinchorn is young and has never been honored by
the admission of a painting in the Academy, yet I
know of few more promising painters. His story is
the story of every man of whatever calling who has
brought with him something new. . . I

5

�i

played in the history of American Art, bu: as an artist
my fascination was with the masterful handling of paint
the spontaneous, slashing brushstrokes, the verve and

1 i

Sprinchorn canvas to have sung its praises the year
before, in 1906, when he showed it to a newspaper
reporter during an interview in his classroom:
Here is the work of a boy named Sprinchorn . . •
New York whitewings cleaning east side streets after
a snowstorm - not an idealized study but just as we
have seen them . . . Truthful, isn't it? Well, a couple
of years ago that boy came to me with a study in
still-life to show as a specimen of his work — rruit,
I think it was, or a glove and a water pitcher
you
know the kind. It was one of the worst I ever saw,
and I told him so. He stopped studying bananas and
water pitchers and went out to look at life
plain
New York life, as he could find it anywhere. Now
he paints that kind, and his work has more virility
and character to it than years of academic puttering
over mush could give it.4
The flap referred to in Putnam's Magazine over the
Carl Sprinchorn painting, and one by George Luks
called Woman with Macaws, actually came after the
jurying for the 1907 National Academy of Design
Annual but before the exhibition opened. Both works
had been placed in a number three category, signifying
that they would be hung if space permitted. As was the
custom, the Academy jury, of which Henri was a
member, was called upon to inspect and approve the
selection and placement of the paintings by a threemember Hanging Committee. But when Henri noticed
that both the Sprinchorn and Luks canvases had been
eliminated from the show, he pointed out an area in one
of the galleries where they could be hung. A member of
the Hanging Committee questioned his intent. Did he
mean to "improve the wall" or simply see to it that the
work of certain men was hung? Henri's reply was direct
and to the point: "I don't care for the wall, I only care
for the men."5
Despite the forthright response, or perhaps because of
it, the two compositions were hunted up and hung in the
show. Henri's triumph was short-lived, however, for the
following day they were eliminated once more, the
excuse being that "the two paintings in question spoiled
the mural effect of the other pictures hung nearby."5
This was due, of course, to the unconventional nature of
the subject matter and painting styles, neither of which
conformed to the academic norm of the day.
And then Carl Sprinchorn told me that he still owned
the canvas I I was ushered into the adjoining room
where he pulled the 30-by-40-inch composition from a
large collection of his work. As a historian I was
naturally impressed by the pivotal role this cityscape had

dash.

Sprinchorn explained how he had produced it from a
third-floor window of a building on the northeast corner
of 56th Street, looking south on Eleventh Avenue. The
painting was predominantly gray, possessing just the
slightest evidence of yellow ochre and Venetian red in
two tenements in the right middleground. Factories and
four tall smokestacks served as a backdrop for huge
snow drifts which dominated the entire lower half of the
composition. "I started it early one morning on that kind
of a day and finished it before dark and have never
touched it since," the artist would reveal in a letter some
years later.7
But now he shared another secret: The subject of his
cityscape was a block from the Hudson River, on the
west side of New York; however, Henri's repeated
reference to it in 1906 and '07 as the East Side caused
him to retitle it A Winter Scene on the East Side, New
York, 1907s (cat. no. 1).
Although we talked for another hour, the high point
of that July day in 1956 had been the privilege of
meeting Carl Sprinchorn and viewing A Winter Scene.
Later that afternoon I visited a well-known New York
collector and shared my enthusiasm for the painting, but
he was not sufficiently interested to contact the artist.
The following month I told a museum director of the
find but her acquisitions of American Art were more
contemporary in nature. Determined to locate a buyer
for the masterwork, I mentioned its availability to Bob
Graham, of James Graham &amp; Sons on Madison Avenue,
and that conversation bore fruit. In January, Carl
Sprinchorn wrote that Mr. Graham had paid him a visit
and "is the agent for the painting — it now being in his
gallery (with several later works of mine)."’ And in
February, 1957 the Sprinchorn canvas was included in
an exhibition at Graham's called Aspects of American
Painting, 1910-1954, which also featured paintings by
Stuart Davis, John Marin, Alfred Maurer, Walter racn.
Morgan Russell and Stanton MacDonald-Wright.'
Still determined that Carl Sprinchorn's major
composition should find a home, I finally succeede in
whetting the appetite of a Baltimore couple, c0 ec ° j
and friends, who have cherished it all of these years
who graciously agreed to lend it to this show.
During the late 1950s. Carl Sprinchorn and I
corresponded regularly. The routine was that
send him questions relative to my research c°n&lt;ie_
The Eight" and he. in return, wrote wonderfu y
detailed and lengthy missives. On one occasion

6

list of all of the Henri students whose names
a volume of the American Art Annual, and S
noted beside the names of those he knew thei
and whether they had studied at the New Yo:
of Art or the Henri School. When one of my
proved too much even for him. he forwarded
fellow art school classmates, Edward and Josi
Hopper, so that they could fill in the blanks.
Sprinchorn's enthusiams and assistance appea
unending.
Yet on August 2, 1964 I received my last It
Carl Sprinchorn. "I've had a stroke," he info:
"which accounts for this very poor writing."
concluded that four-page missive with these i
"Thank you for including me in such a flatte
your book. Much has happened since those c
more is bound to happen, but of that, some
But for me, Sprinchorn's "some other time" r

�T
i

ed in the history of American Art, but as an artist
artist
fascination was with the masterful handlmg of paint
spontaneous,
—slashing
dashine brushstrokes,
rus s ro es the«■ verve and

list of all of the Henri students whose names appeared in
I a vo]ume of the American Art Annual, and Sprinchorn
noted beside the names of those he knew their addresses

1. The Immortal Eight: American Painting from Eakins to the
Armory Show (1962; revised edition, 1979).
2. "Gallery for 'Modern' Artists in Baltimore Urged by Painter,"
The (Baltimore) Sun, January, 10, 1925.
_
3. "The Lounger" Column, Putnam's Monthly &amp; The Reader,
V (December, 1908), p. 376.
4. Izola Forrester, "New York's Art Anarchists: Here Is the
Revolutionary Creed of Robert Henri and His Followers," New
York World, June 10, 1906,
5. "That Tragic Wall," New York Sun, March 16, 1907.
6. 'The Henri Hurrah," American Art News, V (March 23,1907), p. 4.
7. Letter from Carl Sprinchorn to Mr. and Mrs. Sigmund M.
Hyman, September 29, 1964.
8. Carl Sprinchorn apparently erred when he included the date
"1907" in the title. Since the painting was referred to by Henri in
the June, 1906 interview, it would have been created in that year.
9. Letter from Carl Sprinchorn to the author, January 20, 1957.
10. In the catalogue for this exhibition, the Sprinchorn painting was
incorrectly titled New York City — Snow Scene, 1910.

and whether they had studied at the New York School
rinchom explained how he had produced it from a
i
of Art or the Henri School. When one of my queries
-floor window of a building on the northeast corner
proved too much even for him, he forwarded it to his
&gt;th Street, looking south on Eleventh Avenue. The
fellow art school classmates, Edward and Josephine
:ing was predominantly gray, possessing just the
Hopper, so that they could fill in the blanks.
test evidence of yellow ochre and Venetian red in
Sprinchorn's enthusiams and assistance appeared
tenements in the right middleground. Factories and
I
unending.
tall smokestacks served as a backdrop for huge
Yet on August 2, 1964 I received my last letter from
' drifts which dominated the entire lower half of th&lt;
le
Carl Sprinchorn. '‘I've had a stroke," he informed me,
&gt;osition. "I started it early one morning on that
’
kind ■ "which accounts for this very poor writing." He
day and finished it before dark and have never
concluded that four-page missive with these words:
ted it since," the artist tvould reveal in a letter some
&lt;
"Thank you for including me in such a flattering way in
later.7
your book. Much has happened since those days — and
t now he shared another secret: The subject of his
more is bound to happen, but of that, some other time."
ape was a block from the Hudson River, on the
But for me, Sprinchorn's "some other time" never came.
side of New York; however, Henri's repeated
nee to it in 1906 and '07 as the East Side caused
o retitle it A Winter Scene on the East Side, New
1907s (cat. no. 1).
hough we talked for another hour, the high point
it July day in 1956 had been the privilege of
ng Carl Sprinchorn and viewing A Winter Scene.
er that afternoon I visited a well-known New’ York
tor and shared my enthusiasm for the painting, but
s not sufficiently interested to contact the artist,
allowing month I told a museum director of the
ut her acquisitions of American Art were more
nporary in nature. Determined to locate a buyer
e masterwork, I mentioned its availability to Bob
im, of James Graham &amp; Sons on Madison Avenue,
lat conversation bore fruit. In January, Carl
:horn wrote that Mr. Graham had paid him a visit
s the agent for the painting — it now’ being in his
r (with several later works of mine)."’ And in
try, 1957 the Sprinchorn canvas was included in
libition at Graham's called Aspects of American
ig, 1910-1954, which also featured paintings by
Davis, John Marin, Alfred Maurer, Walter Pach,
in Russell and Stanton MacDonald-Wright.10
determined that Carl Sprinchorn's major
isition should find a home, I finally succeede m
ng the appetite of a Baltimore couple, collectors
iends, who have cherished it all of these years a
raciously agreed to lend it to this show'.
ing the late 1950s, Carl Sprinchorn and I
bonded regularly. The routine was that I w’ou
im questions relative to my research concern
light and he, in return, wrote wonderfu y
j a
d and lengthy missives. On one occasion

Bennard B. Perlman is a Baltimore artist, writer and lecturer who is
Professor and Chairman of the Department of Fine and Applied Arts at
the Communitty College of Baltimore. His biography, Robert Henri:
His Life and Art, will appear in the spring.

7

�,

I

I

-

’

Carl Sprinchorn:
Realist Impulse and Romantic i ision
by Judith H. O'Toole
Sprincom's first meeting with Robert Henri came
several days after he entered the latter's life class. The
student described his teacher as "a dark and sinister
looking man, raven, straight hair falling . . . over the
eyes and . . . looking up under the fringe 'tho too tall t
have needed to look under at anybody. . . ,"s Despite °
this initial impression of a stern, aloof critic in Henri
the student responded almost immediately to the
charismatic guidance of his eloquent instructor. Perh;
laps
Sprinchorn's initial exclusion from the distracting
classroom antics of his fellow students further convinced
the already committed youth to concentrate fully on his
work. His dedication and hard work seems to have paid
off as he learned his lessons quickly and well, soon
developing a strong, personal style. Henri was a teacher
who had the rare and tremendous power to instill in
others his love of art. He had attracted a large student
following who created a demand for his time in critiques
and filled every seat in his lecture room.6 Henri's special
interest in Sprinchorn must be taken as an indication
that the young Swede was an artist of promising ability.
In 1907, Henri's confidence in Sprinchorn had an
opportunity to become known. For several years,
Sprinchorn had been producing large canvases of city­
scenes executed with a strength and bravura that caused
them to be much talked about at the school. He had
submitted these paintings to past exhibitions at the
National Academy but none had ever been accepted.
This process was repeated in 1906 with far-reaching
consequences. Sprinchorn still vividly recalled the
incident thirty-three years later when he wrote: "This
was the time when my 11th Avenue in a snow storm
(cat. no. 1) was sent to the Academy, refused, and as
per certain records in clippings, a Putnam magazine
article and reproduction, caused the big rumpus and
brought column-long newspaper stories, interviewers to
my door, and Henri and others to withdraw their own
accepted works in protest. . . ,"7 Throughout this affair,
Henri stood by, guiding the inexperienced youth throug
interviews with the press and other pressures brought on
by such a sudden wave of notoriety. An instance
particularly revealing of Henri's character came when e
asked each reporter in person not to mention in their
articles the fact that Sprinchorn was working as a
servant/waiter in a boarding house, but to focus entire
on his status as a young, professional painter.8
Henri presented his own view of the incident in a
published interview reprinted in 1908 (the year of
Eight's first group exhibition at the MacBeth Gallery
Putnam magazine. In it he compared Sprinchorn to
of
great masters who had been scorned at the beginnin
their careers but later were lauded.

Carl Sprinchorn once wrote that he believed himself tto
be the first European who came to study art in the
United States.’ He arrived in New York City m 1903, a
time when American artists were still flocking to the art
centers of the continent for instruction and. indeed, it
was considered that an artist’s career was not properly
launched without a stint abroad. The innovations and
achievements of the European, and particularly the
French, artists of the late nineteenth century were still
fresh and waiting to be absorbed. The early twentieth
century, however, would prove to be a prodigious
moment for a young artist to arrive in New York. This
was a time when a thoroughly American, modem art
movement was being conceived.
Sprinchorn was bom in the rural town of Broby,
Sweden, in 1887. At the age of sixteen, he left his
mother's family, to wrhom he would remain close, and
joined his sister in the United States. He arrived in New
York on October 31, 1903. Three days later, with no
grasp of the English language and still unfamiliar with
the city, Sprinchorn enrolled in Robert Henn's morning
life drawing class at William Merritt Chase s New York
School of Art on West 57th Street. He was accompanied
that morning by his sister who, much to Sprinchorn's
chagrin, had insisted on wearing her Salvation Army
uniform in the hope of being granted a lower tuition.
This ploy being unsuccessful, the young Swede paid the
monthly fee of five dollars and "purchased such things
as were essential to the work, a large black portfolio
■with some sheets of French charcoal paper, charcoal
sticks, a kneaded eraser, two clothespins to hold the
paper to the portfolio, and ... a plumb line."2 That
same morning the class monitor was rung for and
Sprinchorn was led "into the mysterious realms of an art
life class, a vast, skylighted place filled with pupils at
easels and at up-turned chairs with portfolios, drawing
and painting in a pandemonium of activity' and
everywhere daubs of paint, caricatures covering the
walls and canvases propped all around."3
Sprinchorn’s first year at the school was to be a
difficult one. He spoke no English, and his fellow
students, after a few exasperating attempts to
communicate through a young man from Minneapolis
whose only phrases in Swedish were "this is good, this is
not so good,'4 left the newcomer to himself. Several
years later. Guy Pene du Bois introduced Sprinchorn at
a student reunion as the only man who never "set 'em
up, referring to the beer and sandwich party thrown by
every student to curtail the pranks and hazing by the
oftfm dentS' Spnnchorn never knew ^is was expected

"Wagner, expressing great life-thoughts through
music, was pronounced a mere maker of noise; Walt
Whitman, whose book of poems Whittier cast into
the fire, sent a similar chill down the spine of
conventional culture; Degas, Manet and Whistler
and their academy of the rejected; Puvis de
Chavannes — oh, ever so many, despised and
laughed at first but later recognized as dreamers
of fresh dreams, makers of new songs, creators of
new art."’
These events certainly boosted not only Sprinchorn's
career but also his confidence. In 1907, he became the
manager of the Robert Henri School of Art, an
arrangement which permitted him to continue to work
closely with his mentor while also affording him freedom
from his former student status. He also continued his
chores at the boarding house but was now given free
meals, thus immensely improving his physical condition.
He grew husky and more handsome with this new-found
physical and mental well-being. A photograph of a
group from the Henri School at around this time shows
him blond and muscular in shirt sleeves while the others
are dressed in formal coat and tie. Henri's striking
portrait of his student (cat. no. 2), done in 1910, shows
a broad-shouldered young man with a look of fierce
determination on his handsome features.
Henri taught Sprinchorn to look at the life of the city
around him and to draw his art from it. Sprinchorn had
a steady temperament and believed in hard work, so he
applied himself vigorously to his art. His paintings from
this early period express a painterly determination with
heavily-laden brush strokes applied to the canvas
quickly and with confidence. His palette is muted and
harmonious while his compositions, belying the
spontaneous look of the finished work, are formally
structured. Unfortunately, due to his reclusive nature
and, later, his almost complete withdrawal from the
business end of the art world, few of these early
canvases have been located and many may only exist in
yellowed, black and white reproductions. Happily, A
Winter Scene on the East Side, New York (cat. no. 1),
the painting which caused the uproar in 1907 and is
therefore best suited to represent this period, is still
extant and was available for this exhibition.
Sprinchorn left the Henri School and New York in
1910 to travel for about five years. During this time, he
made the obligatory trip to Paris, once in 1910-11 and
once in 1914. During the latter visit, he attended
drawing classes at the Ecole Colarossi, but did not study
with any one master. Lilac Time, Versailles (cat. no. 3)
shows the still painterly technique and subdued palette.

The small format and brushy execution indicates a
sketch made in-situ.
From 1912-1914, Sprinchorn was an instructor at the
Art League of Los Angeles. Although not much is
known about his stay in California, he must have
maintained strong ties with New York because in 1913
he was represented by four pieces in the well-known
International Armory Show of that year. Other
exhibitions in which he participated during these years
include the Exhibit of Independent Artists, arranged by'
Arthur B. Davis (who also coordinated the American
entries in the Armory Show of 1913); the Pennsylvania
Academy' annuals; and the Panama Exposition in San
Francisco and San Diego. Sprinchorn returned to
California in 1944 when he painted there with Marsden
Hartley and Rex Slinkard. It was during this later visit
that he produced Tangerines on Bough — California
(cat. no. 30) and White Dahlias (cat. no. 31).
Sprinchorn's first one-man show was not until 1916
when George Hellman mounted an exhibition of
drawings at 366 Fifth Avenue. These included mainly
figure studies, distinctly' Parisian in character — young,
elegantly dressed women in cafe settings and at the
opera. These light, witty, ink drawings differ vastly
from the "ash can" realism of his earlier, Henri-inspired
city-scapes, yet they have the same ability to get to the
heart of the side of life they depict. They also reflect the
sureness of execution of the earlier work. Hellman wrote
that "the quality of line shown by Mr. Sprinchorn in his
drawings is an achievement rarely met with . . . there is
manifest that swift interpretive genius (so difficult of
definition) in which resides the wonder of original
drawings.''10 For a later exhibition which included both
watercolors and drawings, Sprinchorn's close friend and
fellow artist, Marsden Hartley, wrote:
"In these drawings of Sprinchorn, you find always
genuine elegance of feeling — true perception of
appearances, perfect knowledge of gesture. He
invests his male figures with thoroughly masculine
life — and his female figures are radiant with
feminine vanity. Sprinchorn's insatiable thirst for the
kaleidoscopic vividness of life provides his vivid and
voluminous results. He is among the masters, I
believe, as to his understanding of appearances of
life, which for the real artist is life itself."”
A delightful example relating to this era is Sprinchorn’s
Three Figures (cat. no. 5) in which the haute couture of
the ladies' demeanor is captured by a fluid background
wash accented by scant details to the interior of the
figures. The crisp profile of the equally elegantly dressed
gentleman bears more than a chance resemblance to

Q

8

�1IUWCVC1, Uldc opi 1X1C1LU111 navi uu/wu

New York art world. In one such letter, she reported
that Duchamp had returned to New York "no longer so
good looking but as sweet and agreeable as ever," and
that "Stieglitz was very ill but recovered enough to be
talking eight hours a day at his gallery."’2 Sprinchorn
reproduced a miniature of his painting Nijinsky and
Pavlova (the large original is now in the collection of the

-----

many of the European modernists, as his alignment wit
the Henri School might indicate. In later years he
composed humorous jingles about some of the leading
painters of that time. He had tremendous respect for
Van Gogh, but found the artist's popularity among
new cultural elite to be hypocritical. He wrote:

'9. Woodsman Greets the Rising Sun,
1920
Oil on canvas
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman

�I suffer agonies when viewing Van Gogh... van gogk
in his role of Hollywood Cultural Prop - . .■ Cultural
Prop; "Potato Eaters on Miracle Mile.,
Woman of Arles at Sunset and Vine?!
What a crop - - ■ what a crop! He disliked 'Miro (a cheap, modernist interior
decorator14'1. Paul Klee, and Piet Modrian. He felt
Picasso to be the greatest of ail modem painters,
although he considered Braque a painter of
bric-a-brac. Chaim Soutine was a favorite artist whose
work he had encountered in Paris, and Henri Matisse
was a painter who revives me and sets me at peace,
but he could not tolerate Paul Gauguin.
Between the years 1910 and 1931, Sprinchorn made .
several lencthy trips away from New fork, seemingly m
search of an environment which would provide for him
the inspiration that the city provided for Henri and
ethers. In 1925 he began a two-year stay in Santo
Dommgo ■.■••here he painted such exotic canvases as Still
2;-.- mt.*': --’c.:.* c’t.t Parrot 'cat. no. 15 . Sprinchorn was
sensitive about the brilliant use of color in this and other
-..-;rks from his tropical period. When the canvas was
civer :? me High Museum in 1955, through the estate of
M.ss Ettie Stettheimer 'who had purchased it at the Rehn
Gaber.
2-27 Sprinchorn made a point of
estzrusring austerity as the undedying quality of the
wcr.-. While other works from this period, including
Ou-CLandscape (cat. no. 14), retain the
farmed palette cf his earlier work, the subject matter
arc rr epical brilliance of Still Life with Fruit and Parrot
::. -c Srrir.tr.tm s instinctive feeling for color to
oeccme a ma:cr compositional element. In later work,
be released from both the confines of form
Mari den Hartley once referred to Sprinchorn as one of
■/. tw. r rrrar.tldsts in Henri s coterie of realists.16
; search. for a visual stimulus which would
‘-'r’rr re.ease of his romantic impulses in
Hem's realist directive finally found
sc.ut;cr. ■.-.rec r.e discovered Maine. Here, as one critic
is to confront subjects more in
m inner nature, his Scandinavian
arc mere;
r/.rthern heritage, and his wholesome
beuet in the uncomplicated goodness of a simple life

J .

” ■' ■■ ■■■'of Maine briefly in
' -7 :
• - ■ : ■■■&lt;--) by a friend of his
s 10
m
inland village of Monson where a
7

■■■

'

-

of Maine

,hanand
the 1922
c°as‘that
-sti!|he- h was
not until the years between 1917
returned for several months at a tune, working in the

lumber camps and sawmills to get a feel for the
lumberman’s rugged way of life — and painting.
Sprinchorn's love of Maine was shared by his friend f
almost thirty years, Marsden Hartley. The two met ln *
1016 on the occasion of Sprinchorn's first one-man show
at the George Hellman Gallery. They were introduced
by Hartley's friend and sponsor, Alfred Stieglitz, and as
Sprinchorn later recalled, "with our respective art circles
of the time being, at least supposedly, rather 'distant in
spirit — his the '291' group and mine the Henri crowd
and each eyeing the other askance — we might never
have met again . . ."1S However, they did meet again
during the summer of the same year in Provincetown
where informal gatherings at the residences of various
artists stimulated a freer exchange of ideas.
Hartley's and Sprinchorn's friendship evolved not on
the typical basis of frequent personal visits and long
conversations, but rather through a monumental
exchange of letters. Both men were publicly reserved
about their own work, and as Sprinchorn noted, their
friendship was based upon circumspection and a tacitly
enjoined observance of each other's individual
independence and privacy.19 They had very few mutual
friends, and aside from three or four separate occasions,
they were never together in the field. Neither did they
discuss one another's work to any great extent. Instead,
both ardently fond of writing, they maintained a faithful
correspondence, describing with the candor of an
individual addressing his diary their feelings on
everything from the most banal day-to-day issues to
their deepest feeling about art. Both men had profound
ideas about their avocation, but both had grown weary
of the art world and people who "talk art." Both
enjoyed expressing their views in writing and were
eloquently able to do so. Each had chosen to go off by
himself to work uninterruptedly in near isolation, yet
both were intellectually in need of a creative exchange or
ideas. When Sprinchorn went through the file of letters
from Hartley which he had saved after the latter s deat ,
he counted over two hundred, a number which he
estimated to represent only five percent of those he ha
received.20
Their shared love of Maine served as a great bon
between the two men. Hartley's interest in the coast an
Sprinchorn's interest in the interior caused them to
jokingly claim "hands off" to each other's territories a
to dub each other "King of the Coast" and "King o
Woods," respectively. Hartley was born in Maine an
had a deep-felt love of the ruggedness of the landsca^
and the corresponding rugged way of life. He admit
Sprinchorn's physical endurance in the lumber
and praised his desire to become a part of the li 1

wanted to paint. Hartley called his friend the Remington
of Maine, and wrote that "when I look at these pictures,
I see my native land pictured with such speaking
accuracy that ... I glory in their vividness and
veracity."21
Sprinchorn's first exhibition of the Maine paintings
was held at the Marie Sterner Gallery in 1922. In the
essay which accompanied the exhibition, Dr. Christian
Brinton called Sprinchorn a "modern mystic."22
Sprinchorn later responded to this by saying:
I have been called a "mystic." I think I have a
pantheistic spirit towards nature that prevents mere
copying of nature. I have never been successful in
copying nature, however sincerely. I soon get tired.
Rather, I like to select and interpret nature, after
living close to the sources of nature. At the same
time, I have my feet on the ground.23
Two paintings from the "Borealis" series, Snow Winged
Horses (cat. no. 11) and Landscape with Horses, (The
Fear Forest) (cat. no. 13), were exhibited in 1922 and are
included here. Certainly these canvases were meant to
express the spirit of the north woods. Cool blue, white,
and grey shapes indicate snow-laden trees, while the
main figures are statuesque, fantasy-like horses infinitely
at home in the frozen splendor of the forest. These
creatures were no doubt inspired by the powerful
animals used for pulling the huge sleds of logs out of the
woods to the lumber camps. The interjection of a human
figure in Snow Winged Horses suggests man's struggle to
overcome the superiority of nature or to at least live in
harmony with it. Spiritual and sensual at once, these
compositions are fully expressive of the real world which
inspired them, yet they are removed from mere physical
description. The hush of the forest primeval is here
disturbed by the presence of man's attempt to harness its
primitive power.
The New York critics greeted Sprinchorn's show at
Marie Sterner's gallery with ardent enthusiasm, praising
this new exponent of the "modern school."24 Henry
McBride summed up Sprinchorn's appeal by saying,
"(he) is plastic and abstract; not so abstract to prevent
you from knowing all that is going on . . . (but) it is not
necessary to know all, only the essential.''25 However,
when a similar exhibition was mounted at the
Worchester (Massachusetts) Museum that same year, it
was met with mixed reviews. An anonymous critic, who
signed his review simply "Interested," wrote that "we are
convinced that Mr. Sprinchorn is playing a practical
joke on us common mortals. . . ." He went on to
exclaim, "How any artist can, in these times of high cost
of paint, waste several tubes of good bright color on
such a picture as 'Woodsman Greets the Rising Sun,'

seems inconceivable."26 Yet he later admits that the
painting does stir the imagination. Woodsman Greets the
Rising Sun, 1920 (cat. no. 9), with its abstract
background a prism of brilliant, warm color, does
indeed evoke the emotion felt when striding toward a
clear, crisp Northern sunrise. The anatomy of the
woodsman has been broken down into simplified
geometric shapes, similar to those of the background,
again illustrating Sprinchorn's ability to describe the
essence of a situation without being bound to the
specifics.
The same critic found Sprinchorn's The Blue Ice
Forest, 1920-21 (cat. no. 10) to be "charming and
graceful," rather odd adjectives to describe a painting of
such cold, uncanny power. Here the menacing forms of
the forest seem to overwhelm, thwarting the figure of a
hunter who plods his way through the trees on
snowshoes. Perhaps this was the painting the artist was
working on when he wrote the following to Ettie
Stettheimer:
"I wish you could have seen ... it rained icy stuff
all night, everything was like glass in the morning —
the trees loaded to the breaking point, and they did
break — all day it sounded as if tigers and elephants
were crashing through the woods, snapping
crackling as if guns . . . and the weirdly beautiful
removed look of it all —! A little glass world shut in
by a gray smoke coloured mist ... the bewitched
effect . . . truly marvelous —"27
He found friends in a small community called Shin
Pond (two houses and some summer camps with a post
office a mile and a half down the road) who let him
have a room and a studio for the price of one room,
although the studio had to be given up when a "paying"
customer arrived. Comer of the Studio — Shin Pond,
Maine, 1946 (cat. no. 34) shows the cramped quarters
littered with everything from apples to snowshoes. His
precarious finances required frequent trips to New York
to "attend to business." These trips became increasingly
frustrating as Sprinchorn became more jealous of time
spent away from his beloved forests. More and more he
began to learn to make-do, depending on the support of
a small but dedicated group of supporters.
Sprinchorn was deeply affected by the death, in 1929,
of his teacher, Robert Henri. At the same time, his
mother became ill and Sprinchorn went to attend to her
in Sweden. During this visit, he produced sensitive
watercolors which portrayed, in an almost conventional
manner, the soft pastel landscapes of his native country
(cat. nos. *17 and *16). When he returned to New York
in 1931. he faced the Depression. After several money­
making proposals fell through (including a brief stint as

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I suffer agonies when viewing 1 an Gogh... van gogk
in his role of Hollywood Cultural Prop . . .• Cultural
Prop: Potato Eaters on Miracle Mile?
"Woman of .Arles' at Sunset and Vine?!
What a crop . - ■ what a crop!He disliked Miro ta cheap, modernist interior
decorator14' Paul Klee, and Piet Modrian. He felt
Picasso to be the greatest of all modem painters,
althoueh he considered Braque a painter of
' bric-a-brac. Chaim Soutine was a favorite artist whose
work he had encountered in Fans, and Henri Matisse
was a rai-ter who revives me and sets me at peace
but he could not tolerate Paul Gauguin.
Between the years 1910 and 1931. Sprinchorn made
several lengthy trips away from New Y ork. seemingly in
search of an environment which would provide for him
the inspiration that the city provided for Henri and
others.'In 1925. he began a two-year stay in Santo
Domingo where he nainted such exotic canvases as Still
Li*e
Fruit mtd Parrot (cat. no. 15). Sprinchorn was
sensitive about the brilliant use or color in this and other
works from his tropical period. When the canvas was
given to the High Museum in 1955, through the estate of
Miss Ettie Eteitheimer who had purchased it at the Rehn
Gallery in 19Z7 Sprinchorn made a point of
establishing austerity as the underlying quality of the
work.- While ether works from this period, including
Santo Domingo Landscape (cat. no. 141, retain the
subdued palette of his earlier work, the subject matter
and tropical brilliance of Still Life with Fruit and Parrot
allowed Sprinchorn s instinctive feeling for color to
become a major compositional element. In later work,
color would be released from both the confines of form
and the dictations of nature.
Marsden Hartley once referred to Sprinchorn as one of
only two romanticists in Henri's coterie of realists.Sprmchom s search for a visual stimulus which would
allow for the release of his romantic impulses in
harmony with Henr: s realist directive finally found
resolution when he discovered Maine. Here, as one critic
has noted, the artist was to confront subjects more in
consonance with his own inner nature, his Scandinavian
and therefore northern heritage, and his wholesome
belief in the uncomplicated goodness of a simple life
close to nature.17
Sprinchorn first visited the coast of Maine briefly in
1907 Four years later, he was invited by a friend of his
mothers to stay in the inland village of Monson where a
contingent of Swedes had settled The forests of Maine
seemed to impress him more than the coast. Still it was
not until the years between 1917 and 1922 that he
returned for several months at a time, working in the

lumber camps and sawmills to get a feel for the
lumberman's rugged way of life — and painting.
Sprinchorn's love of Maine was shared by his friend of
almost thirty years, Marsden Hartley. The two met m
1916 on the occasion of Sprinchorn's first one-man show
at the George Hellman Gallery. They were introduced
by Hartley's friend and sponsor, Alfred Stieglitz, and as
Sprinchorn later recalled, "with our respective art circles
of the time being, at least supposedly, rather 'distant' in
spirit — his the '291' group and mine the Henri crowd
and each eyeing the other askance — we might never
have met again . . ,"18 However, they did meet again
during the summer of the same year in Provincetown
where informal gatherings at the residences of various
artists stimulated a freer exchange of ideas.
Hartley's and Sprinchorn's friendship evolved not on
the typical basis of frequent personal visits and long
conversations, but rather through a monumental
exchange of letters. Both men were publicly reserved
about their own work, and as Sprinchorn noted, their
friendship was based upon circumspection and a tacitly
enjoined observance of each other's individual
independence and privacy.19 They had very few mutual
friends, and aside from three or four separate occasions,
they were never together in the field. Neither did they
discuss one another's work to any great extent. Instead,
both ardently fond of writing, they maintained a faithful
correspondence, describing with the candor of an
individual addressing his diary their feelings on
everything from the most banal day-to-day issues to
their deepest feeling about art. Both men had profound
ideas about their avocation, but both had grown weary
of the art world and people who "talk art." Both
enjoyed expressing their views in writing and were
eloquently able to do so. Each had chosen to go off by
himself to work uninterruptedly in near isolation, yet
both were intellectually in need of a creative exchange of
ideas. When Sprinchorn went through the file of letters
from Hartley which he had saved after the latter s death,
he counted over two hundred, a number which he
estimated to represent only five percent of those he ha
received.20
Their shared love of Maine served as a great bond
between the two men. Hartley's interest in the coast an
Sprinchorn's interest in the interior caused them to
jokingly claim "hands off" to each other's territories an
to dub each other "King of the Coast" and "King of the
Woods," respectively. Hartley was born in Maine an
had a deep-felt love of the ruggedness of the landscape
and the corresponding rugged way of life. He admire
Sprinchorn's physical endurance in the lumber campand praised his desire to become a part of the life e

wanted to paint. Hartley called his friend the Remington
of Maine, and wrote that "when I look at these pictures,
I see my native land pictured with such speaking
accuracy that ... I glory in their vividness and
veracity."21
Sprinchorn's first exhibition of the Maine paintings
was held at the Marie Sterner Gallery in 1922. In the
essay which accompanied the exhibition, Dr. Christian
Brinton called Sprinchorn a "modern mystic."22
Sprinchorn later responded to this by saying:
I have been called a "mystic." I think I have a
pantheistic spirit towards nature that prevents mere
copying of nature. I have never been successful in
copying nature, however sincerely. I soon get tired.
Rather, I like to select and interpret nature, after
living close to the sources of nature. At the same
time, I have my feet on the ground.23
Two paintings from the "Borealis" series. Snow Winged
Horses (cat. no. 11) and Landscape with Horses, (The
Fear Forest) (cat. no. 13), were exhibited in 1922 and are
included here. Certainly these canvases were meant to
express the spirit of the north woods. Cool blue, white,
and grey shapes indicate snow-laden trees, while the
main figures are statuesque, fantasy-like horses infinitely
at home in the frozen splendor of the forest. These
creatures were no doubt inspired by the powerful
animals used for pulling the huge sleds of logs out of the
woods to the lumber camps. The interjection of a human
figure in Snow Winged Horses suggests man's struggle to
overcome the superiority of nature or to at least live in
harmony with it. Spiritual and sensual at once, these
compositions are fully expressive of the real world which
inspired them, yet they are removed from mere physical
description. The hush of the forest primeval is here
disturbed by the presence of man's attempt to harness its
primitive power.
The New York critics greeted Sprinchorn's show at
Marie Sterner's gallery with ardent enthusiasm, praising
this new exponent of the "modern school."24 Henry
McBride summed up Sprinchorn's appeal by saying,
"(he) is plastic and abstract; not so abstract to prevent
you from knowing all that is going on . . . (but) it is not
necessary to know all, only the essential."25 However,
when a similar exhibition was mounted at the
Worchester (Massachusetts) Museum that same year, it
was met with mixed reviews. An anonymous critic, who
signed his review simply "Interested," wrote that "we are
convinced that Mr. Sprinchorn is playing a practical
joke on us common mortals. . .
He went on to
exclaim, "How any artist can, in these times of high cost
of paint, waste several tubes of good bright color on
such a picture as 'Woodsman Greets the Rising Sun,'

seems inconceivable."26 Yet he later admits that the
painting does stir the imagination. Woodsman Greets the
Rising Sun, 1920 (cat. no. 9), with its abstract
background a prism of brilliant, warm color, does
indeed evoke the emotion felt when striding toward a
clear, crisp Northern sunrise. The anatomy of the
woodsman has been broken down into simplified
geometric shapes, similar to those of the background,
again illustrating Sprinchorn's ability to describe the
essence of a situation without being bound to the
specifics.
The same critic found Sprinchorn's The Blue Ice
Forest, 1920-21 (cat. no. 10) to be "charming and
graceful," rather odd adjectives to describe a painting of
such cold, uncanny power. Here the menacing forms of
the forest seem to overwhelm, thwarting the figure of a
hunter who plods his way through the trees on
snowshoes. Perhaps this was the painting the artist was
working on when he wrote the following to Ettie
Stettheimer:
"I wish you could have seen ... it rained icy stuff
all night, everything was like glass in the morning —
the trees loaded to the breaking point, and they did
break — all day it sounded as if tigers and elephants
were crashing through the woods, snapping
crackling as if guns . . . and the weirdly beautiful
removed look of it all — I A little glass world shut in
by a gray smoke coloured mist . . . the bewitched
effect . . . truly marvelous —"27
He found friends in a small community called Shin
Pond (two houses and some summer camps with a post
office a mile and a half down the road) who let him
have a room and a studio for the price of one room,
although the studio had to be given up when a "paying"
customer arrived. Comer of the Studio — Shin Pond.
Maine, 1946 (cat. no. 34) shows the cramped quarters
littered with everything from apples to snowshoes. His
precarious finances required frequent trips to New York
to "attend to business." These trips became increasingly
frustrating as Sprinchorn became more jealous of time
spent away from his beloved forests. More and more he
began to learn to make-do, depending on the support of
a small but dedicated group of supporters.
Sprinchorn was deeply affected by the death, in 1929,
of his teacher, Robert Henri. At the same time, his
mother became ill and Sprinchorn went to attend to her
in Sweden. During this visit, he produced sensitive
watercolors which portrayed, in an almost conventional
manner, the soft pastel landscapes of his native country
(cat. nos. *17 and *16). When he returned to New York
in 1931, he faced the Depression. After several money­
making proposals fell through (including a brief stint as

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22. Above Shin Brook Falls —
Maine, 1940
Oil on board
Collection of Robert F. and Patricia Ross Weis

e S-'-t lie Forest, 1=23-21
02 on linen
Collection ot
Mr. ar.d Mrs. Arnold Rifkin

on the infant who reaches toward the others Jrom the
blanketed comfort of her sleigh/cradle/bed. The faces
of
the
are caricatures, though not in the negative context
c—itext
• -* or
- trie
1
jftened by the
word, and the roughness of this world is sol of the guitar
presence of music and literature in the form----- _
and the book of the two young men. Sprinchorn used a

an artist for the WPA), Sprinchorn returned, in the late
1930s. to the healing sclidude of the Maine woods.
Sprinchorn's later paintings of Maine are much less
symbolic in nature than those produced in the early
twenties. Perhaps as a result of his recent hardships, the
realist imperative is re-introduced to these later
paintings.
Woodcutter's Evening — Maine, 1943 (cat. no. 28) is a
masterpiece of genre painting from this later era. One of
Sprinchorn's most ambitious figural compositions, this
canvas shows a family of seven gathered in their small
one-room cabin after the day's labor. Logs are neatly
stacked by the stove over which the laundry has been
hung to dr&gt;’. A long, crude table is pushed to one side of
the room and bunk beds line one wall. Economy and
utility are everywhere present. Through the family unit,
the ages of man are represented with attention focused

surprisingly vivid palette, highlighting the dusk of
evening with spots of blue, green, red, and yellow.
e
viewer feels welcomed to share the warm comfort o
contented domesticity which is clearly the painting s
subject.
I wo crayon studies (cat. nos.. 26a
26a and
and 27),
27), with
wi the

latter especially relating to Woodcutter's
Evening - Maine, show the agility and strengl■th of
Sprinchorn's talent as a draftsman. Similarly,
Lumberjack (cat. no. 21), a gauche study from
captures the men at work, their silhouetted bodies

which he would later translate to canvas in his studio. In
letters to a friend, he wrote of the frustratingly short
duration of autumn during which time he worked in an
outdoor lean-to which served as a studio. Working
quickly to capture as much as he could of the all-tooephemeral colors of the season, he recalled the
advancing chill of winter which would cause his
watercolors to freeze before he could apply them to
the paper.
As noted, Sprinchorn could also "rearrange" nature in
order to emphasize a symbolic point. Such is the case in
The Spectator — Shin Pond, 1947 (cat. no. 37). When
the painting was included in the Corcoran Gallery of Art
Biennial in 1951, Sprinchorn wrote about the work. He
explained that it represented two states of mind — the
first, as demonstrated by the unbroken row of trees
blocking the Spectator's line of vision, is closed-in and

quickly mapped out with the strong, dark outlines of the
crayon sketch later filled in with fauvist washes of color,
At the same time that he was creating these realistinspired documents of Maine, Sprinchorn was also
---------1:----------------- : _1—.------ . :---------------- Cull ..I*.—.!..
creating
semi-abstract images. Still clearly readas
landscape, the tightly controlled abstracted rhythms of
Above Shin Brook Falls — Maine, 1940 (cat. no. 22),
mimic the turbulence of rushing water, while The
Blizzard (Shin Pond, Maine), 1941 (cat. no. 25), is an
expressionistic reverie to the force of an ice-blue winter
storm. Although these works, and Sprinchorn's studies
of lumberjacks, may at first seem to be uncomfortably
diverse in style, they are united by the single goal of
remaining faithful to the subject without being
dominated by it.
Sprinchorn's fidelity to the evocations of nature was
due to the many elaborate sketches made on the spot

15

14

�.
Checklist of the Exhibition

NOTES

confining — the second, represented by the panorami
view is broad and focused outward.-’ The painting can
be interpreted as a philosophical self-portrait ot the

1. Application
Applkatic for Guggenheim fellowship (1941), Special Colle ‘ons
Department, Folger Library, University of Maine at Orono
(hereafter referred to as UMO).
2. Untitled Manuscript (1949). UMO.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid. Arthur Cederquist was the young man from Minnesota.
5. Ibid.
o. Henri's charismatic lecture style is reflected in his book The Art
Spirit, compiled by Margery Ryerson (J. B. Lippincott Company,

In the mid-fifties. Sprinchom suffered the first &lt;of a
series of strokes which were to eventually limit his
artistic productivity. Showing his strength of will and
determination in the face of physical disability.
Sprinchom overcame the semi-paralysis which affected
his painting and writing. Forced to move to a less
strenuous climate and closer to family, he took up
residence in a small house on the farm belonging to his
sister and his niece in Selkirk, New York (near Albany).
There he painted such light-filled, impressionistic
canvases as Daisy Fields and Clouds, 1950 (cat. no. 44);
and floral still iifes, a subject he loved all his life, such
as Autumn Bouquet, c. 1957 (cat. no. 531, reminiscent of
Van Gogh's similar passion for flowers. Each year
Sprinchom would also record the small house on his
sister's farm. House in Selkirk, NY, 1961 (cat. no. *57),
a sketch made by cross-hatching brightly colored marks
of the crayon, was the last of this series although
Sprinchom did not die until 1971.
Sprinchom followed with interest the events of the
New York art -world even when he had expressed
distaste for their shallowness and even when his health
prevented him from making an occasional trip there. In
1961, he wrote to the American Federation of Arts to
protest the ‘ mass dissemination of theoretic art forms
appearing continuously in your 'Art in America
Magazine' ' which he felt discouraged the artist of
"individual persuasions."3’ An artist of sensitivity and
intellect, his ideals concerning art never dimmed. In 1970
his friend and fellow artist, Rockwell Kent, wrote to him
to say hew wonderful it was that Sprinchom had
completely vindicated Robert Henri's staunch belief in
him."
Sprinchorn found his muse in the wooded landscapes
of Maine. Ironically, it was this discovery that also led
to his eclipse in the art market as he became increasingly
unwilling to spend time on galleries and exhibitions.
When the MacBeth Gallery closed its doors in 1953,
Sprinchom considered other galleries but never followed
through in finding one to represent him.
Today, with current interest mounting in the work of
Robert Henri, "The Eight," and their followers, this
seems an auspicious moment to present an exhibition of
the work of Carl Sprinchorn, who had the privilege to
be singled out among those followers as an artist of
creative genius whose contributions would someday
leave a mark upon the development of American art.

7. op. cit. UMO. (Note 1.)
8. Ibid.
9. "The Lounger'' Column, Putnam's Monthly &amp; The Reader, V
(December 1908).
10. George S. Hellman, "The Drawings of Carl Sprinchorn,"
exhibition catalog 1916.
11. Excerpt for unknown exhibition catalog (1937) reprinted for a
catalog by the Passedoit Gallery in 1954.
12. Letter from Ettie Stettheimer to Sprinchom in Santo Domingo,
December 15, 1926. UMO.
13. Carl Sprinchorn, A Painter's Plaint, undated manuscript. UMO.
14. Undated letter from Carl Sprinchom to Florence Dreyfous. UMO.
15. Letter from Carl Sprinchom to Mr. Reginald Poland (then Director
of the High Museum), July 19, 1955. UMO.
16. Introduction to an exhibition of paintings at the MacBeth Gallery
in 1943. The other romanticist Hartley was referring to was Rex
Slinkard, also a close friend of Sprinchom's.
17. Essay by Christian Brinton for an exhibition of Sprinchom's work
at the Marie Sterner Gallery in 1922.
18. Letter to Hilton Kramer, 1958. UMO.
19. Ibid.
20. Hartley's letters to Sprinchom have since been deposited at Yale
University.
21. Marsden Hartley, "The New Paintings of Carl Sprinchom of the
Maine Woods," 1943. Hartley wrote this and two other
manuscripts about Sprinchom's work. The others are: "Sprinchorn
Today," 1942, America Swedish Historical Museum; and, "The
Drawings of Carl Sprinchorn," from The Spangle of Existence, an
unpublished manuscript. Museum of Modem Art (library).
22. op. cit. Brinton.
23. op. cit. manuscript of 1949. UMO.
24. Kenneth Burke, "The Art of Carl Sprinchorn," The Arts,
December 1921. (Burke saw the paintings prior to their exhibition
in the spring of 1922.)
25. Henry McBride writing for the New York Herald, February'12,
1922. Reprinted in an exhibition catalog for a one-man exhibi io
the works by Sprinchorn at The Arts Club of Chicago, March .
26. Clipping file UMO. "Sprinchom Stirs the Heart: Trouble is He
Stirs It In Too Many Directions," Worchester (Mass.) Daily
Telegram, dated 1922 in the artist's handwriting.
27. Letter from Carl Sprinchorn to Ettie Stettheimer in December
from Monson, Maine. UMO,
28. Undated letters to Josephine Hopper, UMO.
29. Letter from Carl Sprinchorn to Henry B. Caldwell, then assistant
director of the Corcoran (March 27, 1931).
30. April 8, 1961, UMO, He also cancelled his subscription to
News which he felt to be a handsome facade with no,c?^nnJ
continued to take Arts because it took the controversial su
31. Postcard dated 9-25-70 from Rockwell Kent to Carl Sprinchor .
UMO.

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1. A Winter Scene on the East Side,
New York, 1906
Oil on canvas, 30 x 40
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of Mr. and Mrs.
Sigmund M. Hyman

x9. Woodsman Greets the Rising
Sun, 1920
Oil on canvas, 28% x 22y„
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinch orn
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman

’17. House in Sweden (Summer),
1931
Watercolor, 14 x 21 (sight)
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman

2. Robert Henri (1865-1929)
Portrait of Carl Sprinchorn, 1910
Oil on canvas, 24 x 20
Gift of Anna Sprinchorn
Johnson, 76.43
Herbert F. Johnson Museum of
Art, Cornell University

10. The Blue Ice Forest, 1920-21
Oil on linen, 36 x 40
Signed 1.1. C. Sp.
Collection of
Mr. and Mrs. Arnold Rifkin

118. The Diver, c. 1934
Watercolor, 18 x 12
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of
Dr. and Mrs. Julian Long

11. Snow Winged Horses, 1921
Oil on canvas, 36 x 38
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchon■n
The Phillips Collection
Washington, D.C.

19. Central Park, 1935
Oil on board, 9 x 13
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis

12. Boreal Pageant
(Monson, Maine), 1921
Oil on canvas, 36 x 48
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Estate of Carl Sprinchorn

20. Sunflowers and Tritoma, 1935
Oil on composition board,
24 x 20
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Gift of Miss Edith Wetmore
Museum of Art, Rhode Island
School of Design

3. Lilac Time — Versailles, 1914
Oil on board, 10 x 14
Signed 1.1 C. Sp.
Collection of
Dr. and Mrs. Julian Long
4. Woman in Evening Gown,
c. 1916
Watercolor on paper, 16 x lO’/z
Signed u.r. Carl Sprinchorn
The Brooklyn Museum
Gift of Miss Ettie Stettheimer

5. Three Figures, c. 1916
Watercolor on paper,
12»/16 x 14%
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
The Brooklyn Museum
Gift of Miss Ettie Stettheimer

6. The Singer, c. 1916
Ink on paper, 10‘A x 16
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis
7, Flowers, c. 1916
Watercolor on paper, 18% x 12%
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
The Brooklyn Museum
Gift of Alfred W. Jenkins

*8. Flowers at Evening, 1919
Pastel, 2614 x Ih'/i (sight)
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman

13. Landscape With Horses,
(The Fear Forest), 1921
Oil on canvas, 25 x 36
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
University Art Collection
University of Maine at Orono

’14. Santo Domingo Landscape, 1926
Oil on canvas, 25 x 30
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman
15. Still Life with Fruit and
Parrot, 1926
Oil on canvas, 29% x 25
Signed u.l. Carl Sprinchom
Gift of the artist
High Museum of Art,
Atlanta, Georgia
’16. Red Barn — Snowy Vistas
(Sweden), 1931
Watercolor, 14% x 20% (sight)
Unsigned
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman

17
16

21. Lumberjacks, 1937
Mixed media on brown paper,
9 x 12 (sight)
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection Ripley Art Works,
Ripley, Ohio
22. Above Shin Brook Falls —
Maine, 1940
Oil on board, 12 x 16
Signed 1.1. Sprinchorn
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis
23. Before Edison — Shin Pond,
Maine, 1940
Oil on board, 28 x 16
Signed on back
University Art Collection
University of Maine at Orono

24. Seascape, c. 1940
Watercolor, 14’4 x 21 Vi (sight)
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of Mr. Ben Pedigo

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25. The Blizzard tShit: Pond.
Maine). 1941
Oil on canvas. 21 x 29
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Private collection

26a. Lumberack Study for
Woodcutters Evening &gt;, 1941
Crayon drawing.
9% x 11% (sight'
Signed 1J. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of
-•-r. and Mrs. Arnold Rifkin
t(b&gt;. Verso
Lumberjack. Study for
Woodcutters Evening ’)
Crayon drawing,
S’. x 11% 'sight?
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn

27. Young Lumberjack. (Study for
Woodcutters Evening’), 1941
Crayon drawing, 6 x 12
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis
28. Woodcutters Evening — Maine,
1943
Oil on canvas, 21 x 32
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Cc..ection. of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross W’eis
*29. Tiger Pitch, c. 1943
Oil on canvas, 271 x 33'A

Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman

30. Tangerines on Baugh —
California, 1944
Oil on board, 8’/« x 12‘A
Signed 1.1. C. Sp.
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis

31. White Dahlias, 1944
Oil on canvas, 18 x 24
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of Robert F, and
Patricia Ross Weis

*32.L«g«naBe«UI.SoHth 1945^ .
15'4. (sight)
Oil on board, 11 ■'« XU
. „
Signed l.r. C- Sp.
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman
*33. Autumn Glory. 1946
Oil on canvas, 20'4 x 2414
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman

34. Comer of Studio — Shin Pond,
Maine. 1946
Oil on board, 16 x 193A
Signed l.r. Sprinchorn
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis
35. Red Hat. Blue Hat, 1946
Oil on board, 18% x 24%
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
University’ Art Collection
University of Maine at Orono
36. Stormy October Sunset, c. 1946
Oil on board, 19 x 23'A (sight)
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
University’ Art Collection
University of Maine at Orono

37. The Spectator — Shin Pond,
Maine, 1947
Oil on canvas, 28'A x 34'A
Signed 1.1. C. Sprinchorn
University Art Collection
University of Maine at Orono
38. Shin Pond Outlet — Maine
1948
Oil on board, 12 x 6
Signed 1.1. C. Sp.
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis

39. Logs in Lumber Camp, 1948
Crayon on paper, 13% x 17%
Signed l.r. C. Sp.
Collection of Robert F. and
1 atricia Ross Weis

40. Snowy Branches, 1948
Crayon on paper, 16 v, :
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchix 13&gt;/2
torn
University Art Collilection
University of Maine at
Orono
*41. Whetstone Falls —
The Penobscot, 1949
Oil on canvas, 21%, x 32%
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman
42. Apple Blossoms, 1949
Oil on canvas, 28 x 34
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Estate of Carl Sprinchorn
43. Open Water — Maine, 1949
Watercolor, 19 x 25'/z
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis

44. Daisy Fields and Clouds, 1950
Oil on canvas, 21% x 29%
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of
Mr. and Mrs. Arnold Rifkin

*49. Daisy Fields, Crommett Farm,
c. 1950
Oil on canvas, 21% x 29
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman

50. Apples on a Bam Floor, c 1950
Oil on canvas, 25 x 30
Unsigned
Estate of Carl Sprinchorn

51. The River—Winter Stilled, 1951
Charcoal and Chinese White on
French Grey Charcoal Paper
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis

52. Crooked Tree — Shin Pond,
Maine, 1951
Oil on board, 12 x 18
Signed 1.1. C. Sp.
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis

53. Autumn Bouquet, c. 1957
Oil on board, 233A x 193A
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
University Art Collection
University of Maine at Orono
t54. My Early Backyard —
The Old House, Selkirk, 1958
Oil on canvas, 24 x 30
Unsigned
Estate of Carl Sprinchorn

(55. Landscape — Shin Pond, 1958
Pastel, 9'/z x 14'A
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of
Dr. and Mrs. Julian Long

T56. Landscape — Shin Pond, 1958
Pastel 14'A x 9'/z
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of
Dr. and Mrs. Julian Long

45. Landscape with Hawkweed, 1950
Oil on board, 20 x 24
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
University Art Collection
University of Maine at Orono
46. Open Season on Birds —
Shin Pond, Maine, 1950
Oil on canvas, 22 x 28
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis
1950
47. Evening Mists — Maine,
Oil on board, 16 x 19%
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of Robert F. an
Patricia Ross Weis
48. Landscape, c. 1950
Watercolor, ll’/z x
Signed 1.1. Carl Sprinchorn
Collection of Robert F. an
Patricia Ross Weis

19

*57. House in Selkirk, NY, 1961
Crayon on paper,
13'A x 16'A (sight)
Signed l.r. Carl Sprinchorn for
Frederica Beinert, July '61
Collection of
Miss Frederica Beinert
*58. A Bouquet for Kate, 1957,
(finished 1971)
Oil on canvas, 30%b x 25%
Signed l.r. C. Sp.
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman
All dimensions in inches, height precedes
width.
‘Included in the exhibition at the Sordoni
Art Gallery only.
TNot illustrated.

1

��4. Woman in Evening (7/:. n.
C. 1916
Watercolor on paper
The Brooklyn Mutjdi
Gift of Miss Ettie StettK-irr.tr

I

��L£.

6. T/ie Singer, c. 1916
Ink on paper
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis

23

�■i

i

Flowers, c. 1916
Watercolor on paper
The Brooklyn Museum
Gift of Alfred W. Jenkins

24

�»4

1

*8. Flowers at r ;:r.&lt; 191^
Paste!
Collection of
Mis- Kati-r,n Freeman

■

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I ■

I

2o

��Boreal Pageant
(Monson. Maine t, ]Q21
Chi on canvas
Estate of Carl Sprinchorn

11. Snow Winged Horses, 1921
Oil on canvas
The Phillips Collection
Washington, D.C.

28

���... -

37. ['hr S;’t\ tiikn
&gt;7wi 7‘iwjJ
Maine 1947
Oil on einvas
University Art &lt; o|U\ tion
University oi Maine .it l'iono

�14.

rj,»r&lt;inv--- iio.JN2t&gt;
Oil on canvas
Collection of

Mi.s Kathryn Freeman

�14. Santo Domingo Landscape, 1926
Oil on canvas
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman

33

�38. Shin Pond Outlet — Maine, 1948
Oil on board
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis

42. Apple Blossoms 1949
Oil on canvas
Estate ot Carl Sprincborn

34

�Blossoms, 1949
Oil on canvas
Estate of Carl Sprinch

��MB

*16. Red Bam — Snowy Vistas
(Sweden), 1931
Watercolor
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman

1
f

F

*17. House in Sweden (Summer), 1931
Watercolor
Collection of
Miss Kathryn Freeman

�43. Open ’.'.a.'fT' — ALj
1949
Watercckr
CoHectien •/:■ Reber? F and
Paine:J ?’■. • &gt; »Ye-

44
I

I ktr J / h M • an‘i ( :'■ 4&lt;/. 19S(J
Oil on canv.i.
( oilection c,f
Mr and Mr- Arnuid Kiri.r.

�•

|

44. Daisy Fields and Clouds, 1950
Oil on canvas
Collection of
Mr. and Mrs. Arnold Rifkin

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���Lumberjack, (Study for
Woodcutters Evening"), 1941
Crayon drawing
Collection of
Mr. and Mrs. Arnold Rifkin

1

27. Young Lumbeqack. (Study for
"Woodcutters Evening"), 1941
Crayon drawing
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis

�SO

29. .
Pi:.-’c
Oil er. canvas
Collection cf
NLss Kathryn Freeman

Tangerines ,&lt;n
~
California. 1944
Oil on hoard
Collection of Robert F. and
Patricia Ross Weis

��.

32

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C'. l.tc.. • ■’
M.’ Ka'hrv.^. F.-t«*rar

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k^..hry„ Frwtwr.

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�Autumn Glory, 1946
Oil on canvas
Collection of
Mi:s Kathryn Freeman

�£

EL

Shin Pond Maine. 1950
Oil on canvas
Collection of Robert E and
Paint ia Ross Weis

��i

Ked Hut. Blur Hat, C 194b
Od on board
University Art Collechor.
University of Maine al Orono

�I |2- .y fix Blue Hat. c. 1946
03 a, beard
feendy Art Collection
taenity of Maine at Orono

�52.

board

54

�1

..
Ti&gt;e
Shin Pi,nd
/-■ ,1951
/ aboard
. "'‘^olRr.bwtF, and
•r'-« Pr..-, Wen.

55

J
.____

�Logs in Lumber Camp. ]Q48
Crayon on paper
Collection ot Robert F and
Patricia Ross Weis

36. Stormy October Sunset, c. 1946
Oil on board
University Art Collection
University of Maine at Orono

L5o

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-I*-**
40 Snowy Blanche-;. 1948
Crayon on paper
Umvmity Ari CollKtion
Univmity ..f Mamr at Orono

58

’41. Whetstone Fulls
The Penobscot, 1949
Oil on canvas
Collection ot
Miss Kathryn Freeman

��-

-

*4&lt;? Da;;&gt;
c. 1»5C

O&gt;l on «r »
Coi
M: (CM*

�45. Landscape with Hawkweed
Oil on board
University Art Collection
University of Maine at Orono

*49. Daisy Fields. Cromniett Fa'1
c. 1950
OH on canvas
Collection ot
Miss Kathryn Freeman

50. Apple*. on a Bam Floor, c. 1950
Oil un canvas
Estate of Carl Spnnchorn

�Autumn Bouquet, c. 1957
Oil fin board
University Art Collection
University of Maine at Orono

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i

�J

Harry Gottlieb
The silkscreen and social concern

in the WPA era

organized by
The Jane Voorhees Zimmerli Art Museum
Rutgers-The State University of New Jersey

with essays by
Sheryl Conkelton and Gregory Gilbert

EXHIBITION SCHEDULE
The Jane Voorhees Zimmerli Art Museum
Rutgers University, New Brunswick, New Jersey
November 6 to December 31, 1983

Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes College
Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania
January 8 to February 12, 1984

i t-S. FARLEY UBRAftY
h'JfES UNIVERSITY I
I W'ES-BARRE, PA I
—-------——

_

cover: Change of Shift, c. 1940 (cat. 7)
Copyright © 1983 by Rutgers University
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 83-82368
All rights reserved for all countries, including the right
of translation. No part of this catalogue may be used
or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission
of the publisher

Manufactured in the United States of America
By Microtone Corporation
I hr Jane Voorhrrs Zintmrrli Art Museum is supported in pan
by a giant from Johnson Johnson Fatmh ol Companies

�Harry Gottlieb and the Development
of Serigraphy
Gregory Gilbert

1. Bootleg Mining, 1937, color lithograph, 14 x 18 1/8. The Syracuse University An Collections, (cat. 14)

During the 1930s. a number of innovations in osior
printmaking were developed under the aegis of the
WPA's Federal Art Project. Encouraged by these
technical strides, Project administrators organized a
special unit in 1938 to experiment with silkscreen as a
fine art medium: the unit's effort, resulted in the
development of serigraphy, which has become one of the
WPA’s most popular and enduring contributions to
modern printmaking. Of the unit's six founding
members, Harry Gottlieb was one of the most prolific,
and in 1940 he achieved the distinction of having the
first one-man exhibition devoted to serigraphy. '
Throughout the forties he lectured widely on the new
process, playing a crucial role in promoting serigraphy as
a major graphic art form. Although Gottlieb is a central
figure in the history of serigraphy, no previous studs has
focused on his pioneering works in the medium and his
early efforts to broaden and enrich its technical
capabilities.
In 1935. Gottlieb settled in New York Citv, and in
the following year he was assigned to the WPA/FAP's
newlv formed graphics division. Like many of the
Project’s programs, the division was established to
produce original works of an for schools and other
public institutions. With the excessive cost of materials
for painting and sculpture during the Depression years.
Project administrators quickly realized that pnntmaking
afforded the cheapest mode of artistic production and
multiple print editions made possible distribution on a
national scale. During its six years of existence, me
graphics division handled a large percentage of the
Project's allocations and functioned as a veritable
laboratorv for stvlistic interchange and technical
exploration. While many artists worked in etching and
other copper plate media, a number ot printmakers
investigated the artistic potential of relief and
planographic techniques, making significant advances m
lithographs’, woodblock printing, and serigraphy
During the 1930s Gottlieb was drawn to
printmaking, as it allowed him to translate the
spontaneous application and textural effects of his
drawings into various graphic art processes Gottlieb h»d
mastered lithographs in the early part of the decade,
and after entering the graphics division in I11'1 lie
resumed working tn the medium However. he qukki,
adopted the experimental techniques that were
circulating m the workshop. freeh apphmg tusche
"ashes and scraping his stone to achieve vaned
modulations m ink tone.

hi

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3

�Harry Gottlieb and the Development
of Serigraphy
...
Gregory Gilbert

Collections, (cat. 14)

During the 1930s, a number of innovations in color
printmaking were developed under the aegis of the
WPA’s Federal Art Project. Encouraged by these
technical strides, Project administrators organized a
special unit in 1938 to experiment with silkscreen as a
fine art medium; the unit’s efforts resulted in the
development of serigraphy, which has become one of the
WPA’s most popular and enduring contributions to
modern printmaking. Of the unit's six founding
members, Harry Gottlieb was one of the most prolific,
and in 1940 he achieved the distinction of having the
first one-man exhibition devoted to serigraphy.1
Throughout the forties he lectured widely on the new
process, playing a crucial role in promoting serigraphy as
a major graphic an form. Although Gottlieb is a central
figure in the history of serigraphy, no previous study has
focused on his pioneering works in the medium and his
early efforts to broaden and enrich its technical
capabilities.
In 1935, Gottlieb settled in New York City, and in
the following year he w&gt;as assigned to the WPA/FAP’s
newly formed graphics division. Like many of the
Project's programs, the division was established to
produce original works of art for schools and other
public institutions. With the excessive cost of materials
for painting and sculpture during the Depression years.
Project administrators quickly realized that printmaking
afforded the cheapest mode of artistic production and
multiple print editions made possible distribution on a
national scale. During its six years of existence, the
graphics division handled a large percentage of the
Project’s allocations and functioned as a veritable
laboratory for stylistic interchange and technical
exploration. While many artists worked in etching and
other copper plate media, a number of printmakers
investigated the artistic potential of relief and
planographic techniques, making significant advances in
lithography, woodblock printing, and serigraphy.
During the 1930s Gottlieb was drawn to
printmaking, as it allowed him to translate the
spontaneous application and textural effects of his
drawings into various graphic art processes. Gottlieb had
mastered lithography in the early part of the decade,
and after entering the graphics division in 1936 he
resumed working in the medium. However, he quickly
adopted the experimental techniques that were
circulating in the workshop, freely applying tusche
washes and scraping his stone to achieve varied
modulations in ink tone.

In the late 1930s, the graphics division perfected
several color printmaking methods, beginning in 193~
with the revitalization of color lithography.’’ This process
had been used since the early 19th century for
manufacturing commercial reproductions, yet Project
artists began to exploit the technique for its own
expressive potential, combining color with liquid tusche
to create a wide range of painterly effects in their prints.
During this period, Gottlieb produced a number of
color lithographs, such as Afoierr of Steel (cat. 1ft) and
Pittsburgh at Night (fig. 7) of 1937. One of his most
successful and celebrated efforts was Bootleg Mining
(fig. 1), a five color print of rhe same year. In this work.
Gottlieb executed the design in tusche crayon and wash,
balancing the translucent passages in the landscape with
the powerful, linear markings of rhe figures and
industrial machinery. Despite the popularity of color
lithography in the division, it was a difficult process to
master, requiring specialized equipment and the
supervision of a skilled printer. Similarly, the color
methods devised for woodblock printing and
carborundum etching were costly and posed an array of
technical problems to the artist. The burgeoning interest
in color printmaking necessitated rhe development of a
less expensive, less laborious technique, and in 1938
silkscrccn emerged as a viable alternative medium.
Like lithography, silkscreen had been employed as a
commercial process and was generally used for printing
signs and labels. In producing a silkscreen print, the
artist prepares a hinged box-like frame, which holds a
tightly stretched screen of silk or nylon. The design is
created by placing an impervious lacquer or cut stencil
on the screen, blocking out the areas not to be printed
Once the stencil or masking agent is in place, the artist
then uses a squeegee to force ink through the open areas
of the screen onto a piece of paper. If several colors are
to be printed, a scries of stencils for each color must be
cut and the finished work is created through successive
applications of different inks; these separate steps are
called progressive proofs and it is not until every color
has been applied that a coherent design is produced.
While attending an executive committee meeting for
the Artists Union in 1938. Gottlieb heard a
recommendation to utilize silkscreen as a fine an
medium. The proposal had been submitted by Anthony
Vclonis, an artist assigned to the Project's poster
division. Velonis. who was aware of the widespread
interest in color processes, used silkscreen in executing
posters for the WPA and was interested in modifying

3

�I

the technique for printmaking purposes. In his
recommendation to the Artists Union Committee,
Velonis outlined the many advantages of using silkscrceri
for fine art printmaking that had attracted Gottlieb to
the medium. Unlike lithography, etching and woodblock
printing, silkscrcen did not require unwieldy presses,
merely a frame and a modest assortment of hand tools.
Because the equipment used in silkscrcen printing was
portable and easily stored, it was possible for artists to
perfect the craft in their own studios. This was an
important benefit, as many printmakers felt that their
creativity was hampered by working in the bustling,
public atmosphere of the division workshop. The
method was also economical, as stencils and inks were
inexpensive and an untreated, low-grade paper or
cardboard could be used for printing. Furthermore, an
almost unlimited number of prints could be produced
using a resilient nylon screen; in many intaglio
processes, the incised areas of the plate are extremely
fragile and often become worn down with repeated
printings, resulting in the output of small editions.
Perhaps the most radical aspect of the silkscrcen
technique was its ability to emulate various graphic art
processes and painting mediums. Depending on the
viscosity and tone of the ink, the silkscreen print could
assume the dense luster of a work in oils, or the subtle
translucency of a tempera or watercolor. As Velonis
remarked, “In a sense it is not a graphic medium at all,
but lies somewhere between the duplicating process and
easel painting.”1
Velonis' knowledge of the process was extensive, as
he had worked closely with silkscreen techniques on the
Project’s poster division. From its inception in the early
thirties, the division attempted to transcend the
pedestrian nature of the poster, promoting it as a
legitimate form of creative expression. Indeed, many of
the staff designers were painters, not commercial
technicians, and they were concerned with the aesthetic
as well as the functional aspects of their work? While
the growing popularity of color printmaking contributed
to the development of serigraphy, the artistic character
of the FAP posters may have also prompted Velonis to
consider utilizing silkscreen as a print medium.

During his tenure on the poster division, Vclonb.
wrote a series of silkscreen manuals for the WPA/FAP.
Entitled Technical Problems of the Artist: Techniques nr
the Silkscreen, these brief primers explained the pro-filn
method and various other techniques that could be
utilized in conjunction with cut stencil printing ’ The
pro-film stencil method was used widely for lornmtn ul
purposes, as it allowed for the printing of evenly cut
designs and uniform applications of color However,
printmaking required a greater modulation in line and
ink rone, and in the late 1930s Velom attempted to
combat the planar character of the silk i reen medium hi
developing more flexible stenciling rechniqu' 1 wo of
the most effective were the- glue stop-out and the tu . In­
wash-out methods, which employed masking fluid- that
had to be brushed onto the screen to harden into a
stencil, giving printed images a more fluent, painterly
quality. It was also possible to achieve a varied range of
textures with the tusche wash-out merhexi, „ the surface
impressions of toss board or sandpaper could be
transferred to the screen Often, all three techniques
were combined to produce a single print the artist
relied on pro-film to delineate his composition and u r d
the other methods to add details or effects of modeling
In his technical brochures. Velonis also maintained that
more subtle tones could be produced by thinning viscid
silkscreen paints with a transparent base or varnish The
WPA office in Washington received an overwhelming
number of requests for Velonis' manual, from regional
FAP centers, and his writings served as the basts for
much of the technical experimentation that later
occurred in the Silk Screen Unit?
Velonis formally submitted his silkscreen proposal
the WPA/FAP in 1938, and with the support of the
Public Use of Arts Committee and the United American
Artists, the Project approved an experiment to utilize
the technique as a fine an process In November of 'Ta
year, a special Silk Screen Unit comprised of six FAP
artists was organized, and Velonis was selected to
supervise the group; the six artists were Harry Gottlieb
Hyman Warsager. Ruth Chaney, Eugene Merely. U-u*
Lozowick. and Elizabeth Olds: even earlier, Gottlieb
expressed his immediate interest in the tec hnique n

executive comrnittri i.| :i,&lt; Ari, ' l'm,,n AuditMcMahon, ihr director »t th- \i.,v Y"rk \\ i‘A f VP
responsible fot launching the .ib.u rt ii, |-rc-;«.:
recommending ilui &lt; .&lt;&gt;h ,.iri ' produ.t n-ar irul prinw
I he enure I - mt w.i. then n quirt J i ■ • ubn n n - u'y four
works io McMahon and t" dclni r a I’l'.'.p report -u, t He
viability of silks, teen a a print medium Bv August of
1939. Projec t adtninistraroi dremt d rio n t flom j
success and the Sdk Screen I tui wa-. !|i&lt; .-.JI, "c.-i-mzcd
as a branch of the WPA/FAP
Although the silk .&lt; reen group *4-. dr ignored d. :
unit, this was something of a misnomer After Velonis
trained each artist in the technique, they were pr-.
to execute print m their o vn -.nidiot. a; no centralized
silkscrceri workshop had been established,' Ii sa. riot
until the Unit r.ucd it, official report to th- Projr'i tha’
the prinrrnakers met ro di-tu". their pr ,gt",:
Consequently, the Silk Screen Unit can only partly be
viewed a a toiler rive experiment ... the ;,r-i t worker 1
independently ro advance 'h'ir own ;r;r. oxtr.r "Juri'.re
in the medium. It should be -rre-cd that rear,- l.’-iit
members continued to employ otbtr f ontmaking
methods during th, , period 'rearing ilk■&lt; rren a; mtrr-iy
one process in their re.hnital ,-eperroire For r.-ramp &lt;•
both Hyman War.agrr and Ruth Chaney were noted for
their per i'tent interest in the -dur woodcut. E'lzatit’r.
Olds remained a proiifi' lithographer, and the famed
modernist Loui- Lozowick produced only onesilkscreen
while on the Project Gottlieb on rhe other hand
worked "xclusr.el» in stlkscreen from
throughout the ear!’, form- me majority ot his output
was devoted to the process.
The stylistic diversity evident m the Unit s produce
underscored the adaptable nature of the -.iksercen
medium, While some of the art.-t- worked in ar.

abstract
Realism
[e’fltl.il

tlx lair

amalgai
cartoon
m.»t ru
Kamen
work '
Realist
express)
G-trlrc
Got
for w&lt;
ro doq
used tf
the BrJ
rigid &lt;z&lt;

emphx
dime re
tone- ti
printed

prmrm
dcvign
apply ir
expand
with a
and
and gr.

�poster division, Velonis
rnuals for the WPA/FAP.
if the Artist: Techniques of
mere explained the pro-film
hniques that could be
ut stencil printing.5 The
ised widely for commercial
: printing of evenly cut
ions of color. However,
:r modulation in line and
3s Velonis attempted to
&gt;f the silkscreen medium by
citing techniques. Two of
lue stop-out and the tusche
ployed masking fluids that
creen to harden into a
; a more fluent, painterly
a achieve a varied range of
-out method, as the surface
andpaper could be
en, all three techniques
single print: the artist
:e his composition and used
tails or effects of modeling.
:lonis also maintained that
roduced by thinning viscid
&gt;arent base or varnish. The
:ceived an overwhelming
is’ manuals from regional
served as the basis for
Dentation that later
nit.6
d his silkscreen proposal to
with the support of the
e and the United American
an experiment to utilize
:ocess. In November of that
tit comprised of six FAP
lonis was selected to
trusts were Harry Gottlieb,
icy. Eugene Morely. Louis
Is; even earlier. Gottlieb had
rest tn the technique to the

On the Beach, 1939. serigraph, 12 1/2 x 14 3/8.
The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
Gift of WPA New York Project, 1943. feat- 1)

executive committee of the Artists Union. Audrey
McMahon, the director of the New York WPA/FAP, was
responsible for launching the silkscreen project,
recommending that each artist produce four trial prints.
The entire Unit was then required to submit twenty-four
works to McMahon and to deliver a group report on the
viability of silkscreen as a print medium.7 By August of
1939, Project administrators deemed their efforts a
success and the Silk Screen Unit was officially recognized
as a branch of the WPA/FAP.
Although the silkscreen group was designated as a
unit, this was something of a misnomer. After Velonis
trained each artist in the technique, they were permitted
to execute prints in their own studios, as no centralized
silkscreen workshop had been established." It was not
until the Unit issued its official report to the Project that
the printmakers met to discuss their progress.
Consequently, the Silk Screen Unit can only partly be
viewed as a collective experiment, as the artists worked
independendv to advance their owm innovative solutions
in the medium. It should be stressed that many Unit
members continued to employ other printmaking
methods during this period, treating silkscreen as merely
one process in their technical repertoires. For example,
both Hyman Warsager and Ruth Chaney were noted for
their persistent interest in the color woodcut, Elizabeth
Olds remained a prolific lithographer, and the famed
modernist Louis Lozowick produced only one silkscreen
while on the Project. Gottlieb, on the other hand,
worked exclusively in silkscreen from 1938 to 1940, and
throughout the early forties the majority of his output
was devoted to the process.
The stylistic diversity evident in the Unit's products
underscored the adaptable nature of the silkscreen
medium. While some of the artists worked in an

abstract idiom, Gottlieb was an exponent of Social
Realism, and a number of his prints dealt with the
political and economic crises of the Depression era
Social Realism, emerging in the United Slates during
the late twenties and thirties, was derived from an
amalgam of styles, including militant political
cartooning, the German Neue Sachlichkeit. and perhaps
most notably, Mexican proletarian art. In fact, Jacob
Kainen has asserted that Gottlieb's prints from the
1930s reflect an affinity for Jose Clemente Orozco’s
work.’ Several of the stylistic traits associated with Social
Realist art, such as a simplification of forms and an
expressive distortion of the figure, can be detected in
Gottlieb's prints from the 1930s.
Gottlieb’s expressionistic manner was perfectly suited
for working in silkscreen, as stencil printing lends itself
to designs based on simplified cut-out shapes. Gottlieb
used this to excellent advantage in his first silkscreen On
the Beach of 1939 (fig. 2). Here, he has stressed the
rigid outline of the stencil by employing a forcefully cut
stroke, which gives the elements in his composition an
emphatic, plastic quality. This sense of three
dimensionality was reinforced by the layering of vibrant
tones in bold, curvilinear shapes. On the Beach was
printed in nine colors, an ambitious undertaking for
Gottlieb’s first essay in the medium; however, he used ;a
rather thick paint mixture, which resulted in the
printing of flat, highly saturated hues. In executing his
design he relied heavily on the cut stencil method,
applying a limited range of textures to suggest the
granular surface of the beach and to animate the broad
expanses of flat color. In later prints he experimented
with a wider range of brushed stencils and pigments,
and soon he was able to imitate a variety of painterly
and graphic effects with equal fluency.

5

�3. Fishermen's Luck, 1939, serigraph, 15 1/8 x 20 1/4. The Syracuse University Art Collection,. (cat. 2)
flecks of pigment resemble the spattered marking’ of an
ink and brush drawing. In th-, work, th.- swarthy figure-,
of two rock drillers dominate the composition, giving
these silhouetted forms an almost monumental quality.
This was one of Gottlieb's few attempt, to aggrandize
the worker, in the majority of his prints he incorporated
figures into the industrial landscape, and often used
them as compositional foils for the larger elements in
the scene. As in On the Beach, a sense of figural solidity
has been conveyed through the use of a forceful
rounded stroke and the application of unmodeled tones
Like the previous two silkscree ns, Driller; was primed in
nine colors, yet Gottlieb reverted to using more opaque
pigments to enhance rhe graphic character of this a
The Strike is Won of 1940 (fig. 6). one of the ar.m s
most celebrated political images, represents another
experimental effort to extend the graphic range of the
medium. Here, the sharply articulated forms and she
layered planes of stippled color were used to imitate
woodcut printing. Gottlieb relied on the expressive t &gt;xc
of his Social Realist vocabulary to convev the exuberant
of the strikers, rendering their faces and gesturing b&gt;xbes

Gottlieb’s second silkscreen. Fishermen's Luck of
1939 (fig- 3), displays his increasing mastery of the
process. Unlike the dense tones used in On the Beach,
Gottlieb employed thinner pigments to emulate the
transparent quality of watercolor or tempera. He was
also able to mimic the fluid motion of a brush by
cutting the stencil with a more rhythmic stroke.
Although Gottlieb worked in a representational style, he
imbued the elements in his prints with an abstract
energy in order to convey a sense of dynamic motion. As
Sidney Alexander observed, “A realist, he is deeply
involved with his subject, but he struggles against being
chained to it... the picture is a subjective-objective
vision.”10 in Fishermen's Luck. Gottlieb expressed
vigorous figural action by transforming the fishermen
into a series of energetically curved lines. This sweeping
stroke was also used to suggest the thrusting force of the
waves, which were reduced to stylized bands of color in
the manner of a Japanese woodcut.
With Drillers of 1939 (cat. 4), Gottlieb eschewed a
painterly approach for a more graphic effect. The colors
have been applied in uniform layers and the stenciled

6

4. Minter nn th' &lt; rri /• I &lt;»«» -n^iq-b .
and I ilden I oundation. ' • -)

U )

print I ..Hr, I

with ihe bluni minom. -4 .&lt; ,- &gt;lm- I
f:. &gt;r,
the .inking pi&lt;n&gt;rul il'-nm an-1 . bm-t hoc were
effective in c'.okmg th'
r..u".-&gt;
of rhe derr.-.i.-irarmi&lt; n- It? . ,,-i- &gt;' Gi ,,
GotrlieL maintained an uin,' n '■•rrct n il.r, =&lt;ibie, r
issuing th' Strike h !c ,n .t. bmb n.ir- aiul ten- ui-.r
editions
A’ -ilkurecn d'cign. arc nor reversed m printing
Gottlieb was able to execute detailed preliminary
drawings that were '-a it. trarnfemd r . the -fe'.'U The
artist often prepared hi, sketch?, in olot indicating the
printing
various color separations that would be use:
he produced
each progre-,51.'- proof for in
preparator. color studies in gouache for such ulkscreen
work; a Mending the .\et,
.’.or Rain
Ram i'-.r
,\eti and Sior
(cats. 3, 9. 23. 24). 'While Gottlieb executed prelirrunar.
ketches for entire silkureen Cumpc’U'.iur. •udie :
indr-.tduai figure- , o .r s
jb' -u : example ;• .,
sensitive!; re' : red pen, n dra;i.rg f ’-t ■ ■ "-i-l
Kan whishdepi. i rhe tided-, w rm r.
right of the print/cat
W hen . t-mpartd
rhe
bold!- incised figure in rhe --iKwrecn in:. w '• r*.-ra •

J

..
fM

IT./'

qua

�K
I

is. (cat. 2)

the spattered markings of an
his work, the swarthy figures
e the composition, giving
Imost monumental quality,
ew attempts to aggrandize
of his prints he incorporated
ndscape, and often used
for the larger elements in
ch. a sense of figural solidity
the use of a forceful,
lication of unmodeled tones,
eens, Drillers was printed in
erred to using more opaque
phic character of this work.
iO (fig. 6), one of the artist’s
tges, represents another
d the graphic range of the
aruculated forms and the
&gt;lor were used to imitate
relied on the expressive force
try to convey the exuberance
sir faces and gesturing bodies

4. \V inter on the Creek, 1940, serigraph, 12 x 14 1/8. Print Collection. The New' York Public Library. Astor. Lenox
and Tilden Foundations, (cat. 8)

with the blunt economy of a political cartoon. Further,
the striking pictorial design and vibrant hues were
effective in evoking the boisterous, militant atmosphere
of the demonstration scene. Throughout the late 1930s
Gottlieb maintained an active interest in this subject,
issuing the Strike Is Won in both four- and ten-color
editions.
As silkscreen designs are not reversed in printing,
Gottlieb was able to execute detailed preliminary
drawings that were easily transferred to the stencil. The
artist often prepared his sketches in color, indicating the
various color separations that would be used in printing
each progressive proof. For instance, he produced
preparatory color studies in gouache for such silkscreen
works as Mending the Nets and Nor Rain Nor Snow
fats. 3, 9, 23, 24). While Gottlieb executed preliminary
sketches for entire silkscreen compositions, studies for
individual figures exist as well. One such example is a
sensitively rendered pencil drawing for The Strike Is
Won, which depicts the elderly worker at the bottom
right of the print (cat. 6). When compared with the
boldly incised figure in the silkscreen, this work reveals

Gottlieb’s ability to modify his formal approach to suit
the character of a particular medium. A handsome,
skillfully drawn sketch of a single figure also exists for
Drillers (cat. 4).
Winter on the Creek of 1940 (fig. 4) was Gottlieb’s
most masterful effort in simulating painting techniques
in silkscreen, and proved to be his greatest commercial
and critical success as a serigrapher. Executed in eleven
colors, it was also his technical tour de force in the
medium. In producing this work, the artist printed
alternating layers of opaque and transparent colors,
building his tones in much the same manner that an oil
painting is executed through a successive application of
glazes. Further. Gottlieb used masking fluids to mimic
the feathery touch of a brush, printing thick, impasto­
like touches of pigment which gave the surface of his
work the delicate texture of a gouache. Unlike the
mechanical operations of lithographic or intaglio
methods, the matrix of a silkscreen can be freely
manipulated, and the artist is able to alter the tonal
quality of a print by simply lifting the frame or
controlling the force exerted on the squeegee. This not
7

�I

distinctly American contribution to the graphic arts. At
this time, not only was there an emphasis in the United
States on developing such indigenous styles as
Regionalism and Social Realism, but there was also an
interest in innovating printmaking methods that would
rival accomplishments in European graphics.
Two of silkscreen’s most enthusiastic promoters were
Elizabeth McCausland and Carl Zigrosset McCausland,
an influential and politically-oriented art critic of the
1930s and 1940s, championed silkscreen as a modern
democratic art form, asserting that the low cost of the
process would make high quality color prints available to
the masses. McCausland was particularly active in
promoting Gottlieb’s works during the forties,
exclaiming that he was a “ . . . pioneer in the movement
to popularize graphic art. . .. ’' and adding that ”...
Gottlieb rates credit for having made a substantial
contribution to the fine arts use of silk screen.”'J Carl
Zigrosser, who was a renowned curator of graphic arc at
the Philadelphia Museum of Art, was the first scholar to
encourage the growth and acceptance of silkscreen as a
print medium; as late as the mid-forties there was still a
great deal of entrenched prejudice against color
printmaking in all media, and many graphic art societies
excluded color lithographs, woodblock prints and
serigraphs from their publications and exhibitions. Yet,
Zigrosser’s writings were extremely effective in
stimulating both professional and public interest in
silkscreen. He was also the first graphic art specialist to
conduct a systematic study of the history of silkscreen
and his 1941 article ‘‘The Serigraph, A New Medium"
remains the definitive overview of the early development
of the process.14 In fact, it was Zigrosser who coined the
term serigraphy in order to differentiate the fine art
silkscreen technique from its commercial ancestry. In his
writings, Zigrosser also cited Gottlieb as being one of
the most energetic proponents of the new medium.
Not only were critics and printmaking specialists
involved in promoting serigraphy, but Gottlieb was
extremely active in advancing the process through a
series of lectures and demonstrations that he conducted
from the late thirties through the middle years of the
forties. The first large public demonstration of silkscreen
was held on August II, 1940 at the Works Progress
Administration Building of the New York World's Fair.
Of the six artists assigned to the Silk Screen Unit,
Gottlieb was selected to demonstrate the various
techniques utilized in silkscreen printing. Elizabeth
------ ■--- was also present at the demonstrauon and
McCausland

only allows for widely divergent impressions to be
produced from the same stencil, but gives silkscreen
prints a more painterly, handcrafted appearance.
Gottlieb often modified the technical steps of silkscreen,
and once likened the flexibility of the process to the
spontaneous quality of drawing." In 1942, Winter on
the Creek received the Eyre Medal of the 40th Annual
Philadelphia Watercolor and Print Exhibition, the first
silkscreen to be awarded a prize in a national graphic
arts competition. Winter on the Creek proved to be so
popular with the print-buying public in the early 1940s
that Gottlieb issued a second version of the work. It was
also illustrated widely in a number of art periodicals
during this period and has appeared in several silkscreen
handbooks as a representative example of Gottlieb’s
work in the medium.
Throughout 1939 and 1940 Gottlieb developed an
almost systematic approach to expanding and perfecting
the technical capabilities of silkscreen, as he
experimented with an extensive range of stencil methods
and pigment mixtures. In executing his prints, he
emulated a variety of painting mediums and graphic art
processes in order to demonstrate the flexibility and
artistic potential of the new technique. Gottlieb
produced such a prodigious number of silkscreens that
he was able to hold the first one-man exhibition devoted
to the medium at the ACA Gallery in March of 1940.
The ACA Gallery had been organized and founded by
Herman Baron, who sympathized with the political
ideals of the Social Realist artists of the 1930s and had
taken a keen interest in Gottlieb’s achievements in
silkscreen. In his memoirs, Baron commented on the
historical significance of Gottlieb’s exhibition:
For the sake of giving it (silkscreen) a beginning let
us say that it was introduced to the New York art
world — and thereby to a nationwide audience —
in the first large one-man show of work in the
medium held at ACA Gallery ... Harry Gottlieb, in
my opinion, was the logical artist to introduce the
new medium, the silkscreen print."
During the same month as Gottlieb’s show, two
group exhibitions of silkscrcens were organized at the
Weyhe Gallery and the Springfield Museum; however,
Gottlieb’s display received a great deal of critical
attention and several reviewers praised the artist for his
facile command of textural effects and the novel use of
color evidenced in many of his prints.
Gottlieb’s ACA exhibition was more than a
professional coup for the artist, in that several critics
viewed it as an occasion to herald the birth of a new and

addressed the audience on the social significance of the
new medium.
Shortly after serigraphy had been introduced to other
artists in rhe graphics division, it quickly became one of
the more popular printmaking methods, and by 1940
twenty percent of the Project's graphic allocations were
being reproduced by the technique.1' Soon, such a large
number of printmakers began to employ the process that
an independent Silk Screen Group was established tn
New York in May of 1940; like many Project artists.
Gottlieb joined the Silk Screen Group, but he was
affiliated with the organization for only a brief period."
In 1940, after leaving the WPA/FAP, Gottlieb
conducted a series of lectures and workshops on
serigraphy at the University of Minnesota, the
Minneapolis Institute of Art, the University- of Omaha
and the University of Nebraska. At several of these
locations, the artist actually helped to implement studio
programs in serigraphy. In addition to his appearances
in the Middle West. Gottlieb also lectured on the
technique at Columbia University and the Museum of
Modern Art, where the process was later used for
printing reproductions of the museum’s holdings.
Gottlieb’s lectures generally dealt with the technical
benefits of utilizing serigraphy as a print medium, and
he often demonstrated the process and invited members
of the audience to pull their own prints. He also
exhibited such educational materials as progressive
proofs and color separations for various works, most
notably a series that he prepared for the print The Long
Island Ducks, c. 1941 (cats. 12 a-m). In many respects,
Gottlieb’s lectures exemplified the ideological thrust of
the WPA’s art programs, as he actively sought tn
broaden the public's awareness and appreciation of the
graphic arts; unlike Velonis, who preferred to
disseminate knowledge of serigraphy through his
technical writings. Gottlieb attempted to forge a more
personal and immediate link between this newdemocratic an form and a responsive public. Gottlieb s
efforts to promote the medium on a wider scale were
also realized in 1940, when he acted as art and technical
director of a film depicting the silkscreen technique,
which was produced by Julius Roffman of the
Educational Film Institute of New York University .
Featuring Gottlieb demonstrating the various steps in
silkscreen printing, it was the cinematic counterpart to
Velonis' 19.3g technical manuals on silkscreen published
by the WPA/FAP. Distribution of the film spread
knowledge of the technique to areas that lacked college

art programs o
commitment t
number of Pre
for an entire p
in this country
burgeoning gr
graphic w orksl
prints in the 1
Shortlv aft
onset of Work
of the Project,
to produce pn
Gottlieb exect
themes, such
Damn the To&gt;
produced afte
stemmed fron
1942. the ent
Section of the
silkscreen and
artists who w&lt;
supporting th
that had insu
now openly d
being utilizer
printing gove
trend, artists
experiments i
in the latter ]
w ider follow-!
Throughc
innovations r
equipment. ;
Op art expo:
Ironically, O]
emphasized i
Pop’s reliant
serigraphy w
the process r
during the P
obscure the j
Gottlieb and
However, in
medium s e;
figure in the
process. Thr
extensive lec
in establish!
means of ex:

9
8

�rican contribution to the graphic arts. At
only was there an emphasis in the United
oping such indigenous styles as
id Social Realism, but there was also an
ivating printmaking methods that would
intents in European graphics,
screen’s most enthusiastic promoters were
msland and Carl Zigrosset McCausland,
nd politically-oriented art critic of the
Is. championed silkscreen as a modern
form, asserting that the low cost of the
nake high quality color prints available to
Causland was particularly active in
tlieb’s works during the forties.
he was a “ . .. pioneer in the movement
raphic an.. ..' ’ and adding that "...
redit for having made a substantial
the fine arts use of silk screen.”13 Carl
vas a renowned curator of graphic art at
a Museum of Art. was the first scholar to
growth and acceptance of silkscreen as a
as late as the mid-forties there was still a
trenched prejudice against color
all media, and many graphic art societies
ithographs. woodblock prints and
their publications and exhibitions. Yet.
ngs were extremely effective in
h professional and public interest in
•as also the first graphic an specialist to
natic study of the history of silkscreen
tide “The Serigraph, A New Medium”
initive overview of the early development
‘ In fact, it was Zigrosser who coined the
in order to differentiate the fine art
ique from its commercial ancestry. In his
ser also cited Gottlieb as being one of
rtic proponents of the new medium,
■re critics and printmaking specialists
moting serigraphy, but Gottlieb was
: in advancing the process through a
s and demonstrations that he conducted
lirties through the middle years of the
t large public demonstration of silkscreen
igust II. 1940 at the Works Progress
Building of the New York World’s Fair,
ts assigned to the Silk Screen Unit,
leered to demonstrate the various
ized in silkscreen printing. Elizabeth
ts also present at the demonstration and

addressed the audience on the social significance of the
new medium.
Shortly after serigraphy had been introduced to other
artists in the graphics division, it quickly became one of
the more popular printmaking methods, and by 1940
twenty percent of the Project’s graphic allocations were
being reproduced by the technique.” Soon, such a large
number of printmakers began to employ the process that
an independent Silk Screen Group was established in
New York in May of 1940; like many Project artists,
Gottlieb joined the Silk Screen Group, but he was
affiliated with the organization for only a brief period.”
In 1940, after leaving the WPA/FAP, Gottlieb
conducted a series of lectures and workshops on
serigraphy- at the University’ of Minnesota, the
Minneapolis Institute of Art, the University of Omaha
and the University of Nebraska. At several of these
locations, the artist actually helped to implement studio
programs in serigraphy. In addition to his appearances
in the Middle West, Gotdieb also lectured on the
technique at Columbia University and the Museum of
Modern Art. where the process was later used for
printing reproductions of the museum’s holdings.
Gottlieb's lectures generally dealt with the technical
benefits of utilizing serigraphy as a print medium, and
he often demonstrated the process and invited members
of the audience to pull their own prints. He also
exhibited such educational materials as progressive
proofs and color separations for various works, most
notably a series that he prepared for the print The Long
Island Ducks, c. 1941 (cats. 12 a-m). In many respects,
Gottlieb’s lectures exemplified the ideological thrust of
the WPA’s art programs, as he actively sought to
broaden the public’s awareness and appreciation of the
graphic arts; unlike Velonis, who preferred to
disseminate knowledge of serigraphy through his
technical writings, Gottlieb attempted to forge a more
personal and immediate link between this new
democratic art form and a responsive public. Gottlieb’s
efforts to promote the medium on a wider scale were
also realized in 1940, when he acted as art and technical
director of a film depicting the silkscreen technique,
which was produced by Julius Roffman of the
Educational Film Institute of New York University.”
Featuring Gottlieb demonstrating the various steps in
silkscreen printing, it was the cinematic counterpart to
Velonis' 1938 technical manuals on silkscreen published
by the WPA/FAP. Distribution of the film spread
knowledge of the technique to areas that lacked college

art programs or professional art schools. Gottlieb’s
commitment to the graphic arts was shared by a large
number of Project artists, who later became the mentors
for an entire postwar generation of fine art printmakers
in this country. Their activities contributed to the
burgeoning growth of printmaking studios, university
graphic workshops and the unprecedented market for
prints in the 1950s and 1960s.
Shortly after Gottlieb had left the WPA/FAP, the
onset of World War II prompted the gradual dissolution
of the Project, and many of the artists were encouraged
to produce propagandistic prints for the war effort.
Gottlieb executed several serigraphs depicting war
themes, such as Montage ofAmerican Soldiers and
Damn the Torpedo of 1942 (fig. 5), yet these were
produced after his tenure on the Project and no doubt
stemmed from his own patriotic sentiments. In March of
1942, the entire WPA/FAP was renamed the Graphic
Section of the War Services Division, and additional
silkscreen and lithographic equipment was provided for
artists who were now obligated to execute works
supporting the Allies.19 The technical experimentation
that had insured the rapid maturation of serigraphy was
now openly discouraged and the process was once again
being utilized for the more functional purpose of
printing governmental posters. Despite this regressive
trend, artists such as Gottlieb continued with their
experiments in serigraphy on an independent basis and
in the latter part of the forties the technique gained a
wider following in both the United States and Europe.
Throughout the 1950s there were numerous technical
innovations made in serigtaphic materials and
equipment, and in the 1960s a large number of Pop and
Op art exponents began to employ the technique.
Ironically, Op art’s emphasis on flat, intense hues
emphasized the planar character of the medium and
Pop’s reliance on media imagery served to realign
serigraphy with its earlier commercial associations. While
the process reached its full art historical legitimacy
during the Pop and Op eras, this actually served to
obscure the pioneering advancements made by Harry
Gottlieb and other Project artists during the 1930s.
However, in reviewing these fertile years in the
medium's early history, Gottlieb emerges as a pivotal
figure in the development of silkscreen as a fine art
process. Through his prodigious output of prints and
extensive lectures on serigraphy, Gottlieb was influential
in establishing the technique as a viable and potent
means of expression for modern artists.

9

�Harry Gottlieb: -- : . Social Con
Sheryl Conkelton

We too are interested primarily in art, but we realize
that the creation of important art is a . .xial
phenomenon and docs not begin and end in the
artist's studio.
Anonymous address to the American
Artists Congress, November 1. 1936

5. Damn the Torpedo, 1942, serigraph, 12 1/4 x 18 1/4. The Syracuse University An Collections, (cat. 13)

two brochures were later reprinted by the WPA in 1941
in one volume entitled The Silk Screen Process.
‘O’Connor, The New Deal Art Projects, 324.
’Elizabeth Olds, in a letter to the author, April 2,
1983.
’Olds, letter.
’Kainen, ‘‘The Graphic Arts Division,” 167.
'“Sidney Alexander, Harry Gottlieb, New York, ACA
Gallery, 1948, 2.
“Harry Gottlieb, in an interview with Sheryl
Conkelton and Gregory Gilbert, March 10. 1983.
“Herman Baron, American Contemporary Artists
Gallery Papers, Archives of American Art, New York,
D304, 678-680.
“Elizabeth McCausland, “Silk Screen Color Prints,
Parnassus, March, 1940, 34-35,
“Zigrosser, ‘‘Serigraph,” 460.
' ■'Milton Meltzer. Violins and Shovels: The If PA
Arts Projects, New York. 1976, 79.
"Gottlieb, interview, March 10, 1983.
“ACA Gallery Papers, D3()4. 1169.
‘Silk Screen Process Filmed,” The Magazine of
Art. August, 19-10, 481-482.
Kainen, “The Graphic Arts Division," 171-

NOTES
'As Carl Zigrosser noted in his ''Serigraph, A New
Medium,” Print Collectors Quarterly, December, 1941,
467, Guy Maccoy actually had the first one-man
exhibition of silkscreen prints, which was held at the
Contemporary Arts Gallery in New York in November of
1938; however, Maccoy had not utilized the fine art
process of serigraphy that was perfected in 1939 by
Harry Gottlieb and members of the Federal Art
Projects’s Silk Screen Unit. Serigraphy was comprised of
a variety of techniques that involved the use of oil
pigments, whereas Maccoy had executed his silkscreens
in waterbased paints.
(Jacob Kainen, ‘‘The Graphic Arts Division of the
WPA Federal Art Project,” in The New Deal Art
Projects: An Anthology of Memoirs, ed. by Francis V.
O’Connor, Washington. D.C., 1972, 167.
Anthony Velonis, "Silk Screen Process Prints,”
Magazine of Art, July, 1940, 411.
■'William F. McDonald, Federal Relief
Administration and the Arts, Columbus, 1969, 438.
Anthony Velonis, Technical Problems of the Artist:
Technique of the Mik Screen Process, Vol. I and Vol. II:
Methods Other Than Projilm, New York, 1938. These

The social and political significance of works of art
created under the auspices of the Works Progress
Administration from its inception in 1935 to its
dissolution in 1943 is immediately apparent. Not only
does the content of these works make comment on the
social and political temperament of the times, but the
very existence of these works refers to an unprecedented
system of government patronage for American art and
artists. The importance and implications of this
patronage were far reaching and tremendously involving
for those artists who participated in rhe WPA programs.
The artists and the work they did came to be regarded
as integral to society’s well being and to the recovery of
that well being.
The artistic and political activities of Harry Gottlieb
during this period are representative of rhe larger issues
which concerned artists during the Depression years. His
work focused on the artist’s responsibility to record the
particular events and emotions of the times; art was a
record of his subjective experience, but he also saw art as
a progressive force, as a socially responsive and
responsible activity. His major concern was not to
espouse a particular political platform but to express the
humanist ideal in the representation of people coping
with the situations caused by tremendous economic
depression.
Gottlieb's political activity was centered upon the
idea of the artist’s responsible role in society and. in
turn, upon the government's responsibility to foster the
artist and his art. He was very involved in encouraging
government agencies to be supportive of art as well as
industry and to be active in die dissemination of arc to a
wide audience. The development of this audience was of
great concern to Gottlieb: he taught and lectured on an
and spoke often on the issues surrounding art education.
He was supportive of proposals and projects which
created a wider and more receptive audience. His
decision to work with the graphic media was partially
motivated bv this concern: prints were easily and
inexpensively produced in large numbers and could be

made available to the public.
Gottlieb's initial involvement in political issues and
organizations occurred upon his return from travel and
11

10

�I
Harry Gottlieb: Art and Social Concern
Sheryl Conkelton

We too are interested primarily in art. but we realize
that the creation of important an is a social
phenomenon and does not begin and end in the
artist’s studio.
Anonymous address to the American
Artists Congress. November 1. 1936

cat. 15)

by the WPA in 1941
reen Process.
Projecis, 324.
he author. April 2,

ivision." 167.
'ieb, New York. ACA

v with Sheryl
irch 10. 1983.
itemporary Artists
in Art, New York,

screen Color Prints,"

&lt;ovels: The U-'PA
1985.

69.
The Magazine of

ivision," 171.

study in Europe on a Guggenheim Fellowship. He
settled in Woodstock, where he had lived prior to his
trip, and became aware of the growing organization
among artists seeking government support as the
Depression grew worse. Mrs. Juliana Force, who had
given Gottlieb his first one-man exhibition in 1929 and
was the first director of the Whitney Museum, was
already involved with her own committee to raise funds
for artists who had lost their usual sources of patronage
when the Depression hit. Gottlieb joined her campaign
and became chairman of the committee to raise funds.1
He was very successful in organizing a diverse group of
artists into a supportive group. The lobbying efforts by
this and other groups were instrumental in establishing
the Public Works of Art Project (PWAP) in December
1935. Gottlieb continued to assist in efforts to increase
public support of artists.
The subtle change in the subjects that Gottlieb chose
to depict in his paintings and lithographs reflect his
growing political involvement. The lithographs he
created in Europe show people taking part in all kinds
of activities, as well as landscape scenes. Upon his return
to Woodstock, leisure time subjects gave way to a
consistent depiction of people’s labor: men at work in
an icehouse and the excavation of a city street, among
other images. The pleasantly wooded landscape began to
reveal hidden quarries, busy railroad houses and other
industrial scenes.
The emphasis on the worker and the industrial
landscape was accompanied by the full development of
certain stylistic characteristics which had been exhibited
to a lesser degree in his earlier works: disruption of scale
within a continuous scene, alteration of naturalistic color
and a blocky and summary description of the figure.
This style had much in common with a general style
developing among some of his contemporaries; it
remained fairly consistent throughout Gottlieb's career.
During the thirties, the term "social viewpoint" was
used to describe paintings and prints of this kind. It has
come to be known as "social realism," but at the time
it was not considered realistic? Its distortions created a
condensed account of the scene the artist sought to
portray, with important elements selected and carefully
emphasized to create a mood or impress a point.
As Edmund Wilson pointed out in his essay on
George Bellows, American artists at the time were
working from a point of view for which there was no
American tradition? They drew upon a wide variety of
elements gleaned from sources as varied as the Surrealist

The social and political significance of works of an
created under the auspices of the Works Progress
Administration from its inception in 1955 to its
dissolution in 1945 is immediately apparent. Not only
does the content of these works make comment on the
social and political temperament of the times, but the
very existence of these works refers to an unprecedented
system of government patronage for American art and
artists. The importance and implications of this
patronage were far reaching and tremendously involving
for those artists who participated in the WPA programs.
The artists and the work they did came to be regarded
as integral to society's well being and to the recovery of
that well being.
The artistic and political activities of Harry Gottlieb
during this period are representative of the larger issues
which concerned artists during the Depression years. His
work focused on the artist’s responsibility to record the
particular events and emotions of the times; art was a
record of his subjective experience, but he also saw art as
a progressive force, as a socially responsive and
responsible activity. His major concern was not to
espouse a particular political platform but to express the
humanist ideal in the representation of people coping
with the situations caused by tremendous economic
depression.
Gottlieb’s political activity was centered upon the
idea of the artist's responsible role in society and, in
turn, upon the government’s responsibility to foster the
artist and his art. He was very involved in encouraging
government agencies to be supportive of art as well as
industry and to be active in the dissemination of art to a
wide audience. The development of this audience was of
great concern to Gottlieb; he taught and lectured on art
and spoke often on the issues surrounding art education.
He was supportive of proposals and projects which
created a wider and more receptive audience. His
decision to work with the graphic media was partially
motivated bs this concern: prints were easily and
inexpensively produced in large numbers and could be
made available to the public.
Gottlieb's initial involvement in political issues and
organizations occurred upon his return from travel and

11

�Committee Against Discrim in-;
He also n
support of another Union proposal for public
the inclusion of an artists’ pavilion in the Uni
exhibition at the 1939 World's Fait His articl
in the June 1937 issue of the Art Front Orgai
rationalized the project for artists:
The whole plan would remove the illusion of
mystery and romantic rubbish that many peo
have concerning art and the artists; and repla
with an understanding of the artist's craft am
place he tills as a responsible member of sock

6. The Strike Is Won, 1940, serigraph, 12 1/4 x 16 3/4. Ellen Sragow Gallery, (cat. 6)

and held classes. Some of the teachers made lithographs
to sell to support the school, others donated their time
to give demonstrations and teach classes.
The issue of racial discrimination was always an
important one for the Union. Gottlieb was a member of
the Artists Committee Against Discrimination which was
formed within the Union in 1936 specifically to fight a
clause included in the FAP contract that refused
“aliens” the right to exhibit at the Municipal Art
Center.26 He felt very strongly about the issue of
discrimination; in a serigraph he produced later entitled
The Strike is Won, (fig. 6) the foreground scene contains

While Gottlieb was never fully convinced that
abstract art was valid,21 he supported the right of other
artists to paint in this way. At a meeting of the Artists
United Front in June 1936 he spoke on this subject, as
recorded by the radical newsletter the Art Project
Reporter: “Harry Gottlieb, president of the FAP local
stressed the need for the artists’ complete freedom of
expression. . . one way to obtain this is to break down
the project's limitations imposed by the
administration.”24
Gottlieb's interest in and support of the educative
purposes of the Union was evidenced by his
participation in the Art School that was set up by the
Union on Fourteenth Street.2’ As the Depression
worsened and the WPA/FAP grew larger and more
bureaucratic, it became more and more difficult for
artists to be placed on the rolls. Most artists who
applied, particularly blacks, were rejected. In an effort
to help these artists achieve the status and the necessary
ability, Gottlieb and some other artists such as William
Gropper, Paul Manship, and Stuart Davis rented a space

a group of people of various races united in the

celebration of their hard-won victory.2
. ..
Gottlieb was tireless in his support of the right of a
people to art education, not only the training of artist
but also the education of people in the appreciation o*

art. He defended rhe right of the public to have
to art as part of their dailv life and was consistent in
support of projects which attempted to insure this,
.nd the
among them the Municipal Art Center and
the Artim
Am'
14

His words carried in them an echo of the
both the Artists Union and the WPA/FAP. I
Gottlieb was an ideal president: as its leader
supported the purposes of the artist's organiz
as its spokesman he strove to maintain a relat
between the militant union and its members
The issues Gottlieb chose to actively and pers
support by speaking at meetings and writing
publications were usually those which were a!
supported by both organizations, and so less
controversial. For example, while many of hi
including Elizabeth Olds, exhibited their wo:
exhibition at the ACA Gallery in October 19
benefit the Spanish loyalist cause, Gotdieb’s
absent. At the same time, his support of oth
such as the Artists Committee Against Discri
illustrate his steadfast humanist framework: i
focused on an immediate benefit for the artii
contained within a larger purpose of integral
and artmaking with society at large. The den
ideal of improving society was always present
Gottlieb remained uncontrovetsial becaus
espousal of the humanist cause, although the
the John Reed Club. out of which the Union
a professed Communism. The early organizei
leaders w'ere all radical leftists; rhe Union’s o
Front, was modeled after the Russian journal
and Left Front and its early organizational br
and journal articles were full of leftist politic:
However, there is little of this tvpe of rhetori
Gottlieb’s writings; what he expressed was a :
desire to see the human condition improved
belief in the power of art as a progressive fori
In the spring of 193' layoffs among the a
once again considered and this time, in June,
number of artists were fired, Gottlieb among
and Stuart Davis went personally to Holger C
spent several hours debating the necessity of I

�Committee Against Discrimination. He also wrote in
support of another Union proposal for public education:
the inclusion of an artists’ pavilion in the United States
exhibition at the 1939 World's Fair. His article appeared
in the June 1937 issue of the Art Front Organizer and
rationalized the project for artists:
The whole plan would remove the illusion of
mystery and romantic rubbish that many people still
have concerning art and the artists; and replace it
with an understanding of the artist’s craft and the
place he fills as a responsible member of society.

&gt;f the teachers made lithographs
tool, others donated their time
nd teach classes.
scrimination was always an
nion. Gottlieb was a member of
gainst Discrimination which was
i in 1936 specifically to fight a
\P contract that refused
libit at the Municipal Art
ongly about the issue of
;raph he produced later entitled
6) the foreground scene contains
ious races united in the
•won victory.27
in his support of the right of all
not only the training of artists
f people in the appreciation of
hr of the public to have access
ily life and was consistent in his

i attempted to insure this,
Pal An Center and the Artists

but were unsuccessful in their attempts to convince him
to support the artists.” Gottlieb was eventually rehired,
but not before he had participated in every effort to
secure the rehiring of all the dismissed artists, including
showing the lithograph Bootleg Mining (fig. 1) in an
exhibition entitled “Pink Slips over Culture.""
Gottlieb was succeeded in his one year term as
president by Philip Evergood. Gottlieb continued to be
active in the Union, sitting on the National Executive
Committee which coordinated the activities of artists
unions across the country;"’ thus Gottlieb's political
involvement did not cease completely, but simply
became less important as he focused on the art of
silkscreen itself as a vehicle for humanist expression and
communication when he joined the newly formed FAP
Silk Screen Unit in 1938. The depiction of incidents of
human struggle served him in his pursuit of a socially
responsible art. His membership in the Artists Union
identified him with the industrial workers and he totally
involved himself in the struggle of the working class
With other artists he would often drive out to industrial
towns and mining sites to sketch from life and discuss
life and politics with the people there. In one incident,
in order to be admitted to a mine during a particularly
unstable time for a local union, he and another artist
joined the miners union to prove their support for the
workers there.”
Particular issues would provoke sketches for prints,
the idea for the final image being one which would
convey a concise narrative of the situation. The
serigraph, Mine Disaster, c. 1939. (cat. 5) illustrates a
specific episode that occurred while Gottlieb was visiting
a mine. In it, he chose to focus on rhe human drama
that he became a part of rather than the specific details
of the incident. The print shows an almost locationless,
dark setting, out of which emerge small figures of
various size and proximity, displaying emotions of shock
and horror. In another serigraph, The Strike is Won,
(fig. 6), the figures are much closer to the spectator, as if
to include him in the emotional victory.
Gottlieb's art was basically optimistic. It looked
towards social betterment, itself a tool of progress. This
connotation can be discerned even in the rather
anonymous figures placed within an industrial landscape
in the serigraph Change of Shift, c. 1940 (cover
illustration). Several workers are seen descending towards
the factory to begin their shift. While the looming
towers and flames could be seen as threatening, the
discontinuity of space that separates the workers from

His words carried in them an echo of the goals of
both the Artists Union and the WPA/FAP. In this sense
Gottlieb was an ideal president: as its leader he
supported the purposes of the artist’s organization, and
as its spokesman he strove to maintain a relationship
between the militant union and its members' employer.
The issues Gottlieb chose to actively and personally
support by speaking at meetings and writing for various
publications were usually those which were also
supported by both organizations, and so less
controversial. For example, while many of his friends,
including Elizabeth Olds, exhibited their work in an
exhibition at the ACA Gallery in October 1936 to
benefit the Spanish loyalist cause, Gottlieb’s work was
absent. At the same time, his support of other programs
such as the Artists Committee Against Discrimination,
illustrate his steadfast humanist framework; each issue
focused on an immediate benefit for the artists, but was
contained within a larger purpose of integrating artist
and artmaking with society at large. The democratic
ideal of improving society was always present.
Gottlieb remained uncontroversial because of his
espousal of the humanist cause, although the focus of
thejohn Reed Club, out of which the Union grew, was
a professed Communism. The early organizers and
leaders were all radical leftists; the Union’s organ, Art
Front, was modeled after the Russian journals On Guard
and Left Front and its early organizational broadsides
and journal articles were full of leftist political rhetoric.
However, there is little of this type of rhetoric in
Gottlieb’s writings; what he expressed was a sincere
desire to see the human condition improved and a deep
belief in the power of art as a progressive force.
In the spring of 1937 layoffs among the artists were
once again considered and this time, in June, a large
number of artists were fired, Gottlieb among them. He
and Stuart Davis went personally to Holger Cahill and
spent several hours debating the necessity of the firings,
15

�9. Liberty, 1941, lithograph, 13 x 19 3/8. The Syracuse University Art Collections, (cat. 22;

participation were those which involved larger questions
freedom to pursue personal expression, the opportunity
for all individuals to appreciate art and culture and.
ultimately, artistic and economic survival. Gottlieb s

Gottlieb pursued a very active supportive role in the
various political and professional organizations that
existed during the thirties; his participation was
motivated not by political ideologies, but by his view of
himself as an artist, a position newly activated by both
independent and government sponsored agencies. The
choice of issues to support was, for Gottlieb, based on
his response to the idea of the artist as a responsible
social being with a particular purpose to fulfill. As seen
in his prints, the issues in which he sought active

subjects and themes from the WPA years were ver,
closely linked to his political and social convictions, f'-

drama and emotion which he portrayed ultimately
expressed his deep belief in humanist ideals and

communicated his desire for social improvement.

18

NOTJS
Harty Gottlieb, in an interview with $
Conkelton and Gregory Gilbert, Juh 23. 1
Interview, July 23 1983.
'Patricia Hill and Roberta Tarbell, Thi
Tradition and tin \X hiiney Museum of An
New York, 1980, 84
‘Edmund Wilson. George Bellows '
An American Larthifuake. New York 1951
'Gerald M Monroe. "Artists as Militat
Wod ers During the Great Depres-ion." A
American Art Journal. 14. I. 1974, 37.
‘Monroe, 7.
American Artists Bulletin, Wmi-r 193
Gottlieb Pape r., Archives of American Art
'Marlene Park and Gerald 1. Markowit
Deal for Art, Hamilton, New York, 1977.
Interview. July 23. 1983.
‘"Harry Gottlieb, "Self Government at
Municipal Art Center," Art Front, Februai
Gottlieb Paper ., D343. 176.
' Stuart Dave , "The American Am t
American Magazine of Art. 28. Augu-.t, r
in Herschel B. Chipp, Theories in Modern
and Los Angeles. 1968. 468
‘Gerald M. Monroe, "The Artists Uni
York," Art Journal, 32. Fall 1972, i"
■ 'Morri', Neuwirth, "219." Art Front. _
Harry Gottlieb Papers. D343, 153.
“Monroe, "Artists as Militants " 8.
•‘Harry Gottlieb, in an interview with '
Conkciton and Gregory Gilbert March 16’.
“Gerald M. Monroe, "Art Front.' Arc
American Art Journal. 13, 3, 1973, i '■ met
controversy over a Rivera mural: Park and
cite Edward Bruce, "The Public’s Reaction
and Sculpture under the Section of Fine Ai
Archives. See also Richard McKinzie. The :
Artists, Princeton, 1973, 58-6~
Interview. March 10. 1983.

�■

u&gt;

r \'

dons. (cat. 22)

were those which involved larger questions:
jursue personal expression, the opportunity
duals to appreciate art and culture and,
rustic and economic survival. Gottlieb’s
themes from the WPA years were very
d to his political and social convictions. The
:motion which he portrayed ultimately
s deep belief in humanist ideals and
ed his desire for social improvement.

NOTES
'Harry Gottlieb, in an interview with Sheryl
Conkelton and Gregory Gilbert, July 23, 1983.
■Interview, July 23, 1983.
■Patricia Hills and Roberta Tarbell, The Figurative
Tradition and the Whitney Museum ofAmerican Art,
New York, 1980, 84.
■Edmund Wilson, “George Bellows,” reprinted in
An American Earthquake, New York, 1958, 96.
’Gerald M. Monroe, "Artists as Militant Trade Union
Workers During the Great Depression, ’ ’ Archives of
American Art Journal, 14, 1, 1974, 37.
‘Monroe, 7.
"American Artists Bulletin, Winter 1937, Harry
Gottlieb Papers, Archives of American Art, D343, 93.
‘Marlene Park and Gerald E. Markowitz, The New
Dealfor Art, Hamilton, New York, 1977, xiii.
’Interview, July 23, 1983.
'“Harty Gottlieb, "Self Government and the
Municipal Art Center,” Art Front, February, 1936, Harry
Gottlieb Papers, D343, 176.
"Smart Davis, "The American Artists Today,”
American Magazine of Art, 28, August, 1935, reprinted
in Herschel B. Chipp, Theories in Modern Art, Berkeley
and Los Angeles, 1968, 468.
“Gerald M. Monroe, "The Artists Union of New
York,” ArtJournal, 32, Fall 1972, 17.
“Morris Neuwirth, “219,” Art Front, January, 1937,
Harry Gottlieb Papers, D343, 153.
"Monroe, "Artists as Militants,” 8.
“Harry Gottlieb, in an interview with Sheryl
Conkelton and Gregory Gilbert, March 10, 1983“Gerald M. Monroe, “Art Front,” Archives of
American Art Journal, 13, 3, 1973, 13 mentions the
controversy over a Rivera mural; Park and Markowitz, 29
c«e Edward Bruce, "The Public’s Reaction to Murals
and Sculpture under the Section of Fine Arts, National
Archives. See also Richard McKinzie, The New Deal for
Artists, Princeton, 1973, 58-67.

'“See Thomas Craven, "Art and Propaganda."
Scribner s Magazine, March, 1943, 191; "Nationalism in
Art, Forum, June, 1936, 160. Sec also articles by
Stuart Davis and Thomas Hart Benton in Art Front,
January and April, 1935.
'’Holger Cahill, "The Federal Art Project," New
Horizons in American Art, Museum of Modern Art.
New York, 1936, reprinted in Chipp, 472-473.
■“"The WPA Art Project; A Summary of Activities
and Accomplishments," National Archives, cited by
Park and Markowitz, 26.
’'Hills and Tarbell, 82-83.
““Policy of American Artists Congress,” February,
1936, Harry Gottlieb Papers, D343, 11.
“Interview, March 10, 1983.
“"Artists United Front," Art Project Reporter, July,
1936, Harry Gottlieb Papers, D343. 501.
“Interview, July 23, 1983.
“"Our Municipal Art Gallery and Center," Art
Front, February, 1936, Harry Gottlieb Papers, D343,
176.
“Interview, March 10, 1983.
“Harry Gottlieb, "The World's Fair and the Artist,”
Art Front Organizer, June 18, 1937, Harry Gottlieb
Papers, D343, 451.
“Monroe, "Art Front,” 13.
“McKinzie, 99.
““On the Fine Arts,” The New Masses, July 27,
1937, American Contemporary Artists Gallery Papers,
D3O4, 1140.
“Harry Gottlieb Papers, D343, 104.
“Interview, March 10, 1983.
“"Win the War Conference May 24,” Joint Bulletin
of the American Artists Congress and United American
Artists, May, 1942, Harry Gottlieb Papers, D343, 45-47.
“Monroe, “Artists as Militants,” 10.

“Ibid.
'"Report for 1942: An American Group, Inc., Harry
Gottlieb Papers, D343, 537.

“Interview, March 10, 1983.

19

�A Conversation with Harry Gottlieb
The following interview with Harry Gottlieb took
place on March 10, 1983, at the artist's hom‘^eW
York City. For convenience, the questions °f% »
are
interviewers, Sheryl Conkelton and Gregory Gi
combined and designated INT.

Biographical note: Harry Gottlieb was bom in
Bucharest, Rumania on January 23, 1895; in 1901he
settled with his family in Ireland. Following the death of
his mother in 1903, Gottlieb emigrated with his father
andfive brothers and sisters to the United States in
1907. The family settled with relatives in Minneapolis,
where Gottlieb attended the Minneapolis Institute of
Art from 1915 to 1917. At this time, the school was one
of the most active art centers in the Middle West, and
such prominent Depression era artists as Adolf Dehn,
Arnold Blanch, Wanda Gag, and Elizabeth Olds also
studied at the Institute. In 1917, Gottlieb served as a
military illustrator for the Navy, developing visual aids

INTERVIEWER: What was your earliest
involvement with art?
HARRY GOTTLIEB: I spent my childhood in
Ireland and we came from Ireland to Minneapolis, when
I was about 13, 14 years old. I became interested in the
Saturday Evening Post photographs and cartoons and I
started to copy them. I got a great kick out of doing
that, and that's the way I started.
Let me tell you an unfortunate situation. We were
quite poor. As a matter of fact, when we arrived in
Minneapolis, there were five children and my father
living in one tenement room. And the second day after
we arrived, a cousin of mine, whom I hadn’t met
before, came and cold me that, '‘Tomorrow I’m going
to get you started selling newspapers and shining shoes
on the street.” It was a devastating announcement to
me. because in Ireland you lived out the rest of your life
as a newsboy.
INT: So, in other words, you didn't have a lot of
rime to devote to art when you were young?
HG: Well, worse than that - ] didn’t have any
time to play with my playmates after school. I was so

for a communications school in New London,
Connecticut.
Gottlieb settled in New York City in 1918 and
during that same year he became a scenic and costume
designer for Eugene O'Neill’s Provincetown Theatre
group. In 1923, Gottlieb settled in the artist colony of
Woodstock, New York, where he remained for twelve
years. The artist's residency at Woodstock was
interrupted in 1931, when he spent a year-long
Guggenheim Fellowship studying in Europe. In 19yy,
Gottlieb joined the Federal Art Project, and he worked
in the graphics division until 1940; during this period,
Gottlieb was an active member in such political
organizations as the Artists Union and the Artists
Congress, and in 1938 he was associated with the
WPA/FAP’s Silk Screen Unit. After the dissolution of
the WPA programs, Gottlieb remained actively involved
with the silkscreen technique and continued to work in
the medium until the middle years of the 1970s.
Gottlieb last lectured on serigraphy in 1975 at Trent
University, Peterborough, Ontario, Canada.

shined a man’s shoes and he was feeling good, he'd give
me a tip. You learn these little things very early. So, 1
did that all the way through school, because we were
quite poor. My father needed whatever he could get
from us. And I have an older brother who hardly went
to school at all. It was one or two years and then he
went to work. Never got any other education. I paid my
way through. I never got a cent from my father for
anything I needed. And I also learned how to work a
sewing machine and mend my own clothes, and do all
the things that you associate with a household. I would

have to do it myself.
So, I was a young worker, and that stayed with me
when I went to art school. I had a job during the
summer with a laundry, that I could still give some
money at home and at the same time pay for my tumcn
and other expenses. Now, I say this without resentment.
I felt it was necessary. You grow up very quickly un et
poverty, and I accepted the fact that 1 had to do this,

and that was it.
When I finished high school, I had to make up m
mind what was I going to do. 1 had been drawing,
asl
been very much interested in art in a primitive way.
got no advice. There wasn't anybody that I coul a•
what should 1 do with my life; 1 had to feel my

I decided I had a choice — '.■■..'her go to the
University of Minnesota, wnich is in Minneapolis, or else
go to art school. They had a summer course at the art
school, so I decided to try to find out whether this was
for me or whether I should go to college. It was the
most wonderful experience. There was nothing else like
it that I’ve ever had in my life. And so there was no
question about what I was going to do.
INT: You studied at the Minneapolis Institute of
An.
HG: We had a very fine head of the school. His
name was Robert Koehleg a German artist. And he did
something which was remarkable. He did the first
painting on labor strife.
INT: Didn’t he paint that when you were there?
HG: No. Painted it earlier And he painted a great
many other paintings which were very creditable, verygood. This was the first one that was done in the United
States, and it was shown at the Whitney Museum a
couple of years ago in an exhibition they had.
INT: When did you begin an school?
HG: I’ll tell you what happened to me. It was
unfortunate. When I told my family I was going to an
school, my father said, “What? Can you make a living
at it?” That’s the first question he asked. And I got
bombarded from all sides on this, so I had to pay
attention to it. And what was the result? The result was
I took a design course so I could make a living designing
wallpaper or textiles. Not that I wanted to. I was just
forced into it in a sense, because I had nothing to
counteract it. And so I missed some of my art education
that would have been very valuable to me. I had to pick
it up on the wav.
INT: Did they use any silkscreen techniques in this
design course?
HG: Silkscreen didn't exist.
INT: It wasn’t even a commercial process then?
HG: Well, I never heard of it.
INT: What type of courses did you take in art
school?
HG: Well, I did drawing, and very little painting.
Most of it was drawing. There was some design. So I
kept on drawing, and I painted on my own. I may hate
brought the paintings I did for the teacher to criticize. 1
don t remember specifically.

INT: What type of subject matter were you
interested in at that time?
HG: I was interested mainly in nature, and I did
drawings, primitive drawings, of people I knew.
INT: Did you do any lithography or etching while
you were at school?
HG: At that time, drawing was all 1 did.

21

�mentions school in New London,
sei•ttled in New York City in 1918 and
ame year he became a scenic and costume
Eugene O'Neill’s Provincetown Theatre
2i, Gottlieb settled in the artist colony of
New York, where he remainedfor twelve
list’s residency at Woodstock was
n 1931, when he spent a year-long
■ Fellowship studying in Europe. In 1935,
,.ed the Federal Art Project, and he u. orked
ics division until 1940; during this period,
an active member in such politicos
s as the Artists Union and the Artists
•din 1938 he was associated with the
Silk Screen Unit. After the dissolution of
ngrams, Gottlieb remained actively involved
•screen technique and continued to work in
until the middle years of the 19/ Os.
t lectured on serigraphy tn 1975 at Trent
Peterborough, Ontario, Canada.

.n's shoes and he was feeling good, he d give
ju learn these little things very early. So. I
the wav through school, because we were
My father needed whatever he could get
id I have an older brother who hardly went
all. It was one or two years and then he
k. Never got any other education. I paid my
i. 1 never got a cent from my father for
leeded. And I also learned how to work a
tine and mend my own clothes, and do all
hat you associate with a household. I would

t myself.
s a young worker and that stayed with me
t to art school. I had a job during the
h a laundry, that I could still give some
)me and at the same time pay for my tuition
epenses. Now. I say this without resentment,
necessary. You grow up very quickly under
11 accepted the fact that 1 had to do this,
s it.
finished high school, I had to make up my
was 1 going to do. I had been drawing, had
wch interested in art in a primitive way, as I1
ce. There wasn’t anybody that 1 could ask
11 do with my life: I had to feel my own way-

1 decided I had a choice — either go to the
University of Minnesota, which is in Minneapolis, or else
go to art school. They had a summer course at the art
school, so I decided to try to find out w hether this was
for me or w hether I should go to college. It was the
mOst wonderful experience. There was nothing else like
it that I’ve ever had in my life. And so there was no
question about what I was going to do.
INT: You studied at the Minneapolis Institute of

INT: How important do you think your artistic
training was to your later development as an artist?
HG: Well, it gave me a base that wasn’t a
particularly full base. As a matter of fact, when I came
to New York to live I decided to take a course with a
very fine graphic artist — popular and a realist. [The
artist was John Sloan.] I signed up for the course for a
month, and he didn’t come the first time I was there.
They don’t come all the time. They come once or twice
a week to criticize. And I lost my interest. I paid my
money, but I never went. I never really took the course.
This was in 1919, but earlier, when I finished my classes,
there were prizes given to the student that made the
most progress, and I was second. The artist who got the
first prize decided to enlist in the Navy. This was World
War I. I was not politically motivated in any way, but I
didn’t like the idea of accepting something that he
sacrificed. So I also enlisted. Isn’t that crazy? To this day
I couldn’t figure out any other reason but that I just
didn’t want to accept his sacrifice.
There was Navy training at an institution in
Minneapolis and then we went during the summer to
live in Harvard dormitories. And then the basic training
was at New London, Connecticut. You either served on
a submarine or a sub chaser. It was very difficult,
because you had to learn the equipment in the dark so
you could take it apart and put it together in the dark.
You can imagine what kind of concentration you had to
have. So I got the idea that if I, as an artist, could do
large closeups of these small parts, it would be easier to
understand them. I told the commandant my idea, and
he thought it was a good idea. So I spent the rest of my
time doing this as the artist on the staff.
In the Navy, when you got a signal that the admiral
was there, you dropped everything and stood at
attention. At one time, I was working on something at a
table, doing a picture of a part, and I paid no attention.
And when the admiral, under the guidance of the
commandant, came through, I was the only person
working. He was interested; the commandant had to
explain. Since it was the first time this had been done,
naturally he went into it in some detail and the admiral
praised him to the sky for having the initiative to do

An.
HG: We had a very fine head of the school. His
rurne was Robert Koehler; a German artist. And he did
something which was remarkable. He did the first
painting on labor strife.
INT: Didn’t he paint that when you were there?
HG: No. Painted it earlier And he painted a great
rmm other paintings which were very creditable, very
good. This was the first one that was done in the United
Sstes. and it was shown at the Whitney Museum a
couple of years ago in an exhibition they had.
INT: When did you begin art school?
HG: I’ll tell you what happened to me. It was
unfortunate. When I told my family I was going to an
school, my father said. “What? Can you make a living
at it?” That’s the first question he asked. And I got
bombarded from all sides on this, so I had to pay
attention to it And what was the result? The result was
I took a design course so I could make a living designing
wallpaper or textiles. Not that I wanted to. I was just
forced into it in a sense, because I had nothing to
counteract it And so I missed some of my art education
that would have been very valuable to me. I had to pick
it up on the way.
INT: Did they use any silkscreen techniques in this
design course?
HG: Silkscreen didn’t exist.
INT: It wasn't even a commercial process then?
HG: Well, 1 never heard of it.
INT: What type of courses did you take in art
school?
HG: Well, I did drawing, and very little painting.
Most of it was drawing. There was some design. So I
kept on drawing, and I painted on my own. I may have
brought the paintings I did for the teacher to criticize. I
don't remember specifically.
INT: What type of subject matter were you
toterested in at that time?
HG: I was interested mainly in nature, and I did
drawing-,, primitive drawings, of people I knew.
INT: Did you do any lithography or etching while

this.
All the time I was in the Navy, I never was on a
ship, never even saw a ship. I played the role of the
artist on the staff, which they should have had in the
first place. Bur that’s my Navy training.
INT: And when you left the Navy, you went back to
Minneapolis?
...
HG: I went back to Minneapolis just tor a short
period, just to sort things out. I didn’t intend to stay. I

; ',U Were at stfiojjp
HG: At that time, drawing was all I did.

21

�INT: Did you do any lithographs in Woodstock?
HG: Four. One in particular, The Round House.
INT: So your work with lithography in Woodstock
was your first involvement with the graphic arts?
HG: That’s right. Oh, I did several drypoints, but

was the place for me
had realized that New York
on the weekends, once in a
because from New' London,
while I'd go to New York.
INT: Did you get involved with graphic arts and the
political scene at the same time you began this new life?

very, very simple.
INT: Where did you do your drypoints? Were those
also in Woodstock or was that earlier?
HG: Several in Woodstock.
INT: Were they landscapes?
HG: Well, one was a landscape in a sense. There
were huts that the fishermen had to put all their
equipment in, and maybe their fish, too. But basically it

HG: There wasn’t anything. I saw some shows, some
exhibitions, which were interesting. The first job I had
was at S50 a week at a studio that made designs for
textiles and wallpapers.
INT: So you used your training?
HG: I used my training, but I didn’t make any
designs. And I didn’t stay with that very long. I got a
job with a factory making armatures. I didn't stay there
very long. It was very, very difficult. I wasn t used to
using my arms or muscles in that way. A job opened up
at the Provincetown Theater. I had a very interesting

was people.
INT: The lithographs you did in Paris, were those
color lithographs or black-and-white?
HG: I only did one color lithograph, when I came to
New York. During that year, the first few months. I
stayed in Paris, and then I w’ent to Germany because of
the museums. And, of course, 1 enjoyed Italy. Who
could not enjoy Italy? And 1 did some work there.
INT: When you finished your Guggenheim, did you

period of several years there.
INT: And after Provincetown, you went to

Woodstock?
HG: I went to Woodstock because I had to
I find
somewhere I could go and develop myself as; an artist
and at the same time make a living.
INT: Was there an artist colony there then?
HG: Yes, of course. Otherwise I wouldn’t have gone.
Woodstock was very important to me. In the first place,
I made a living making picture frames. I love landscape
painting and at Kingston, New York, only ten miles
away, there was very interesting material. There was a
very small waterway that had small boats that came from
Pennsylvania to bring in coal. The landscape there was
very beautiful, and they had slaughterhouses and large
buildings, subjects that were of interest to me.
INT: So you mainly did landscape work at
Woodstock?
HG: Yes, and in 1931, I got a Guggenheim and
went to Europe for a year.
INT: You did mostly drawings when you were in
Europe?
HG: Lithographs. The best lithographs I ever made
I was very fortunate. Paris had the best lithographer
probably in the world.
INT: You worked in a studio?
HG: A workshop.
INT: Do you remember the name of the
lithographer?
HG: Desjoubert. He was a wonderful, wonderful
lithographer.

Hr:N idihk

experience.0'

come back to New York?
HG: I came back to Woodstock, that was my home.
Mrs. Juliana Force was in charge of a small project that
was opening in Woodstock. I got on it. A small group of
us met and discussed the possibility of enlarging the
project. I got in touch with some artists in New York,
and their suggestion was that we hold a meeting of all
the artists in Woodstock to find out what the conditions
were. I’ll tell you, they had a verv, very tough time: we
had to set up an organization just to make it possible to
eat and get kerosene for heat. They said, “Hold a
meeting and see if you can get your project organized.
So, we got together and sent out a call for this meeung.
And, much to our amazement, we saw artists whom 1
had never seen — academic artists, and other artists
that I knew. This was an awakening to think that we
had separated ourselves, and it had taken an emergent
to get together again as artists to talk about our craft, h
enlarged the project, naturally, because we had found
out that some of these artists were just as badly oft as wc
were! Which was an interesting thing. I doubt very
much whether it ever got back to the old division. So
you learn from things. Then, in '35, the things 1 d
heard about New York were so exciting 1 decided to
move. I had had enough of Woodstock. As a matter &lt;-*

y0U h0W t0 do '“hography?

fact, basically, 1 don't believe in art colonies
isolated
INT: Because they are isolated from life, or
from things that were going on artistically?

"rV"a' hW' ‘ had
22

HG: Both. I think it's much more cut off from life
than the other, though both were operative.
INT: When you originally came to New York and
you started going to galleries and museums, what
particular artists or what styles were you interested in?
HG: Burchfield just fascinated me.
INT: Was it because of his style or the subject matter
that he painted?
HG: Oh, it was his subject matter, and his point of
view, his attitude. I explored — not abstract art — but
really putting more design into my work. I never at any
time was fully convinced that abstract art was valid for
me, for the simple reason that I considered art a
language to communicate my experiences.
INT: When you began to do your work in New
York, were you involved with communicating certain
ideas or just depicting things that you saw?
HG: I did some people at work. For instance, thev
were working on the tracks that we had for the streetcars
at that time, and I did some drawings. When I first
moved to New York, I lived in a brownstone on Fifth
Avenue and 14th Street. And just across the street, on
the second floor of the building, was a beauty parlor
school. And so I did drawings of that, of the people
that were there and the teachers.
INT: When you came to New York, were you
immediately involved in the WPA projects here?
HG: Yes, in ‘35. And then, in 1936. I was president
of the Artists Union.
INT: Oh, that happened that quickly?
HG: Well, the so-called “established artists” didn’t
want to get involved in it. it’s too bad. but that was the
situation. I was avid to experience whatever could be
experienced in such an exciting time and place. I wanted
to become involved So, in ‘36 I was president.
INT: Did vou get involved with the silkscrcen
project right away or did that come later?
HG: That came later, because I didn t know
anything about it and no one else knew anything about
it, except the people who were doing commercial work.
INT: 1 think you originally told us that when you
were the president of the union. Anthony Velonis5 came
and asked you to be part of his silkscreen unit 1Is■ that

heard
of th&lt;
other
an ar
that i
$5 ar
S200
stron
it's a
II
to lo
depii
L
li
idea
I
I wa
I
matt
I
1
I
lire
post
the
esu
sorr.
the
the
den
cou
exai
to s
abs

ani
did

the

ait

right?
HG: No. He brought a proposal to the executive
committee of the union He thought that the silkscreen
process was suitable for fine art production. Vie were ,
impressed, and so we set up a committee to meet with
'he administration to create a pilot project to try it om
The administration approved of this idea. From what I

prii
but
«F
edi
exp
ver

23

�I

Did you do any lithographs in Woodstock?
Four. One in particular, The Round House.
So your work with lithography in Woodstock
hist involvement with the graphic arts?
fhat’s right. Oh, I did several drypoints, but
simple.
Where did you do your drypoints? Were those
hodstock or was that earlier?
Several in Woodstock.
Were they landscapes?
Well, one was a landscape in a sense. There
s that the fishermen had to put all their
nt in, and maybe their fish, too. But basically it
ile.

The lithographs you did in Paris, were those
ographs or black-and-white?
1 only did one color lithograph, when I came to
k. During that year the first few' months, I
Paris, and then I went to Germany because of
turns. And, of course, I enjoyed Italy. Who
t enjoy Italy? And I did some work there.
When you finished your Guggenheim, did you
ck to New York?
I came back to Woodstock, that was my home,
ana Force was in charge of a small project that
ling in Woodstock. I got on it. A small group of
nd discussed the possibility of enlarging the
I got in touch with some artists in New York,
r suggestion was that w'e hold a meeting of all
s in Woodstock to find out what the conditions
1 tell you, they had a very; very tough time; we
;t up an organization just to make it possible to
get kerosene for hear. They said. "Hold a
and see if you can get your project organized."
ot together and sent out a call for this meeting,
rch to our amazement, we saw artists whom I
:r seen — academic artists, and other artists
lew. This was an awakening to think that we
irated ourselves, and it had taken an emergency
'gether again as artists to talk about our craft. It
the project, naturally, because we had found
some of these artists were just as badly off as we
hich was an interesting thing. I doubt very
hether it ever got back to the old division. So
n from things. Then, in ‘35, the things I’d
jout New York were so exciting I decided to
had had enough of Woodstock. As a matter of
-ical!;.. I don t believe in art colonies.
• ecause they are isolated from life, or isolated
mgs that were going on artistically?

HG: Both. I think it’s much
more cut off from life
than the other, though both were operative.
INT: When you originally came to New York and
you started going to galleries and museums, what
particular artists or what styles were you interested in?
HG: Burchfield just fascinated me.
INT: Was it because of his style or the subject matter
I
that he painted?
HG: Oh, it was his subject matter, and his point of
view, his attitude. I explored — not abstract art — but
really putting more design into my work. I never at any
time was fully convinced that abstract art was valid for
me. for the simple reason that I considered art a
I
language to communicate my experiences.
INT: When you began to do your work in New
York, were you involved with communicating certain
ideas or just depicting things that you saw?
HG: I did some people at work. For instance, they
were working on the tracks that we had for the streetcars
at that time, and I did some drawings. When I first
moved to New York, I lived in a brownstone on Fifth
Avenue and 14th Street. And just across the street, on
the second floor of the building, was a beauty parlor
school. And so I did drawings of that, of the people
that were there and the teachers.
INT: When you came to New York, were you
immediately involved in the WPA projects here?
HG: Yes, in ‘35. And then, in 1936, I was president
I
of the Artists Union.
I
INT: Oh, that happened that quickly?
HG: Well, the so-called “established artists" didn’t
want to get involved in it. It’s too bad, but that was the
situation. I was avid to experience whatever could be
experienced in such an exciting time and place. I wanted
|
to become involved. So, in ‘36 I was president.
I
INT: Did you get involved with the silkscreen
project right away or did that come later?
HG: That came later, because I didn’t know
anything about it and no one else knew anything about
it, except the people who were doing commercial work.
INT: 1 think you originally told us that when you
"’ere the president of the union, Anthony Velonis came
and asked you to be part of his silkscreen unit. Is that
right?
HG: No. He brought a proposal to the executive
committee of the union. He thought that the silkscreen
Process was suitable for fine art production. We were
impressed, and so we set up a committee to meet with
the administration to create a pilot project to try it out.

eard, it was a really exciting possibility; I became one
o the men on the pilot project. There were five or six
others. It was the most exciting experience I’ve had as
an artist because it opened up such possibilities. I think
that it democratized art. For example, my prints sold for
S5 and $10. Now, I don't have to tell you, they sell for
$200 to $500. That’s the difference. Anyway, I feel very
strongly about the meaning of that meeting and what
it’s accomplished.
INT: Did the idea that you could make art available
to lots of different kinds of people influence what you
depicted in your silkscreens?
HG: Naturally.
INT: It didn’t just come from the WPA and the
idea that you were documenting it?
HG: No. It had nothing to do with that. I did what
I wanted. It wasn’t often that there were conflicts.
INT: You never really had any problems in such a
matter?
HG: I never had any problem whatsoever.
INT: So there was no sense of censorship?
HG: No. I could understand that the people who
live in a community where a mural is to be done in a
post office would want a committee to be set up so that
the community could meet with the artist and help to
establish what the subject would be. They might have
some ideas themselves, and I think it’d be wonderful. If
the artist was interested, it’d be beautiful and give it all
the more meaning.
But that’s a question of prior conference to
determine what the subject would be and what it
couldn’t be. I don’t believe in censorship at all. For
example, I believe entirely that an artist should be able
to work in the way that he wants to, whether it’s
abstract or realistic or what-have-you.
INT: There’s a similarity in the way that a lot of the
artists painted and drew. Was that something that you
did consciously? Did your style change?
HG: My style didn’t change.
INT: What were you particularly interested in about
the silkscreen process?
HG: In the first place, it doesn't require extensive
machinery, and all the other print-making crafts do,
with the exception of wood block. Number two, you can
print on any paper that you want. You don't have to
buy expensive paper to print on. It’s a question of
expense, you see. Number three, you can have large
editions' -- you can sell them very reasonably and

I

expand the audience for art. And number four, which is
very, very important — you can live anywhere. You

administration approved of this idea. From what 1 d

23

�HG: No, you see, because of the freedom of the
silkscreen, you work wherever you are. whether vT
have to live tn a Dig uiy u
.. exhibition and all rhe
lithographs, whereas I carried an
It has such obvious
equipment for printing in my hands,

on Staten Island or God-knows-where. You're frcc y'
have all the equipment and you just go ahead and T

advantages for an artist.
his technical manual for
INT: When Velonis wrote
the silkscreen process, did you help with it?
HG: No. I had nothing to do with that.
own silkscrccn
INT: You started writing your
manual,
didn'ti you?
IlUUl, UIUU
y.zv.
HG: I did start, but I never finished it.
INT: Why did you remain interested in silkscrccn
after the dissolution of the Silk Screen Unit?
HG: It was my own personal interest that caused m&lt;
to spend every moment that I could working toward an
exhibition, although that wasn t my original idea. I just
wanted to produce this process which 1 was sold on. You

what you want, what you can.
INT: So you worked on the art by yourself, but.,itJ
got together with other artists over the artistic i»ut,;

know, it's almost like painting.
INT: Is that why you were interested in it. because

of its ability to mimic painting?
HG: Yes, because you could change it as you went
along. It had so many possibilities and was so exciting.
INT: What was the specific strut turc of the Silk
Screen Unit? Did you meet as a group to discuss your
projects?
HG: The six met as a group with Velonis so that bl­
could teach us the process. That's all.
INT: After you initially learned the technique, you
never really got together again as a group?
HG: No. You were on your own
INT: So then all you did was present your proposals
to Lynd Ward?
HG: Lynd Ward was the head of the graphics, and
we had to work with him.
INT: And once that was all done, you just went
ahead and did it?
HG: That’s right. Everyone was on his own.
INT: What was the community like then? Did you
get together and talk about what you were doing?
HG: No. That was as likely as to talk about how vou
were doing on a painting.
INT: There was no group interchange*
, Th T"’ T anT Set UP a Silkstrccn organization
which had nothing to do with the project, but had to
do with work outside.
INT: Is that the Silk Screen Group, organized in
1940? Were you part of that?
HG: I was for a time, but I didn’r l,„ .
■
INT: So while you were associated with the Sillf'
Screen Unit, you didn't reallv have a central smd
workshop where all of you worked together"

"

HG: Never.
INT: Well, the Artists Union.
HG: No. The only reason we got together on that
basis was to fight for the project and to fight for ant
artist who was kicked oft without reason.
INT: So it didn't involve artistic matters
happened artistically
HG: No. Well, il something
'
which waMi t justified1 in our minds on the Project, then
.. .
see? But in deciding about
w. would
rake it on. you
’
■■ -r and that ort of thing, unless it was rtallt
subject matter
tonfitt t. we never had anything to du with it.
a key
1
INT: You opened up a school of .silksctcen with
Elizabeth Olds, didn't you'
HG: Well, we got omc literature out, but never
opened up the school
INT: When you demon .trated. was n to make
people aware of rhe new '.ilk'xrct n ptotrv,, or wa- it io
attually teach them how to do it'
HG: There's only one plat e where I've taught, aid
that was Lincoln. Nebraska I hey asked me il I would
give a quick i.-&gt;ur ■■ and I had a few day- free And ■■■
got a tew students there, and gave sessions I multi
teat h any one the print , so they &lt; ould go home aid '■

it themselves. It's -,o simple.
INT: But didn't you actually travel to ttai h
silkscreen'
HG: No. Just to demonstrate, to introduce it
INT: Was that tied to your interest in trying :&lt;r-

art more accessible to the public?
HG: Of course.
INT: Did you want them to become iuW''"enough in the medium to produce their own oir •
HG: I’ll tell you, everyone who came to a
demonstration pulled their own print.
INT: When we talked before, you merit:'
the print can make incidents and
"
wider audience. Wat this what ,-,u intended ■■■■■-■■
depicted scenes like Bootleg Mining'
HG: I want to tell vou about two im.-de"-- - '
incidents. At one of the coal mines in Penn ■
.
there was a road that came our from me ?JJ‘' ', ,
the miners had dug in order to get the ecu. out • .

owner decided to hire a steam shovel rode*

INT: So that pcopf- oxildu't
to me m
HG: That’s right. So the miners found ou
and they met this man driving the steam shot
they told him. "Buddy, turn around. You're
to do anything to this road. We know what y&lt;
for." And the guy said. "But I have nothing
you people. It's the only job I tan get.” The
pulled him off the steam shovel and destroyet
else could they do? So the mining company p
charges. The committee of the miners asked t
"Well. Judge, what are you going to do abou
He said, "What can 1 do? You admit you did
When the case was decided, he found the mil
fined them $10 and took it out of his own po
because he too depended on the coal.
Anyway, there’s another story which is difl
interesting. One day we tame out there and s:
president of the union. We asked him if he k
territory that we hadn't been to. He thought
he said, "Yes, there's a very nite area. 1 third
it." He told us whii h way to go, and we wen
terrible road
15 miles of lousy road. And
tame to this area and it was most interesting,
die car and started to take our material out. a
saw about ten miners with a leader marching
When they tame up,the chairman of the com
said. "If you don't get out of here in five mi
cat is going to be upside-down " "Why? Wh
done?," we said He said, "You know what ;
done." We tried every way to convince them
were their friends. Nothing doing.
So we rode all the way back to see the mi
president. He thought it was a joke, and we
think it was a joke ar ail. It was a serious mai
gave us his card and he wrote on it, “These
O.K." So we drove back over this lousy mad
showed the mine leader this card. He said,
longer have confidence in trie president In f
suspect, that he’s caused this trouble we’ve h
So we said to this miner. "Look it may i
nothing to you, but it means a hell of a lot
made to feel that we re your enemy Isn’t ti­
that you trust to say we’re O.K
And he t
"Well, all right. I’ll give you a last chance,
two guys that have a breaker." A breaker is
that breaks coal into different■ tzes for dtffc
We knew them.
w went back over this I1
miles, and saw thieve two guys and they th«
a yoke. too. Again we didn't think so. The
"Look. We have a ver. simple -.'No.n —

�, ou see, because of the freedom of the
1 work wherever you are, whether you live
nd or God-knows-where. You're free. You
quipment and you just go ahead and do
t, what you can.
bu worked on the art by yourself, but you
rich other artists over the artistic issues?
r.
, the Artists Union.
The only reason we got together on that
ght for the project and to fight for any
; kicked off without reason.
: didn’t involve artistic matters.
Well, if something happened artistically
justified in our minds on the Project, then
: it on. you see? But in deciding about
r and that son of thing, unless it was reallv
we never had anything to do with it.
opened up a school of silkscreen with
Is, didn’t you?
. we got some literature out. but never
e school.
:n you demonstrated, was it to make
of the new silkscreen process, or was it to
them how to do it?
e’s only one place where I've taught, and
□In, Nebraska. They asked me if I would
ourse. and I had a few days free. And so I
lents there, and gave sessions. I could
the process so they could go home and do
It's so simple.
didn't you actually travel to teach
Just to demonstrate, to introduce it.
that tied to your interest in trying to make
ssible to the public?
ourse.
you want them to become interested
c medium to produce their own silkscreens?
ell you. everyone who came to a
n pulled their own print.
en we talked before, you mentioned how
make incidents and situations known to a
ce. Was this what you intended when you
tes like Bootleg Mining?
mt to tell you about two incidents, dramatic
t one of the coal mines in Pennsylvania
oad that came out from the coal holes that
tad dug in order to get the coal out. The mine’
ed to hire a steam shovel to destroy the road-

I
I

I

INT: So that people couldn't get to the mine?
HG: That’s right. So the miners found out about it
and they met this man driving the steam shovel and
they told him. “Buddy, turn around. You’re not going
to do anything to this road. We know what you’re here
for" And the guy said, “But I have nothing against
you people. It s the only job I can get.” The miners
pulled him off the steam shovel and destroyed it. What
else could they do? So the mining company preferred
charges. The committee of the miners asked the judge,
“Well. Judge, what are you going to do about this?”
He said. “What can I do? You admit you did it.”
When the case was decided, he found the miners guilty,
fined them $10 and took it out of his own pocket
because he too depended on the coal.
Amway, there’s another story which is different but
interesting. One day we came out there and saw the
president of the union. We asked him if he knew some
territory that we hadn’t been to. He thought of one and
he said. “Yes. there’s a very nice area. I think you’ll like
it.” He told us which way to go, and we went along this
terrible road — 15 miles of lousy road. And finally we
came to this area and it was most interesting. We parked
the car and started to take our material out, and then
saw about ten miners with a leader marching toward us.
When they came up, the chairman of the committee
said. “If you don’t get out of here in five minutes, your
car is going to be upside-down.” “Why? What have we
done?.” we said. He said, “You know what you’ve
done.” We tried every way to convince them that we
were their friends. Nothing doing.
So we rode all the way back to see the miners’
president. He thought it was a joke, and we didn't
think it was a joke at all. It was a serious matter. He
gave us his card and he wrote on it, “These people are
O.K.” So we drove back over this lousy road, and
showed the mine leader this card. He said, “We no
longer have confidence in the president. In fact, we

we became members, paid our dues, and we got a card,
and we drove back over this 15 miles. We had to clear
ourselves. That was the most important thing. So, we
saw this guy and we showed him our union cards. We
shook hands all around and we were brothers.
Oh, incidentally, I didn’t tell you why they were so
suspicious of us. A committee was sent to New York to
bargain to sell coal to Burns Brothers, the big company
in New York. And Burns Brothers wanted to buy it, but
at a price unacceptable to the miners. So they couldn't
come to any agreement. Burns Brothers got in touch
with Mayor LaGuardia, and he sent detectives out to the
coal fields to see where the coal came from. If it came
from bootleg mining, it wasn’t allowed to come into the
city. So anyone with a license plate from New York was
suspect.
INT: It was really important for the miners to know
who you were and feel that you were part of their
group.
HG: Sure. Oh, we got invited to a very select
meeting in a small hut once, when they were talking
strategy. They knew we were artists — in fact, we
showed them some of our work while it was going on,
you know. And so they knew that we were spreading the
good news.
INT: So, in some ways, your involvement with, say,
documenting the activities was a way of spreading
knowledge about what was going on with this situation?
HG: Well, we hoped it was it, but that wasn’t all —
the real thing was the drama. For instance, the one I did
of the mine disaster. The interesting thing to me is the
fact that not only are they mourning the loss, but
they’re organizing in the background. They’re discussing
what they’re going to do about it.
It reminds me of the stories that I’ve heard about
the farmers of that period. A story was told that in
Montana there was a farmer who was losing his land
because he couldn’t pay his taxes, and the state was
going to auction it off to the highest bidder. The
farmers in that area got together, because it could
happen to any of them, and they let everybody who was
at that auction know that no one was to bid higher than
the farmer himself on the land. And it was understood,
if they didn’t obey that order, something would happen.
And that’s what happened. The farmer was the only one
that bid. So he got his land back. People stuck together
in those emergencies. Otherwise they lost. I don’t think­
people stick together enough in relation to the things
that happen to them.
INT: So, in a way, in your prints, you were making

suspect that he's caused this trouble we’ve had.”
So we said to this miner, “Look, it may mean
nothing to you, but it means a hell of a lot to us to be
made to feel that we're your enemy. Isn’t there anybody
that you trust to say we’re O.K.?” And he thought,
Well, all right. I’ll give you a last chance. There are
two guys that have a breaker. ’ ’ A breaker is a machine
that breaks coal into different sizes for different uses.
We knew them, so we went back over this lousy 15
miles, and saw these two guys, and they thought it was
“ i°ke, too. Again, we didn't think so. They said,
Look. We have a very simple solution — join up. So

25

�SERIGRAPHS (SILK
1. On the Bea. ■
12 1/2 x 14 -3
The Metropolitan
New York Project. I

’.

2. Fishermen's Luck. i
15 1/8x29 1/4
The Syracuse University Art Collections
3. Nor Rain Nor Snow. c. 1939
10 3/8 x 13 7/8
The Syracuse University Art Collections
4. Drillers. 1939
13 5/8 x 13 1/4
The Syracuse University Art Collections

I

this message your contribution to the situation.
HG: Trying to tell the truth by graphic means, let’s
say. But that wasn't the only thing. I hope it s a good

work of art.
INT: Elizabeth Olds wrote that the social problems
of the Depression and what happened during the New
Deal provided a background for a movement to grow, a
movement of artists which were later called the social
content school. Did artists come together over a certain
kind of subject matter?
HG: There were artist organizations which entered
the political field, you see? It didn’t necessarily have to
do with an, but eventually it would get into the art just
by the nature of things that the organization stood for
and what they wanted the world to be — the American
Artists Congress, for example. And since we were part of
the CIO as a union, we were somewhat influenced bv
the ideals which were projected and growing in relation
to their problems. So we became part of the general
program that the CIO unions had at that time.
INT: And you would support them?
HG: Absolutely.
INT: So, did you find that you were more involved
in political things generally than as an artist?
HG: Certainly. That’s right. Well, that’s one of the
reasons why I left Woodstock. I wanted to get to the
city, where so many exciting things were happening
which were really important.
INT: You were president just during 1936?
HG: For one year.
INT: The ’’219" strike at the Federal An Project
offices occurred while you were president?
HG: Right. Let me tell you about that. The
.ommiuee set up to be in charge of this decided that I
should stat in the office of the union, since 1 had the

authority, being president. Now. I don’t know whaty.vj
heard about it but let me tell you again. The cops beat
up the people mercilessly.
INT: What happened after the arrest?
HG: We got Marcantonio. who was the Congressman
at the time, and really was a people's Congressman.
When the hearing was held, the first thing that
Marcantonio did was to ask a cop. “Do you know who
this man is?.’’ indicating one of the artists. “No. I
don’t know.’’ Didn’t know him from Adam — in other
words, he could have been pulled oft the street. There
was no evidence. The case was dismissed. Now. this is
the important thing: LaGuardia said. “I will neveraga"
allow my police to play this role." It happened at that
time that there was a strike on a ship in the harbor The
National Maritime Union heard about this statement of
LaGuardia’s, and thev had their men go on the ship and
sit down, instead of marching outside in a picket line.
So the ship companv urgentlv asked LaGuardia to do
the same thing for them as he had done against the
artists, and LaGuardia said. You read and heard my
statement, and that’s the wav it is. " The ship company
had to settle the strike, so. indirectly, the artists played*
role.
INT: \\ hat happened to the Artists Union' Did &gt;■
just dissolve?
HG: You cannot have a union unless you have a
common goal. That’s the who'e purpose et it. Once yy
Project was over, the union w.t&gt; over, unie-w they woU”1
turn it into a commercial artist.'' union er comethin.like that.
IN 1: And no one tel: the need to keep &lt;?rgatuZCu’._
HG: Well, we h.;.i an organization alter that. ■ had no basis Selt employment provides no basis

5. Mine Disaster, c. 1939
13 5/8 x 13 1/4
The Syracuse Universitv An Collections

6. The Strike is Won, 1940
12 1/4 x 16 3/4
Ellen Sragow Gallery

7. Change of Shift, c. 1940
16 3/4 x 20 3/8
The Syracuse University Art Collections
8. Winter on the Creek. 1940
12 x 14 1/8
Print Collection. The New York Public Libr
Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations
9. Mending the Nets. 1941
14 5/8 x 22 3/8
The Syracuse University Art Collections

10. Going to Work. 1941
15 1/4 x 20 1/4
The Syracuse University Art Collections
11. Steel Town Panorama. 1941
16 5/16 x 21 1/2
Print Collection. The New York Public Lib
Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations

12. a.-L: Twelve progressive proofs tor Long Isi
Ducks, c. 1941
12 3/4 x 16 3/4. each proof
Collection of the artist

m.: Lang Island Ducks, c. 1941
12 3/4 x 16 3/4
Collection of the artist
13. Damn The Torpedo. 1942
12 1/4 x 18 1/4
The Syracuse University An Collections

�Catalogue of the Exhibition
—s are in inches; height precedes width.
AH dimensions
SERIGRAPHS (SILKSCREENS)

COLOR LITHOGRAPHS
! on the Reach, 1939
' !2 1/2 x 14 3/8
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of WPA
New York Project, 1943

14. Bootleg Mining, 1937
14 x 18 1/8
The Syracuse University Art Collections

7 Fishermen’s Luck. 1939
15 1/8 x 20 1/4
The Syracuse University Art Collections

15. Pittsburgh at Night, c 1937
12 7/8 x 19
The Metropolitan IMuseum of Art,.......................
Gift of WPA
New York Project, 1943

3. Nor Rain Nor Snow, c. 1939
10 3/8 x 13 7/8
The Syracuse University An Collections

4. Drillers, 1939
13 5/8 x 13 1/4
The Syracuse University Art Collections

being president. Now. I don’t know’ what you
&gt;out it but let me tell you again. The cops beat
&gt;eople mercilessly.
What happened after the arrest?
We got Marcantonio. who was the Congressman
me. and really was a people’s Congressman,
le hearing was held, the first thing that
jnio did was to ask a cop. "Do you know who
1 is?,’’ indicating one of the artists. “No. I
iow.” Didn’t know him from Adam — in other
.e could have been pulled off the street. There
■vidence. The case was dismissed. Now, this is
irtant thing: LaGuardia said. "I will never again
r police to play this role." It happened at that
t there was a strike on a ship in the harbor. The
Maritime Union heard about this statement of
ia’s, and they had their men go on the ship and
. instead of marching outside in a picket line,
tip company urgently asked LaGuardia to do
■ thing for them as he had done against the
nd LaGuardia said, "You read and heard my
it, and that’s the wav it is.” The ship company
:ttle the strike, so, indirectly, the artists played a
\X har happened to the Artists Union? Did it
jive?
You cannot have a union unless you have a
i goal. That s the whole purpose of ir. Once the
vas over, the union was over; unless they would
nto a commercial artists' union or something

: And no one felt the need to keep organized?
'Xeu. we had an organization after that, but it
basts. Self-employment provides no basis.

5. Mine Disaster, c. 1939
13 5/8x13 1/4
The Syracuse University An Collections
6. The Strike is Won, 1940
12 1/4 x 16 3/4
Ellen Sragow Gallery
7. Change ofShift, c. 1940
16 3/4 x 20 3/8
The Syracuse University Art Collections

S. Winter on the Creek, 1940
12x14 1/8
Print Collection, The New York Public Library,
Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations

9. Mending the Nets, 1941
14 5/8 x 22 3/8
The Syracuse University Art Collections

16. Makers of Steel, 1937
13 1/16 x 19 7/16
Print Collection, The New York Public Library,
Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations

LITHOGRAPHS
17. Coal Mine Country, c. 1935
14 1/2 x 19 1/2
Ellen Sragow Gallery

18. Coal Pickers, 1936
10 x 13 7/8
The Syracuse University Art Collections
19. Zinc Plant, 1937
13 x 16
Print Collection, The New York Public Library,
Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations
20. Street Near a Steel Mill, Y)S~t
13 3/8 x 18 1/4
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of WPA
New York Project, 1943

10. Going to Work, 1941
15 1/4 x 20 1/4
The Syracuse University An Collections

21. Three Lane Traffic, 1937
10 1/2 x 14
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of WPA
New York Project, 1943

11. Steel Town Panorama, 1941
16 5/16x21 1/2
Print Collection, The New York Public Library,
Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations

22. Liberty, 1941
13 x 19 3/8
The Syracuse University An Collections

IT a.-].; Twelve progressive proofs for Long Island
Ducks, c. 1941
12 3/4 x 16 3/4, each proof
Collection of the artist
m.: Long Island Ducks, c. 1941
12 3/4 x 16 3/4
Collection of rhe artist

Damn The Torpedo, 1942
12 1/4 x 18 1/4
rhe Syracuse University Art Collections

GOUACHES
23. Mending the Nets, 1941
14 3/8x22
The Syracuse University Art Collections
24. Nor Rain Nor Snow, c. 1939
10 3/8 x 13 7/8
The Syracuse University Art Collections

�documentary items
DRAWINGS
PUBLICATIONS AND EXHIBITION CATALOG’.,.

25. Ruins- of the Quarry at Kingston. 1930
pastel on paper
19 x 23 3/4
Ellen Sragow Gallery
26. Study for Coal Mine Country, c. 1935
ink wash and pencil on paper
13 7/8 x 16 5/8
Ellen Sragow Gallery

27. Study for Bootleg Mining, 1936
charcoal and pencil on paper
10 3/4 x 14
Ellen Sragow Gallery

2. Sketch and mock-up of exhibition catalogue- Harn
Gottlieb’s One-Man Silkscreen Exhibition, ACA
Gallery, New York, 1940
Harry Gottlieb, New York
PHOTOGRAPHS

28. Steel Mill Operation, 1936
pencil and charcoal on paper
10 3/4 x 14
Ellen Sragow Gallery

3. Photograph of silkscreen demonstration at New York
World’s Fair
August 11, 1940
Miscellaneous Mss: McCausland Papers
Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution
photo: Friedmacher

29. Study for Drillers, c. 1939
pencil and ink on paper
15 x 11 1/2
Ellen Sragow Gallery
30. Study for The Strike Is Won,
pencil on paper
11 1/4 x 17 1/2
Collection of the artist

1. a-b. Anthony Velonis, Technical Problems of th,
Artists: Technique of the Silk Screen Process, V. [
and Vol. II: Methods Other Than Profilm Feder,;
Art Project, New York, 1938
Harry Gottlieb, New York

1940

4. Photograph of silkscreen demonstration at New York
World’s Fair
August 11, 1940
Miscellaneous Mss: McCausland Papers
Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution
photo: Friedmacher
5. Photograph of silkscreen demonstration at New York
World's Fair
August 11, 1940
Miscellaneous Mss: McCausland Papers
Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution
photo: Friedmacher

6. Photograph of Harry Gottlieb printing Mending the
Nets
Harry Gottlieb Papers
Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution

MAGAZINES
7. Art Front, July-August, 1936. ill. Low Tide by
Gottlieb
Department of Special Collections and Archives,
Rutgers University Libraries

8. Art Front, January 1937. cover photo of “219"
strike
Department of Special Collections and Archives.
Rutgers University Libraries
9. Art Front Organizer, June 18, 193", article by
Gottlieb, The World’s Fair and the Artist."
Harry Gottlieb Papers
An hives ot American An, Smithsonian Institution

I

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Scholastlc

Art fiy6ds
Eastern Pennsylvania Regional Exhibition

Sordoni Art Gallery
Wilkes College
February 19 to March 4,1984

�EASTERN PENNSYLVANIA SCHOLASTIC ART AWARDS

REGIONAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE

RICHARD A. FULLER, Chairman
Associate Professor of

Art

I

Art Education

Wilkes College

IUDITH O'TOOLE
Director, Sordoni Gallery
Wilkes College

NANCY HONTZ
Art lnstructor
Dallas Junior High School

IILL EVANS SAPORITO
Art lnstructor

W. CURTIS MONTZ
Coordinator, Public Relations
Boscov's, The Boston Store

THOMAS ]ACOBS
Manager
Boscov's, The Boston Store

ALBERT SARKAS

Coughlin High School

Art Education
Hazleton Area School Dist.

SANDRA LEIBMAN

]OHANNA ROBBINS

Supensisor of

Art lnstructor
Wyoming Valley West Middle School

Art Instructor
Pittston Area Junior High School

BEVERLY GLENNON
Art Instructor

BETSY MORRIS
Art lnstructor

Seton Catholic High School

Wyoming Seminary

GERARD ZEZZA
Superoisor of

Art Education

MAXINE WATTER-SILVA
Artist-Consultant

Wyoming Area Schools

IN APPRECIATION: The Eastern Pennsylvania Scholastic Art Regional Advisory Committee and Boscov's, The Boston Store, wish to thank Wilkes College for hosting the 1984
Art Awards Program. Among the many individuals who helped make this year's exhibition a reality, a special vote of appreciation to Iudith O'Toole, Director of the Sordoni Art
Gallery.

THIS YEAR is the 57th year that Scholastic Magazines,lnc., with the cooperation of
civic-minded sponsors, is conducting an art awards program for the high school students
of America. With its aim of encouraging student achievement in creative art at an age
when encouragement is important, the project has started many worthy students on their
way toward advanced study and careers in the art field.

�BOSCOV'S, THE BOSTON STORE, celebrates its fourth anniversary year of
Scholastic Art Awards regional sponsorship in 1984. Central Pennsylvania's largest
department store, Boscov's, The Boston Store, joins in a long history of Boscov's community involvement and concern for the youth of our region.
REGIONAL HONORS in the Eastern Pennsylvania Scholastic Art Awards include the
Certificate of Merit, for honorable mention, and the gold achievement key, for work
deserving extra commendation. All the pieces shown in the Regional Exhibition have been
awarded the Certificate of Merit. Gold Key and finalist selections were made by the
regional jury.

NATIONAL HONORS include special prizes and gold medals, mounted on plaques
and engraved and given in all art classifications. In addition, seniors who have submitted
portfolios of their best work are eligible to win scholarships to art schools, colleges, and
universities throughout the country. Regional juries choose individual pieces and senior
portfolios to go on to the national competition.
SPECIAL AWARDS, given for outstanding achievement in the Eastern Pennsylvania
Regional Exhibition, are listed below.

HALLMARK HONOR PRIZE * a $100 purchase prize for the best dratoing or painting,
sponsored by Hallmark Cards, lncorporated. Selected by the national judges from fit:e
pieces nominated by the regional iury.
KODAK MEDALLION OF EXCELLENCE
- a gold medallion for the best photograph,
sponsored by Eastman Kodak Company. Selected by the national judges from fit:e photographs nominated by the regional iury.
WYOMING VALLEY ART LEAGUE AWARDS
- four cash awards, sponsored by the
Wyoming Valley Art League, and presented for achieoement in dratoing and painting.
Auards selected by the regional judges.
WILKES COLLEGE ART DEPARTMENT AWARDS
- setseral cash atoards, sponsored
by the art department, gioen for meritorious achieoement in any of the thirteen classifications. Awards selected by the Wilkes Art Faculty,
LLEWELLYN &amp; McKANE AWARD
- an auard of $ZS for achieoement in the graphic
design classification, sponsored by Lleuellyn &amp; McKane lnc., manufacturers of fine printing. Auard selected by the regional iudges.
KEN POLLOCK AWARD
- an engralred sterling siloer medallion atoard for outstanding
ability demonstrated in the jeuelry classification. Sponsored by Frank Clark, lncorporated. Atoard selected by regional iudges.

DOROTHY BRACE BARBER MEMORIAL WATERCOLOR AWARDS - four cash
autards of $25 each, sponsored by Sue Hand's lmagery and presented for achieoement in
usatercolors. Auards selected by the regional iudges.
MARQUIS AWARDS FOR ARTISTIC MERIT
- four gift certificates for the best oil and
acrylic painting for a Senior High School and ]unior High School student. Atoards
selected by regional judges.
REGIONAL SPONSORS AWARD

-

$25

uorth of art or photography supplies from

Boscoo's, The Boston Store, Presented to the student utho submits the most outstanding
portfolio. Azoard selected by regional iudges.

SWEET BASIL GRAPHICS AWARD
- a $25 autard for a greeting card design, sponsored by Sueet Basil Graphics. Atoard selected by regional iudges.

�SONDOXI ABT OALLERY
. Wilkes College

150 South River Streel

.

Wilkes-Batre, Pennsylvania 18766

GALLERY HOURS:
Sunday through Friday
1-5 p.m.
Saturday
10 a.m.-5 p.m.

Thursday evenings until 9

COVER
Counterclockuise from top

ight

Oil Painting by
Thomre Mayshock
Hazleton High School

Photograph by

Mark Vi*otski
Coughlin High School

Oil Painting by
Loi Mreon
Freeland High School

Mixed Media by
Patrizia Boob

Dallre lunior High

Watercolor by

Chis

Boyes

Wyoming Seminary Prep

�</text>
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Sordoni Art Gailery

HtI"i,*?'r'i,ti,, wlr",-eu,,e, pA 18766
7t7-824-465t

join us for an opening reception
Sunday, March 23
2:30 - 4:30 p.m.

Please

The Art of Satire:
Artists as Caricaturists and Cartoonists
From Delacroix to Picasso

This exhibition was organized by the Pratt
Graphics Center, New York City, and is sponsored
in \,1/ilkes-Barre by a grant given in honor of Dr.
Roy E. Morgan. An illustrated catalog will
accompany this exhibition.

On the verso: Stuart Davis, May Day, Art Front, May, 1935

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Lfj

BOB HAGGARD PAINTINGS

Sordoni Art Gallery Wilkes College
SORD GA
ND237
H185A4
1984

�Bob Haggart: Paintings

Sordoni Art Gallery
Wilkes College
Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania
March 11 through April 8, 1984

Front Cover Photo:
Days of Wine and Roses, 1983
Oil on board 12 x 16

Copyright © 1984
Sordoni Art Gallery, Wilkes College
All rights reserved.

i

�IntrodJ

Others who have lent their assistance to this program
are: Jerome Campbell, Bob Wilber, Al Groh, and my
father, Chadwick Hansen, who first explained “The Big
Moise from Winnetka.”

To the artist, Bob Haggart, and to his wife, Windy, we
extend our gratitude for their enthusiastic help in
organizing this exhibition. A great love is felt by these
two people for all manifestations of the fine arts.
Mr. and Mrs. Andrew J. Sordoni III have expressed
their own love for music and painting through
commitment and support for this exhibition, for which
we are also grateful.

Judith H. Toole
Director

2

The invitation to Bob Haggart for a Celebration of his
Music and Art comes as a result of two happy
circumstances. First, the artist is a world-class musician
and accomplished painter; and, secondly, Wilkes
College is dedicated, in spirit and facility, to presenting
worthwhile, cultural experiences to its students and to
the community at the Dorothy Dickson Darte Center
for the Performing Arts and at the Sordoni Art Gallery.
In one major artist, then, and at one location in
Wilkes-Barre, Bob Haggart and the administration of
Wilkes College through both its Department of Music.
Jerome Campbell, Chairman; and the Sordoni Art
Gallery, Judith O'Toole, Director, could come together
in a balanced program of music and art. From his own
comments, students and community alike will learn

3

�Introduction

assistance to this program
/ilber, Al Groh, and my
5 first explained “The Big
Judith H. Toole
Director

The invitation to Bob Haggart for a Celebration of his
Music and Art comes as a result of two happy
circumstances. First, the artist is a world-class musician
and accomplished painter; and, secondly, Wilkes
College is dedicated, in spirit and facility, to presenting
worthwhile, cultural experiences to its students and to
the community at the Dorothy Dickson Darte Center
for the Performing Arts and at the Sordoni Art Gallery.
In one major artist, then, and at one location in
Wilkes-Barre, Bob Haggart and the administration of
Wilkes College through both its Department of Music,
Jerome Campbell, Chairman; and the Sordoni Art
Gallery, Judith O'Toole, Director, could come together
in a balanced program of music and art. From his own
comments, students and community alike will learn

that Haggart uses the same creative impulses and
sensitivities in creating arrangements, compositions
and paintings. Through direct experiences, listeners
and viewers can form their personal impressions of the
message that is contained in each and every Haggart
expression.
We are pleased to present this major talent in his
sixth decade as a performer and to know that the
college and the community will enjoy his music, his
paintings and his friendship.

Andrew J. Sordoni III
Wilkes-Barre,
Pennsyluania
February, 1984

3

�The Music and Paintiil

Recently, I visited the home of a friend who owns one
of my early paintings. When I saw the painting, I got
the same kick that I get when I hear one of my early
arrangements.
When the Sarasota Jazz Festival asked me to bring
some of my paintings to exhibit, my first reaction was
to show things along musical lines. I have many small
still life pictures which do suggest music to me. My
initial thought was to show this relationship by using
song titles to describe the paintings. This idea seemed
to be provocative and often amusing and added another
dimension to the still-life subjects which often have a
very calming effect on the viewer. Sometime the titles
get a laugh, which isn’t all bad.
Bob Haggart

To me, there is a definite parallel between
composing a piece of music and painting a still life.
The play of light in figurative art is very similar to the
play of counterpoint in music.
As one attempts to create these effects of light and
shade, music and painting seem to go hand in hand.
In forming a still life, or in orchestrating a beautiful
piece of music, there is an identical search for good
balance, color, form, and space.
The end results seem to have a similarity as well. The
finished painting will acquire a life of its own, living on,
hopefully, to give pleasure to the viewer. The written
arrangement or newly composed melody will lie
dormant until it is performed by a group of musicians.
Only in performance can it spring to life, bringing
excitement and joy to the listener.
Whether putting notes on a sheet of score paper, or
daubing a loaded brush on a canvas, its the same trip!

At the turn of the century there was a great
discussion among creative people about the inter­
relationship of all the arts. Struggling to break free
from the bonds of representation, painters and
sculptors looked with envy to their counterparts in
music. Here was a medium totally free from the
concrete world of the object. The inherently abstract
quality of a musical composition created a parallel to
the world of reality rather than a dependency on that
world, as in the visual arts, for images with which to
convey their meaning.
The Russian modernist, Wassily Kandinsky, wrote
about the link between music, literature, and the visual
arts in his book, Concerning the Spiritual in Art. As a
child, Kandinsky had been equally fascinated by
painting and by music. He used musical terms such as
melodic and symphonic to describe his own paintings,
which he hoped would, like music, speak to the soul of
a subject rather than simply describe the outer image.
Similarly, Bob Haggart found himself torn between
his two great loves, painting and music, when he had to
choose a career, A student under Kimon Nicolaides at
the Art Student’s League since high school, Haggart
nevertheless chose jazz. This decision was prompted by
his first gainful employment as a bass player for a band
touring the Bahamas.1 Haggart never abandoned his
painting, however, and throughout a busy and
prominent career in music he has still devoted many
hours to his other passion.
Haggart joined the Bob Crosby Big Band, led by a
brother of Bing Crosby, in 1935 and was a member of
the smaller inner circle called the Bobcats. It was
during breaks in their program that Haggart began to
compose on the piano. His first composition was later
recorded by Bing Crosby under the title of "What s
5

4

�The Music and Paintings of Bob Haggart

iend who owns one
e painting, I got
one of my early
sked me to bring
first reaction was
have many small
lusic to me. My
ionship by using
This idea seemed
I and added another
nich often have a
ametime the titles
laggart

At the turn of the century there was a great
discussion among creative people about the inter­
relationship of all the arts. Struggling to break free
from the bonds of representation, painters and
sculptors looked with envy to their counterparts in
music. Here was a medium totally free from the
concrete world of the object. The inherently abstract
quality of a musical composition created a parallel to
the world of reality rather than a dependency on that
world, as in the visual arts, for images with which to
convey their meaning.
The Russian modernist, Wassily Kandinsky, wrote
about the link between music, literature, and the visual
arts in his book, Concerning the Spiritual in Art. As a
child, Kandinsky had been equally fascinated by
painting and by music. He used musical terms such as
melodic and symphonic to describe his own paintings,
which he hoped would, like music, speak to the soul of
a subject rather than simply describe the outer image.
Similarly, Bob Haggart found himself torn between
his two great loves, painting and music, when he had to
choose a career. A student under Kimon Nicolaides at
the Art Student’s League since high school, Haggart
nevertheless chose jazz. This decision was prompted by
his first gainful employment as a bass player for a band
touring the Bahamas.1 Haggart never abandoned his
painting, however, and throughout a busy and
prominent career in music he has still devoted many
hours to his other passion.
Haggart joined the Bob Crosby Big Band, led by a
brother of Bing Crosby, in 1935 and was a member of
the smaller inner circle called the Bobcats. It was
during breaks in their program that Haggart began to
compose on the piano. His first composition was later
recorded by Bing Crosby under the title of “What s

New? and has since become a hit song for Linda
Ronstadt. Haggart is perhaps best known for his “Big
Noise From Winnetka" in which he whistles and picks
the strings of his bass while a drummer plays on the
strings. Another of Haggart’s originals is the wellknown "South Rampart Street Parade."
Haggart has worked with many famous singers
including Perry Como and Frank Sinatra. In 1968
Haggart and trumpeter Yank Lawson organized the
World's Greatest Jazz Band which featured some of the
legendary players in jazz.
Even as Haggart’s reputation as a musician brought
him public notice and fame, he continued, privately, to
paint. Not only during his more quiet winters in San
Miguel, Mexico, but also on the road and while at home
in New York City, Haggart is always at work on a few
paintings. Although he has experimented with a variety
of techniques, such as the post-impressionist squares of
color in Provence and the Cezanne inspired Take Five,
Haggart has achieved a distinctive style marked by
strong, well-structured compositions and a brilliant use
of color.
The two art forms, music and painting, are further
united when he titles his pictures after a musical
composition. More easily adapted to still-life than to
landscape, some titles include: Take Five, Stealing
Apples, Apple Honey. Horse's Tail Blues, and Melon
Time in Dixie Land. Not restricting himself to jazz tunes,
Haggart also names his images after classical music —
Love for Three Oranges, Prokofiev, and Pop — Days of
Wine and Roses (by Henry Mancini).
Haggart’s paintings have long been admired. His
works are in numerous private collections in this
country, Mexico, and Canada. However, the priorities of
his musical career have not allowed him the time to
5

�■M

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■■Ml

Checklist of the I

I
organize and exhibit his paintings. This exhibition is
the first significant opportunity to view over forty of his
works in one gallery.
Although Haggart's images are more realistic in
nature than those of Kandisky, they are similarly
interpretations of the visual world. Heightened color,
unusual perspective and refined shapes draw the
images away from a specific time and place and make
them open to fresh examination and interpretation as in
a piece of music.

Rarh&lt;T than rnir.ir. b.-ing :
painting, perhaps for Hoggart, pahitt.-.g
to understand music.

All dirnt-n . on ,

.b1

&gt;n inc

The New York Paintings

Judith H. O’Toole
Direr lor

I. Variations
1976

■1

The. European Paintin;

I W ///; i/j, •

10 Proierr c 1969

Oil on canvas, 24 i

Oil on canvas, ’&gt;() • 40
I Th.-, and other biographical cdarrmr &gt; .. ..
by Mary Lm Hester for The M, .e-.-.i;.;.: pj., , J......

•'”‘3 f&gt;&gt; rin

193 Ij

|h

?. Koi

1 I. View of Morttrnjrtn
Bae, 1967
Oil on canvas, 16

7,

"’ll T.l-flld,

1968

Oil on &lt; .inv.r.,

height prec edes width. AV

1 x 27

12 Cite Moder nc. 19f
Oil on canvas, 25

3. Tii’iif Yoik Inlerioi. 1970
&lt; III on &lt; anva... .‘A &gt;. 14

Collection Mrs. Rota-it H .in

4. Th-ui York Interior.
II. 1970
Oil on canva 24 x 30

13. (.b- k Tower in U9
1982
Oil on canvas boa

5. I ii-.l Ruif'r, 'jii.’fri-.!. ;/&lt;•
1972
Oil on canva ., 23 z 26

14. &lt; I'j'k Tower tn A'
1982
Oil on canvas boa

6. r.rj'.l Rioi-r I ookinrj

c

Trihoro

1972
Oil on canvas, 28 x 24

7. Kooseue/t Island, 1969
Oil on canvas, 16 x 24
8. Churr h on 42nd Streel, 1983

Oil on canvas, 16 x 20
9. Sunday Morning on 43rd Street,
1983
Oil on canvas, 16 z 12

15. Ctor 1 Touerir ?/
1982
Oil on canvas bos

The Mexican Paintinj

16. /gfesij Atotorui- s,
or. ' i- _
i 7. DllSpWe, :a !.• :■_ :4

Rain/. 1983
Oi: or. canvas 20

�Checklist of the Exhibition

: being a way to better understand
r Haggart, painting is a better way
Judith H. O’Toole
Director

hical information was provided by an article
The Mississippi Rag (December 1983).

All dimensions in inches; height precedes width. All works for sale unless otherwise indicated.

The New York Paintings

1. Variations on a VW Theme,
1976
Oil on canvas, 30 x 40
2. Rooseuelt Island, East Riuer,
1968
Oil on canvas, 21 x 27

3. New York Interior, 1970
Oil on canvas, 24 x 34
Collection Mrs. Robert Haggart
4. New York Interior, No. Il, 1970
Oil on canvas, 24 x 30
5. East River, Queensboro Bridge,
1972
Oil on canvas, 23 x 26

6. East Riuer Looking at Triboro,
1972
Oil on canvas, 28 x 24
7. Rooseuelt Island, 1969
Oil on canvas, 16 x 24
8. Church on 42nd Street, 1983
Oil on canvas, 16 x 20
9. Sunday Morning on 43rd Street,
1983
Oil on canvas, 16 x 12

The European Paintings
10. Provence, 1969
Oil on canvas, 24 x 36
11. View of Montmartre, Rue de
Bac, 1967
Oil on canvas, 16 x 14

12. Cite Moderne, 1967
Oil on canvas, 25 x 20
13. Clock Tower in Waiblingen, I,
1982
Oil on canvas board, 10x8

14. Clock Tower in Waiblingen, II,
1982
Oil on canvas board, 10x8
15. Clock Tower in Waiblingen, III,
1982
Oil on canvas board, 10x8

18. Las Casas de Atotonilco, 1983
Oil on canvas, 16 x 20
19. Capilla Vieja, Old Chapel, 1983
Oil on canvas, 20 x 16

20. Vista de la Aldea, (View from
our house), 1981
Oil on canvas, 24 x 24

21. Atardecer de San Miguel, (San
Miguel Sunset), 1977
Acrylic on canvas, 18 x 22
22. Templo de San Francisco, 1977
Acrylic on canvas, 18x14
23. Las Ninas Tristes, 1982
Oil on canvas, 20 x 24

24. Calle de San Miguel, 1981
Oil on canvas, 20 x 16

The Mexican Paintings

25. La Poerta de la Hacienda, 1979
Oil on canvas, 16 x 20

16. Iglesia Atotonilco, 1983
Acrylic on canvas, 22 x 18

26. La Samaritana, 1982
Oil on canvas, 24 x 16

17. Duspues la Lluuia, (After the
Rain), 1983
Oil on canvas, 20 x 24

27. Parque Juarez (French Park),
1978-79
Acrylic on canvas, 30 x 40
Collection Mr. and Mrs . Henry
Haegg

�The Still-Lifes

34. Baby Face, 1983
Oil on board, 14x18

28. Composition for Brass, 1975
Oil on canvas, 29 x 26
29. Tangerine, 1982
Oil on canvas, 12x16
30. Take Flue, 1975
Oil on canvas, 14x18
31. The Old Master Painter, 1981
Oil on canvas, 12x16
32. Stealing Apples, 1981
Oil on board, 8x10
33. Strange Fruit, 1982
Oil on canvas, 14x18

35. Rosey Apples, 1983
Oil on board, 14x18

36. Loue for Three Oranges,
Prokofiev, 1983
Oil on board, 14 x 18
37. Red Onion Blues, 1982
Oil on board, 14 x 18
38. Tea for Two, 1982
Oil on board, 14 x 18
39. Apple Honey, 1982
Oil on board, 12 x 16
40. Days of Wine and Roses, 1983
Oil on board, 12 x 16

41. Life is Just a Bowl of Cherries,
1983
Oil on board, 12 x 16
42. A Tisket A Tasket, A Little
Yellow Basket, 1982
Oil on board, 16 x 20

43. Melon Time in Dixie Land, 1983
Oil on board, 16 x 20
44. Red Grapes, 1983
Oil on board, 14 x 18

^983^ ‘n

^emon and Bme,

Oil on board, 14 x 18
46. Horse's Tail Blues, 1983
Oil on board, 14 x 18

�t a Bowl of Cherries,
ird, 12 x 16

A Tasket, A Little
sket, 1982
ird, 16 x 20
e in Dixie Land, 1983
ird, 16 x 20
■s, 1983
ird, 14x18

ny Lemon and Lime,
ird, 14 x 18
il Blues, 1983
rd, 14 x 18

11
16. Iglesia Atotonilco, 1983
Acrylic on canvas, 22 x 18

����i

I
i
I■

-

.s
1933
0.1 o' board. 14 x 18

13

����1D0017B43B

HUKES COLLEGE LIBRARY

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                <text>Elizabeth Marray</text>
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                <text>Larry Rivers</text>
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                <text>Joel Shapiro</text>
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                <text>Lizbeth Marano</text>
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                  <text>The Sordoni Art Gallery Exhibition Programs, 1973-present </text>
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                  <text>Exhibition programs created by the Sordoni Art Gallery from 1973 to the present. &#13;
&#13;
Digitized by Wilkes University Archives interns, Zachary Mendoza and Sophia Kruspha. </text>
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                  <text>Wilkes University retains copyright of these exhibition programs. </text>
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                <text>1984 June 24 Two from Wilkes-Barre  </text>
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                <text>John Ramsey</text>
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                <text>John Ramsey and Betsy Fulton are both Wilkes-Barre natives whose contributions to the art world are immense in and of themselves. Ramsey, a painter, and Fulton, a printmaker have affected their collective fields vastly.</text>
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